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    <title>Cosmonaut</title>
    <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org</link>
    <description>exploring the digital universe</description>
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      <title>Cosmonaut</title>
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      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org</link>
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      <title>Twitter’s whistleblower problem vs. Elon Musk’s commitment to walk away from his $44bn Twitter deal</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/twitters-whistleblower-problem-vs-elon-musks-commitment-to-walk-away-from-his-44bn-twitter-deal</link>
      <description>Elon Musk points at Twitter's cybersecurity vulnerabilities to cancel $44 bn buyout-deal.</description>
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           DATA POLITICS
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           Twitter’s whistleblower problem &amp;amp; Elon Musk
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           Elon Musk points at Twitter's cybersecurity vulnerabilities to cancel $44 bn buyout-deal.
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           Kamayani
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           September 21, 2022
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           Elon Musk has cited whistleblower allegations of widespread negligence on cybersecurity and privacy practices as a justification for
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           terminating the merger agreement
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            of the Twitter buyout, as he further soughts to delay the trial at the Delaware court. In addition to his allegation against Twitter lying about bots, Musk aims to capitalize on these negotiations by using evidence of misdeeds presented by Peiter Zatko, the former head of security at Twitter, and has
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           issued a subpoena
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            to that effect to make his case stronger. This puts Zatko’s complaints at the center of the legal battle Musk has raged against Twitter after he attempted to buy the company and then backed out of the deal altogether. 
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            Zatko’s complaints are regarding the company's continued lax attitude towards
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           cybersecurity practices and user privacy protection
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            . The beginnings can be traced back to the summer hack of 2020 when a 17 year old gained access to several high profile prominent accounts and exposed the platform's vulnerability to data breaches, disinformation, &amp;amp; political &amp;amp; foreign interference thereby compromising user safety. Twitter decided to take action to fix its sloppy security practices by hiring Peiter Zatko, a
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           legend in cybersecurity
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            in 2020. In January 2022, Zatko was dismissed due to
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           ‘poor performance &amp;amp; inefficient leadership
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           ’ and leaked an 84 page document to the press and the government alleging that Twitter has persistently failed to fix the very problem he was hired for, and that the company lacks both the motivation &amp;amp; ability to protect users from harmful security breaches.
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           In critiquing the very architecture of the company, Zatko argues that Twitter is extremely sloppy in its basic cybersecurity practices. Too many employees have access to critical core systems that harbor troves of sensitive user data. Users do not have updated security patches and servers continue to operate on obsolete and vulnerable software. Consequently,  information is rarely stored properly and becomes vulnerable to cyber attacks. 
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            These problems are not new and were addressed in the
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           2011 FTC order
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            that required the company to implement security protocols to protect users, which Twitter allegedly grossly failed to comply with. In doing so, the company may have made 32 million users vulnerable to data privacy &amp;amp; security breaches. It has currently invited
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           scrutiny from both the FTC
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            and
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           EU data protection authorities
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            for misleading institutions, investors, and regulatory bodies. If found guilty, Twitter can expect imposition of heavy fines for violating orders. 
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            Amongst his more serious allegations is that Twitter has been weaponised by foreign intelligence. Twitter knowingly
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           employed Indian government agents
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            on its payroll, and with the gaping deficiencies in its security ecosystem, government actors having easy access to user data could be misused to target minorities, rival institutions and activists amongst others. Twitter executives knew about previous instances of
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           foreign infiltration
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           , however failed to  take  action against it. Twitter challenged this, stating that allegations are overstated and at least in the case of India, the company operates in accordance with the law. 
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            Zatko’s complaints also confirm that the
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           discourse on mDAUs
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            and the number of bots on the platform hinges on slippery grounds and the company executives are wary to disclose true figures due to fears of  ‘negative valuation.’ So far,
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           Twitter has refuted most claims
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            asserting that a false narrative without proper context is being painted regarding its platform safety systems.. It has defended its security defenses and bot numbers and asserted that Musk has no right to exit from the deal. 
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            For Musk, these claims may bolster his accusations as he subpoenas Zatko and attempts to break away from the deal. However, they may also reflect improper due diligence on his part before committing to the deal publicly. Regardless of whether the deal is a success for either party, the complaints point to a much larger security &amp;amp; corporate governance issue at Twitter, and Musk expresses little desire to revamp the business leaving a question mark on what that means for the company’s platform integrity .
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           Kamayani
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            has recently graduated with a Masters in International Affairs &amp;amp; Public Policy from the National University of Singapore. She is currently helping build a tech start up and has previously worked in the non profit industry on diverse social impact projects in the areas of gender, healthcare, nutrition, and education.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/25144-twitter-logo.gif" length="296198" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 15:16:50 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/twitters-whistleblower-problem-vs-elon-musks-commitment-to-walk-away-from-his-44bn-twitter-deal</guid>
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      <title>Only in the Shadows</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/only-in-the-shadows</link>
      <description>Sex work is work…unless it’s happening online?</description>
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           SEX WORK ONLINE
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           Only in the Shadows
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           Sex work is work…unless it’s happening online?
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           Remy Hellstern
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           September 21, 2022
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            Many of us heard about the rise of platforms like OnlyFans, among others in the early days of 2020.
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           Alongside
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            the global health pandemic, Covid-19 had massive impacts on the economy with the International Monetary Fund estimating the median global GDP fell by 3.9% from 2019-2020. Individuals found themselves without a job or precariously employed and turned to sites like OnlyFans as a way to make money from home.
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           OnlyFans
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            saw their user base grow from 2 million in 2016 to 20 million during the pandemic.
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            Working online offers a safer alternative to engaging in sex work outdoors.
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           According
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            to a systemic review of individuals engaging in sex work in San Francisco, 82% of adults experienced physical assault and 68% had been raped while working.
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           When
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            sex workers are client-seeking outdoors and in-person, the screening process of potential clients is more rushed and leaves them more vulnerable to violence.
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           Engaging in this work from behind a screen offers a level of safety and separation between the creator and the client. Simultaneously online platforms can act as a medium for younger sex workers and adult entertainers to connect and learn from more veteran individuals. Often, this takes place on platforms outside of OnlyFans, like TikTok and Instagram. However, these companies, like Meta (owner of Instagram), have recently come under fire for shadowbanning sex workers and adult entertainers on their platforms.
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           The
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            Economist defines shadowbanning as the ability to reduce the ways users gain attention online without blocking the individual’s ability to post or use the network. These users are not told that they have been banned and can continue to receive new messages and followers. However, their username may become unsearchable or their replies and messages may become suppressed. Often, individuals have only discovered this happened because there is a dip in engagement with their content or they are informed of their disappearance on the platform.
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            Many sex workers have claimed that they have been shadowbanned by online platforms like Meta and argue that this has impacted their livelihood.
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           This
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            has real-world consequences as individuals can go from making $40-$60 USD per day to about $1 a day after getting shadowbanned. Sex workers and adult entertainers rely on platforms like Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok to direct customers to their adult entertainment platforms like OnlyFans.
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           However
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           , many of these online platforms claim that there is no evidence of shadowbanning on their respective sites.
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            Recently, this tension between online platforms and adult entertainers has come to a head with three individuals suing Meta for taking bribes from OnlyFans to blacklist their content.
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           The
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            three plaintiffs argue that OnlyFans colluded with Meta to orchestrate a scheme to blacklist creators associated with OnlyFans competitors, like Fancentro.
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           Subsequently
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            , Fancentro also filed a lawsuit against OnlyFans and its owner.
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           The
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            plaintiffs claim that Meta tagged or assigned unique digital fingerprints to their images and shared these with an industry-wide database entitled, “Dangerous Individuals and Organizations”. This database is intended to flag and remove content produced by dangerous individuals or groups, including terrorist organizations, as a means to reduce the amount of violent content found on these platforms.  However, the plaintiffs argue that their content was flagged under the same system despite having no connections to terrorist or violent organizations.
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           As
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            a result of this designation on these platforms, the plaintiffs are essentially shadowbanned from these websites. 
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            Shadowbanning is a policy failure that often recreates the same institutionalized violence that sex workers experience daily. Often, these policies are based on arbitrary decisions made by individual content moderators or algorithms based on gender, race, and class. There needs to be careful consideration about the policies being implemented to ensure correct judgments are being made. One way to ensure this is to adopt and implement evidence-based frameworks like Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence, Abuse, and Harassment (TFGBV).
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           According
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            to the Women’s Legal Education and Action Fund, TFGBV: 
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           “refers to a spectrum of activities and behaviours that involve technology as a central aspect of perpetuating violent, abuse, or harassement against (both cis and trans) women and girls. This term also captures those who hold intersecting marginalized identities such as 2SLGBTQQIA, Black, Indigenous, and racialized women, women with disabilities, and women who are socioeconomically disadvantaged.”
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            By implementing this policy framework, in conjunction with collaborations from the community groups like
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           Assembly Four
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            ,
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           Hacking // Hustling
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            ,
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           Global Network of Sex Work Projects
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            , and
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           Sex Workers Education &amp;amp; Advocacy Taskforce
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            , content moderation policies can provide more nuanced perspective that respects the intersecting identities of sex workers. As the platforms become a more present aspect of everyday life, these decisions impact the lives of people both on and offline. There needs to be engagement with the community of adult entertainers and sex workers to discuss informed policy options and guidelines that are established with the consultation of the community most impacted by the regulatory decision.
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           Remy Hellstern
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            (she/her) holds a Master’s in Public Policy and Global Affairs from the University of British Columbia, where she focused her research on social change, digital human rights, and the development of equitable policy to support grassroots organizations. She simultaneously earned a graduate-level certification in Information Systems Management from the School of Information at UBC. Her research focuses on the role of emerging technologies in supporting grassroots movements and digital human rights.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 15:01:38 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/only-in-the-shadows</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The UNFCCC Goes Digital-ish</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-unfccc-goes-digital-ish</link>
      <description>Since the signing of the landmark United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)  in 1992 there have been sporadic meetings to discuss amendments and changes to the global response to Climate Change. These COPs have become rather large and important diplomatic events, bringing together heads of state from around the globe. Last year, however, several countries including  two of the five largest emitters of CO2 have decided to forgo the usual private jets and closed door meetings for brief virtual meetings instead.</description>
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           CLIMATE POLITICS
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           The UNFCCC Goes Digital-ish
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           Since the signing of the landmark United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)  in 1992 there have been sporadic meetings to discuss amendments and changes to the global response to Climate Change. These COPs have become rather large and important diplomatic events, bringing together heads of state from around the globe. Last year, however, several countries including  two of the five largest emitters of CO2 have decided to forgo the usual private jets and closed door meetings for brief virtual meetings instead.
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           Jeremy Zimmermann
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           September 21, 2022
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           COP 26
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            ﻿
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            Last year’s meeting, COP 26, has already seen the effects of a post-covid world having been
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           postponed an entire year
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            due to the importance of in-person discussions. As a result, COP 26 only began on 31 October 2021 in Glasgow, Scotland, with rather
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           ambitious goals
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           ; to reach net-zero emissions by mid-century, to keep global warming below 1.5 degrees, and  the establishment of an international carbon crediting regime in order to make these goals possible.
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           Noticeable absences
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            overshadowed Sir
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           David Attenborough
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            's opening speech such as, President Xi Jinping and President Vladimir Putin. Meanwhile, PM Fumio Kishida of Japan made
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           last-minute plans
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            to attend for only one day following an outcry of criticism. While all three leaders pledged to attend virtually, there is a clear imbalance between the in-person and virtual presence with the leaders expected to only make a one-off token speech.
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           While those three leaders represent some of the world’s largest emitters, they are not alone in opting for a virtual presence.
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           Numerous leaders
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            cited health concerns including, among others, Pope Francis, Queen Elizabeth, and Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador for not attending. Meanwhile President Erdogan of Turkey and Iranian President Ebraham Raisi did not attend due to safety concerns. The COP represents what will likely become the “new normal” of international affairs, one which dips one foot into the digital realm and the other remains footed in the physical world. A new world of “digital-ish” politics.
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           Consequences of Going Digital-ish
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            The shift to a semi-virtual format has numerous impacts both environmentally and politically. It brings to light the
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           hypocrisy of using private-jets
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            to attend a conference addressing climate change. A single private flight to COP-26 will emit
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           more carbon
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            in one go than the average person does in an entire year. So with many world leaders forgoing private jets for zoom calls they will dramatically reduce their carbon footprint and avoid the hypocritical complaints from protestors.
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            While hypocrisy may be avoided, so too are these world leaders seemingly avoiding direct pressure to take action. Without a doubt, holding sporadic short video conferences is no substitute for the types of intense negotiations that go on at these sorts of international conferences. It seems increasingly likely that China, Japan, and Russia will be able to skate by without needing to make any serious commitments. As a result,
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           none of the world’s major polluters
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            pledged to stop coal-powered plants with Japan being
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           criticized
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            for its continual reliance on coal . For them the digital cloak of the conference allows them to hide without criticism.
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           Clearly going “digital-ish” does not work. While there are certainly benefits to virtual conferences, especially in lower carbon emissions, so long as some people are “in-person” there will be an imbalance in access to information and ability to make an impact. The COP needs to make up its mind on the digital space and make a commitment. Having this half-in half-out approach lets China, Russia, Japan, and others give an air of being present without actually being present for negotiations. 
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           Looking at the Future: Going Fully Digital
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            The recent advances in international videoconferencing expedited by the COVID-19 pandemic demonstrate that intense international negotiations can be done online and  it is
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           argued by some
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            that it should be done online. It is often fantasized by eco-futurists that there will be a miracle invention to solve the climate crisis, and there very well may be someday, yet today seemingly adequate tools already exist to greatly reduce carbon-emissions and inequalities caused by the culture of expensive private jets for environmental and world leaders. Going digital is the tool that can bring climate change mitigation into the future. No more private jets, no more expensive and lavish events, no more bragging about economic off-sets.
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            It is a direction that was anticipated for COP 26 even before the pandemic with one of the main goals being to resolve one of the main
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           unanswered questions
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            from the Paris Accord: how to find a safe and easy way to audit and finance carbon credits internationally. Many had been arguing that
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           the future of carbon auditing
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            should be done online through a
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           blockchain
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            or crypto process to validate credits. While crypto is
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           far from carbon-free
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           , it seemingly presents a solution to one of the major concerns to an international auditing system for carbon. 
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           While the future of the COP remains uncertain, one thing is very evident: a hybrid event does not work. COP 26 was met with high hopes and very little action made possible by major players evading direct pressure by attending virtually at a venue which placed high priority on those who intended in-person.  As anyone who has attended such hybrid events knows, they often don’t work with those not there physically being side-lined. Zoom, Google meet, and a variety of other digital tools can be keys to success for future international agreements, but only if they are utilized in a proper manner that ensures no one is evading accountability.
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           Closing Remarks
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            By embracing a digital approach to diplomacy, world leaders could unlock a whole new set of tools to mitigate carbon emissions and put everyone on an even playing field. As so many organizations have gone digital in the last two years, it is unfortunate to see the hesitancy from one of the world’s organizations which has the most to gain. Instead of having
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           off-sets to make a COP “net-zero,”
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            they could lead a beautiful example of how the future of business can be done. Perhaps our world leaders could learn a lesson from
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/12/climate/greta-thunberg-return-europe.html#:~:text=Thunberg%20doesn't%20fly%20because,Ms." target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Greta Thunberg
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            on how to creatively lead by example. The transition to a net-zero and negative-carbon world is one that will require major changes to our lives and society and one which will undoubtedly coincide with the way our society emerges from this pandemic.
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           Jeremy Zimmerman
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            is an environmental compliance specialist focusing on environmental and safety regulations. He graduated from a dual degree program between Sciences Po Paris and Columbia University where he studied History and Sustainable Development. He is passionate about environmental justice and the way technology can influence environmental regulations.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 14:49:29 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-unfccc-goes-digital-ish</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalgovde,sustainability,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>TikTok-ing on the National Security Defence</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/tiktok-ing-on-the-national-security-defence</link>
      <description>Time is running out on the National Security defence adopted by the Government of India for the prolonged ban on Chinese based Mobile Applications.</description>
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           DATA POLITICS
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           TikTok-ing on the National Security Defence
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           Time is running out on the National Security defence adopted by the Government of India for the prolonged ban on Chinese based Mobile Applications
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           Raushan Tara Jaswal
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           September 21, 2022
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           Introduction
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            The defence of ‘national security’, while admittedly under the domain of the sovereign function, has recently been over-used and exploited at the hands of the present regime, even in open Courts under the garb of ‘secret envelops’. The same reasoning has also been given to prohibit the use of some-what frivolous Chinese based mobile- based applications such as TikTok and PUB-G, for almost one and a half years. Without disregarding the rising tensions between China and India, especially since 2017, from the issue of Doklam to the recent Galwan Valley strife during the coronavirus pandemic, however, the prolonged ban of Chinese mobile-based applications seems unjust, arbitrary, and excessive. India is trying to navigate a precarious tightrope considering the decline of digital exceptionalism combined with raising concerns of privacy, informed consent, and political intervention by social media platforms. While exploring the different reasons for the permanent ‘ban’, this article seeks to analyze the constitutionality and sustainability of such bans in light of the reasons stated by the government of India and hopes to suggest alternatives to avoid
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            ‘over-regulation’
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           and still protect fundamental human rights.
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           Digital Strike Against China
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           Tensions between India and China were at an all-time high during the Galwan Valley dispute last year, which left 20 Indian soldiers dead and has been stated to be the most violent clash between the two nations in 45 years. With the world already harboring anti-China sentiments at the time due to the novel coronavirus outbreak, which could be traced to Wuhan Province in China, this clash triggered a fresh wave of anti-China sentiments in India. These rising tensions were followed by the nation’s overall sentiment to boycott Chinese goods/products. It went to the point of the Government also planning to introduce import restrictions on certain Chinese produced goods.
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            These moves, accompanied by the ban on several Chinese mobile applications, which at a point in time stood at over 250, in the aftermath of the Galwan Valley were a strategic and politically motivated move to curb dependence on
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           ‘anything-Chinese’
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           . This ban was initiated in a statement in June 2020 by ‘
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            the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, Government of India under it’s powers under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act read with the relevant provisions of the Information Technology (Procedure and Safeguards for Blocking of Access of Information by Public) Rules, 2009’
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           and banned 118 mobile apps. Initially, the Ministry of Information and
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            Technology attributed the ban to complaints about theft and surreptitious use of users’ data in an unauthorized manner, and data harvesting especially in locations outside of India. The official statement while recognizing such complaints though, banned the applications on the grounds of being
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            ‘prejudicial to sovereignty and integrity of India, defence and security of the State and public order’,
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            without delving into the reasons on how these apps were prejudicial. In more than a year since the initial ban and reduced border skirmishes, the ban continues under different garbs of
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           ‘protection’
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            . While the anti-China sentiment has reduced over time, the Government has found new reasons to prolong the existing ban on these mobile-based applications. Currently, the renewal of the ban hinges on issues of
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            compliance
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            and
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           privacy
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            . This is also seemingly in consonance with the Information Technology (Procedure and Safeguards for Blocking of Access of Information by Public) Rules, 2009
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            (Rule 8 and 9)
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           after reviewing responses from these companies and found it still lacking on grounds of compliance and privacy. In fact, it was India’s ban that also prompted the United States Government to ban TikTok and WeChat (an action which has now been reversed) on similar grounds of privacy, compliance, and ‘national-security’. While the United States has ‘paused’ this extreme measure, India has extended the same for a few apps, which still includes TikTok and WeChat.
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           Outcomes of the Ban
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            The ban has truly encouraged the Indian digital businesses to be
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            ‘atmanirbhar’
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           (self- reliant) and Indian apps have mushroomed in the past year. Some have found incredible popularity and alternatives of existing platforms – especially Instagram, YouTube have also gained momentum. However, everything is not as rosy as it seems.
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           The impact of this prolonged ban has major ramifications on India’s trade obligations under the World Trade Organization. While the intention of the ban finds its reasoning on national security exceptions under its sovereign functions, it does seem politically driven. Such an overarching ban also threatens to have counter-effects on the economy of both nations. While China (through these applications) has not been able to exploit the Indian market which has been the fastest growing mobile market in the recent years, India has risks to lose out on sizable investments by such companies up to the tune of $1 Billion.
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            The ban also
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            prima facie
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            seems discriminatory, arbitrary, and disproportionate as the reasons recorded in the official statement under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act seem vague. Apart from the vagueness and lack of specificity for
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            each of these
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           apps being banned, as envisaged under Section 69A, this ‘
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            Digital Strike’
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            also seems to target one country (without naming ‘China’) and a politically strategic move in the aftermath of Galwan Valley incident. China, while raising the issue of these curbs at the WTO, argued that India’s measures were selective and discriminatory on ambiguous and far-fetched grounds
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            (especially in light of India’s over-use of the ‘national-security’ defence),
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           and abuses the national security exception.
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           Exploring India’s Defence
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            The arguments put forth by India, while being extremely valid and carrying merit, seem to be arbitrarily discriminating against one country, especially in the wake of its territorial clash with China. This measure also does not have any reasonable classification and the arbitrariness is further perpetuated by vagueness of the statement under Section 69A. In the absence of a new data privacy law after the Puttaswamy judgement, there is a gap in technology-related policies especially on the touchstone of the fundamental right to privacy. However, this gap has seemingly been exploited by the Indian Government to economically hurt Chinese companies, especially in the light of the competition around emerging technologies. Apart from that, the on-going ban, now under privacy concerns, can also seem hypocritical in the face of the Pegasus Scandal and concerns of users’ privacy in the government mandated – Aarogya Setu. The new Information Technology Rules, which tries to regulate social-media platforms, has been challenged on concerns relating to user’s privacy by WhatsApp. Hence, the Government relying on issues pertaining to privacy and compliance can be seen as insincere and
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           mala fide
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           Apart from privacy-related concerns, there is also an argument to be made in respect of freedom of speech and expression. Such restrictions, especially on the internet (and by extension - on such apps) as discussed by the Supreme Court must be for a legitimate aim and must be least restrictive in nature. While the ‘right to the internet’ still doesn’t exist as a fundamentally and constitutionally recognized right, it has been considered an essential ingredient as an instrument to exercise their freedom of speech and expression.
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           Another line of argument, akin to trade restrictions mentioned earlier, can be made on freedom of trade or business, as most of these apps have had to substantially curtail their India-based offices and operation or shut down completely. Arguments can also be ascribed in China’s favour to view this measure as anti-competitive in nature.
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           Time is running out for India
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           Instead of a complete ban, less restrictive measures could have been adopted by the Government of India. Such measures would include requesting company policies on data privacy, data transfer and sharing, data storage by such companies. Recently, Twitter also came under fire in its failure of compliance issues under the new IT Rules. However, Twitter was given ample time to comply and recourse to the domestic Courts to defend its actions, and no complete ban was ever imposed on Twitter. Hence, alternative, and less-restrictive measures such as information sharing, fines, issuing directions, implementing policies to make such applications privacy compliant, are still recourses that should have been adopted by the Government of India.
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            Proceedings in the WTO aside, these Orders can also be challenged on constitutional grounds within domestic courts of India. However, due to anti-China sentiment persisting
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            (albeit not as strong)
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            in India and the lack of political will to reverse such bans, especially considering the recent over-regulation of social-media platforms, a positive outcome seems overly ambitious. While India’s arguments on the privacy of user’s data seem legitimate,
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            (and similar concerns have been raised by other nations on such apps)
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            its selective targeting of Chinese apps seems political, mala fide, unconstitutional and prima facie does not seem to protect and preserve privacy of its people and in the interest of
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           ‘defence and security of the State’.
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            This article was first published on the Indian Journal of Law and Technology -
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           https://www.ijlt.in/post/tiktok-ing-on-the-national-security-defence
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           .
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           Raushan Tara Jaswal
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            is currently a Lecturer at O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat and an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India. She has an LLM from the University of Cambridge as a Commonwealth Shared Cambridge Trust Scholar and the is Lead on the cycle of Digital Human Rights at the Institute.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 14:35:56 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/tiktok-ing-on-the-national-security-defence</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">editorspicks,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Legal Professional Privilege in the Context of Competition Law: Turkey and Ukraine</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/legal-professional-privilege-in-the-context-of-competition-law-turkey-and-ukraine</link>
      <description>Competition authorities’ frequently obtain information and documents which may be  used as evidence in the context of undertakings. Such information could reveal sensitive concerns that are protected under the legal institution known as “attorney-client privilege”. At this point, whether the information arising during the inquiries of the authorities can be protected by this framework of confidentiality has a special importance. As it will be explored in this article, the question on whether the confidentiality principle is violated while competition watchdogs perform on-site inspections, or if such an inspection may entail a disclosure of sensitive information of a client, need to be further discussed. This brief analysis will be framed for the national scopes of both Turkey, and Ukraine.</description>
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           COMPETITION IN DIGITAL MARKETS
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           Legal Professional Privilege in the Context of Competition Law: Turkey and Ukraine
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           Competition authorities’ frequently obtain information and documents which may be  used as evidence in the context of undertakings. Such information could reveal sensitive concerns that are protected under the legal institution known as “attorney-client privilege”. At this point, whether the information arising during the inquiries of the authorities can be protected by this framework of confidentiality has a special importance. As it will be explored in this article, the question on whether the confidentiality principle is violated while competition watchdogs perform on-site inspections, or if such an inspection may entail a disclosure of sensitive information of a client, need to be further discussed. This brief analysis will be framed for the national scopes of both Turkey, and Ukraine. As we are all aware about Ukraine’s current hardship, may this humble piece help us to draw the attention too onto some particularities of its legal system, keeping the hopes for a peaceful outcome for their land and for global democracy.
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           Gözde Diktas
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           September 21, 2022
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           Introduction
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            In the context of antitrust regulation, legal professional privilege has a rather broad extent. It includes both attorney-client and work product privilege, with materials and documents prepared for litigation, most of these resulting from an antitrust investigation. In the United States, legal professional privilege encourages compliance with the law as it creates conditions where attorneys, both in-house and external, can indulge clients to discuss their plans in a way that allows the attorney to provide guidance about what is permitted and what is not. The United States Supreme Court has noted this as follows:
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           “the privilege exists to protect not only the giving of professional advice to those who can act on it but also the giving of information to the lawyer to enable him to give sound and informed advice.”
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            Similar to the US, in the European Union, legal professional privilege is shaped by the EU regulations and the decisions of the Court of Justice of the EU (“the CJEU”)  which are often referred to by Turkish competition law. After first addressing case, AM&amp;amp;S Europe Ltd v European Commission, in the Akzo Nobel Chemicals Ltd and Akcros Chemicals Ltd v. Commission case, the CJEU stated two conditions required to be able to benefit from the legal professional privilege; materials/documents in question of examination (1) shall have been prepared for the purposes of defense, and; (2) shall not cover communication and materials prepared by an in-house lawyer due to the lack of independence of such in-house lawyer resulting from labor relationships with a company even if such in-house lawyer is a member of a national bar (Netherlands bar in this case).
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            With this decision, the CJEU does not only apply the above mentioned criteria to the documents composed within the investigation process, but it
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           also leaves room for the materials and documents composed before initiating administrative procedure
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            (i.e. an investigation) to benefit from the protection of the legal professional privilege. This is a crucial point if we aim to  analyse the Turkish experience and how it differs from the previous picture.
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            Moreover, while the status of, and access to legally privileged materials both in the US and in the EU is covered by special regulations, Turkey and Ukraine have not yet a particular legal framework  directly related to the attorney – client privilege in the competition area. 
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           Turkey
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           Considering the authorizations of the Turkish Competition Authority (hereinafter referred to as the “TCA”) provided by the Turkish Competition Act No. 4054 (“Turkish Competition Act”), the TCA has quite broad authority in obtaining information and collecting documents. When remembering the expanded authority of on-site inspection by the amendment to the Turkish Competition Act in 2020 and the Guidelines on the Examination of Digital Data during On-Site Inspections, attorney-client privilege gains more importance.
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           As per Art 14 of the Turkish Competition Act, the TCA may require any information it deems necessary from all public institutions and organizations, undertakings, associations of undertakings to fulfill its duties and officials of these authorities, undertakings and associations of undertakings are obliged to provide the requested information within the period to be determined by the TCA. According to Art 15 of the Turkish Competition Act, the TCA has the authority to exercise on-site inspections in undertakings or associations of undertakings. It should be noted that there is no further explicit regulation on this matter in which cases this authority can be limited. However, one point of
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           view
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            asserts that different branches of law cannot be considered to be independent from each other and hence main principles in criminal law can be adapted to other fields of law such as competition law. Just like the way that the TCA could not ask and legally obtain information by forcing; it also could not ask for any information by violating attorney-client privilege which the Criminal Procedure Act mentions in Art 130. 
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           When taking a look at the decisions of the TCA, it is noticed that there is a diversity in the TCA’s practices due to the lack of specific legislation on this subject. It is possible to acknowledge that the TCA has adopted the approach that allows benefiting from legal professional privilege not in every case but when the certain conditions exist. In other words, the TCA may disregard the legal professional privilege in certain circumstances. As per the TCA’s practice  (such as Warner Bros numbered 19-04/36-14 and dated 17.01.2019), Enerjisa numbered 16-42/686-314 and dated 06.12.2016) and, Dow Turkey numbered 15-42/690-259 dated 02.12.2015), the principles attributed to the legal professional privilege in Turkish competition law can be outlined as follows:
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           -The documents should concern the right to defence (it is mostly in the form of legal advices so far), and; 
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           -This legal advice should be provided by an independent attorney other than in-house lawyers.
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            In this regard, the Enerjisa brief is worthy of particular attention since the decision of the TCA has been subject to the administration court. According to the TCA’s decision, the legal advice given by an independent attorney on how the Turkish Competition Act can be infringed does not concern a right to defence, and thus the documents cannot take benefit from the legal professional secrecy. In addition to that, the court granted the two criterions of the TCA to follow in the detection of legal professional privilege, it held that such sort of legal advice is towards the purpose of the compliance process of the undertaking, and thus it helps the undertaking avoid an anti-competitive behavior rather than providing with a way to breach the law. Therefore, this legal advice can be considered to concern the right to defence.
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            However, the District Administrative Court revoked the decision of the administrative court on the ground that
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           there was no present case brought into court arising from an investigation by the TCA  when the report of the independent attorney was composed,
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           so the report is not directly concerning the right to defence.
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            Apart from this decision, there are not many cases which were made subject to administrative courts, so it should be known that the topic still remains unclear under Turkish law.
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           In spite of this blurriness in interpreting the context of the right to defence, the TCA keeps following its approach on legal professional privilege in recent cases. In Huawei’s docket, numbered 19-40/670-288 dated 14.11.2019, because the independent attorney is added into only “cc” section in the emails between the in-house lawyer and the employee of the undertaking, the TCA did not consider the information given as legal advice to be between undertaking and an independent attorney, so it did not find adding in “cc” enough to take advantage of attorney-client privilege. In another case in 2020,  Çiçek Sepeti  decision numbered 20-32/405-186 dated 02.07.2020,  the TCA dismissed the demand of giving the legal letters, obtained during on-site inspections, back to the undertaking as it was emerged that the attorney was working under a labor  contract. 
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           Ukraine
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           The criteria of legal professional privilege in antitrust investigations in Ukraine, is also quite vague. Unlike specific procedural rules in the EU and the US, but similar to Turkey, competition law provides the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine (the AMCU) with a huge access to confidential information of undertakings and there is no detailed regulation on this issue provided further. Thus, the AMCU has almost absolute power to demand from companies any documents, or information, including those with restricted access, and in case of failure to provide the information when requested, the undertaking would be fined by the AMCU.
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           On the other hand, legal professional privilege is generally regulated by the Law of Ukraine On Advocacy and Advocatory Practice in Ukraine (“Advocacy Law”)
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           .
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            Nevertheless, it
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           does not include the provisions on the status of privileged data when it is requested from a client within official proceedings. Advocacy Law also remains silent about whether legal privilege may apply to an in-house lawyer if she or he is admitted to the bar. In consequence, there are different interpretations on what the competent authorities can assert in the case of disclosure of information directly from an investigated undertaking. 
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            This normative gap in Ukrainian Law gives rise to a significant legal risk of involuntary disclosure of privileged data especially when considering the fact that only qualified attorneys have the authority for the representation in court. In addition, the trend which grants authority in court representation to qualified advocates relates only to litigation proceedings, thus any other official proceedings are totally out of the scope. That means investigations of the AMCU are also not covered. According to
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           Ukrainian competition specialists
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           , preservation of the legal privilege in AMCU investigations needs special regulation since such investigations involve commercially sensitive matters as well as extensive powers of the AMCU to investigate such as the right to seize documents, servers, and search premises. 
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           Conclusion
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           Whereas the status of legally privileged materials both in the US and in the EU is covered by special regulations, Turkey and Ukraine have not yet a particular regulation directly related to such legal privilege in the competition area. However, unlike the AMCU, the TCA has been evaluating legal professional privilege and following an approach similar to that of the European Commission. Accordingly, in order to deem the information privileged, the attorney must be independent and the information collected must be associated with the right to defence. 
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           It is important to note that, although the CJEU leaves a margin for the materials and documents composed before initiating an investigation to benefit from the protection of the legal professional privilege, Turkish District Administrative Court took the documents composed before an investigation out of the scope of right to defence.  However, it must be remembered there is no precedent on this topic to date.
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           In Ukraine, legal professional privilege is only regulated by the Law of Ukraine On Advocacy and Advocatory Practice in Ukraine, but since Advocacy Law is applicable to only qualified advocates in litigation proceedings, other proceedings such as investigation of the AMCU are regarded as uncovered by the law.
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           Gözde Diktas
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            is a qualified lawyer admitted to the Istanbul Bar Association in Turkey. She experienced an international traineeship on Information Technology Law and Data Privacy (based on GDPR) in Ukraine and currently work in Malta for an international tech company. She studied the US. Common Law during her bachelor’s program, and she has published in the field of competition law and an international report on internet censorship with the endorsement of the Council of Europe. She is a researcher in Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust Research Cycle in the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society.  She is fluent in English and Turkish, and can communicate in French.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/md/pexels/dms3rep/multi/pexels-photo-8478377.jpeg" length="674514" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 14:09:16 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/legal-professional-privilege-in-the-context-of-competition-law-turkey-and-ukraine</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Australia’s ACCC taking on Google’s ad tech business</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/australias-accc-taking-on-googles-ad-tech-business</link>
      <description>This article is a follow-up to “Showdown Down Under?” which was published here last year. As our cycle aims to explore jurisdictions outside the EU and North America, we will further dive into Australian competition law by outlining its basic structure, introducing the relevant actors and give an insight into the pursued policies in the realm of digital markets with a particular focus on “ad tech”.</description>
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           COMPETITION IN DIGITAL MARKETS
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           Australia’s ACCC taking on Google’s ad tech business
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           This article is a follow-up to “
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           Showdown Down Under?
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           ” which was published here last year. As our cycle aims to explore jurisdictions outside the EU and North America, we will further dive into Australian competition law by outlining its basic structure, introducing the relevant actors and give an insight into the pursued policies in the realm of digital markets with a particular focus on “ad tech”.
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           Marco Schmidt
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           September 21, 2022
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           Australian Antitrust Laws
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           Australian antitrust law is governed by the Competition and Consumer Act of 2010 (CCA, former Trade Practices Act of 1974), mainly in its Part IV which deals with restrictive trade practices. Notably, since 2009, cartel conduct can constitute a criminal offense which will be severely punished, including prison sentences. Just recently, for the first time ever, an individual
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           pleaded guilty
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           to criminal cartel conduct. This is naturally accompanied by the common private procedures that can be brought against cartelists. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC, chairman until March 21, 2022: Rod Sims, then to be followed by
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           Gina Cass-Gottlieb
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           ) is in charge of enforcing the CCA, therefore not only dealing with matters of antitrust law but also with consumer protection as the name already indicates. This gives the ACCC a wide range of competences which might make it an “
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           economic super-regulator
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           ” in the eyes of some. Indeed, sector inquiries, like the 2019 Report on Digital Platforms, pave the way for further regulation like the News Media Bargaining Code, which triggered the conflict with Facebook/Google and the Australian government earlier in 2021 (c.f. “
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           Showdown Down Under?
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           ”). In fact, the News Media Bargaining Code was even
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           drafted
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           by the ACCC. As the head-organization of the ACCC is the Australian Treasury (“the Australian Government’s pre-eminent economic
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           adviser
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           ”), the strong influence of the ACCC on Australian legislation is caused by the way the authorities are structured and interlinked. At the same time, the ACCC’s competences are, of course, not limitless as the specialized “
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           Australian Competition Tribunal
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           ” decides upon appeals against decisions of the ACCC, for example when a merger was prohibited.
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           Current focus
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           Unsurprisingly, and just like in many other jurisdictions, Australia will focus further on digital (platform) markets. With the News Media Bargaining Code the country was one of the first to seriously take on the players in Big Tech and the ACCC has no intention of losing its drive. ACCC Chairman Rod Sims considers ex ante regulation of digital platforms in a
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           speech
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           given in October 2021 and refers to all the other ongoing efforts with regards to updating antitrust legislation all around the world, such as the Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act in Europe. One also needs to consider that regulation in Australia will not only focus on questions of competition but also on
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    &lt;a href="http://competitionlawblog.kluwercompetitionlaw.com/2020/11/18/anti-trust-in-a-time-of-global-crisis-an-australia-perspective/#_ftnref23" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           privacy and consumer data
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           , especially since the ACCC is the authority responsible for consumer protection and competition at the same time. This development is also not new per se as, for example, the German Federal Cartel Office (Bundeskartellamt) has brought a
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.internetjustsociety.org/one-way-ticket-to-luxembourg-facebook-v-bundeskartellamt-at-the-ecj" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           case
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           against Facebook considering questions of the protection of consumer’s data. It might raise some eyebrows though how influential the ACCC is in advocating for certain policy goals and, later on, drafting legislation. The ACCC pushes for more regulation and hence for more competences for itself, something that at least needs to be critically looked upon.
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           Ad Tech Inquiry
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           As outlined above, the ACCC has a strong focus on current digital developments and does not refrain from taking on the players in Big Tech like Facebook or Google. In September 2021, the ACCC fired again some serious shots against Google, by publishing its “Digital advertising services inquiry”. In that regard, digital advertising includes the usage of ad tech services which facilitate the buying, selling and delivering of
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.holdingredlich.com/australian-competition-and-consumer-commission-releases-its-final-report-from-the-adtech-inquiry" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           digital display advertisement
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           , meaning ads that are shown to consumers that visit a website or use an app. Publishers, in a digital context for example a platform like Facebook or Youtube, sell their advertising space (so-called
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           ad inventory
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           ) to advertisers. The inquiry of the ACCC though did not focus on a closed display channel like Facebook that uses its own system to sell ads directly to advertisers but on display advertisement through
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/google%E2%80%99s-dominance-in-ad-tech-supply-chain-harms-businesses-and-consumers" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           open channels
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           . 
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           In open channels, publishers sell their inventory with the support of ad tech services. The report acknowledges the complexity of the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/system/files/Digital%20advertising%20services%20inquiry%20-%20final%20report.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           ad tech supply chain
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           which is why a closer look shall be taken at one specific concern: As outlined above, in the advertisement market, publishers and advertisers are the two counterparts to the transactions. While this is the only dimension in the case of closed channels, open channels are defined by the need for intermediaries to connect publishers and advertisers. 
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           Both publishers and advertisers make use of ad tech services for the sale or purchase of ads. It is worth tokeep in mind that advertising space is subject to transactions that occur in real time and fully automatically, especially through auctioning processes which then lead to the delivery to the consumer. A consumer visiting a publisher’s site triggers a request for bids that goes through the supply-side platform(s) (SSP) a publisher uses. This bid can contain information on the consumer herself as well in order to get better targeted ads. The bid is then transferred from the supply-side platform to the demand-side platform (DSP) of advertisers where it is decided which bids will go back to the publishers’ SSP. If several DSPs have submitted bids, the SSP will conduct the auction and pass on the winning bid to the publisher which is then shown to the consumer.
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            c.f. ACCC’s Digital advertising services inquiry, p. 29,
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/system/files/Digital%20advertising%20services%20inquiry%20-%20final%20report.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.accc.gov.au/system/files/Digital%20advertising%20services%20inquiry%20-%20final%20report.pdf
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           Google is the dominant player in ad tech
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            Along the steps of the described supply chain, the ACCC found that Google is omnipresent. Google’s browser Chrome continuously feeds consumers with ads while spending time on Google-owned platforms like Youtube. Moreover, Google operates SSPs and DSPs and several other ad tech services throughout the entire supply chain. The ACCC carefully considers efficiencies that could arise out of this vertical integration but eventually comes to the conclusion that there is potential for conflict of interests (c.f. p. 89f. of the
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           final report
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           ). When Google conducts an auction in one of its SSPs but also participates as a bidder, there is an inherent incentive to prefer its own bid. Another example is that
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cmo.com.au/article/685884/accc-lack-competition-choice-transparency-pervades-australia-adtech-supply-chain/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           YouTube’s ad inventory is only offered to advertisers through platforms that are owned by Google
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            , raising an incentive for Google to drive up prices for ad space.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/google%E2%80%99s-dominance-in-ad-tech-supply-chain-harms-businesses-and-consumers" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The ACCC found
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            Google to be dominant “as more than 90 percent of ad impressions traded via the ad tech supply chain passed through at least one Google service in 2020.” The vertical integration of Google in combination with its almost monopolistic market power raises serious concerns at the ACCC, with the chairman stating that adverse effects like “
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/google%E2%80%99s-dominance-in-ad-tech-supply-chain-harms-businesses-and-consumers" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           higher costs for both publishers
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           ” and a reduced quality in the online content shown are probable consequences of an inefficient ad tech market. This trend might have also been reinforced by the Covid-19 crisis as “
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="http://competitionlawblog.kluwercompetitionlaw.com/2020/11/18/anti-trust-in-a-time-of-global-crisis-an-australia-perspective/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           the reliance on technological platforms...has entrenched [their] power
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            ”.
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           Self-preferencing of vertically-integrated digital firms is a problem that has been recognized in many jurisdictions, so the findings of the ACCC do not constitute an exception. Germany explicitly prohibited self-preferencing earlier this year with the introduction of § 19a (para. 2) of the Act against Restrictions of competition, a provision that is particularly focused on firms with a “paramount significance for competition across markets”. Shortly after, the Bundeskartellamt has launched investigations into Google, Facebook, Amazon and Apple, all under this new provision § 19a. This concern has also been considered already by the U.K.’s newly created Digital Markets Unit as self-preferencing is an “
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    &lt;a href="https://techcrunch.com/2021/04/27/the-uks-plan-to-tackle-big-tech-wont-be-one-sized-fits-all/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           exclusionary tactic
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           ” that prevents new tech firms from successfully challenging the incumbents.
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           Consequences?
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           So what is the conclusion the ACCC drew from its findings? In the light of the competitive deficits that were found in the Australian ad tech market, the ACCC pointed out that the existing provisions of competition law are not sufficient to address the issues at hand. Rather the report established a need for new, sector-specific regulatory measures “
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    &lt;a href="https://techcrunch.com/2021/09/28/australia-latest-to-eye-laws-to-curb-googles-adtech-dominance/?guccounter=1&amp;amp;guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&amp;amp;guce_referrer_sig=AQAAABhBH4wirGsYsiJx3hpdqK5z2dFvXw4c269iphQatPvTsSP9bTFlae-8s4wlSsr2JroXDgsi8DmTHcL73COAfeUIB9aXfpXgUGRyv2oPpjOSzYKyXbKejBBu4qNPgH0cOG6UGXMKvG9ydsdbcORmKBfB-RIxd1EUMRzPbJIoSNXV" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           for the benefit of business and consumers
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           ”. According to ACCC chairman Rod Sims this is in line with findings of other regulation agencies abroad with which the ACCC is “
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    &lt;a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/google%E2%80%99s-dominance-in-ad-tech-supply-chain-harms-businesses-and-consumers" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           engaging very closely
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            ”.
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             ﻿
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            Indeed, the U.K. has also conducted a
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    &lt;a href="https://www.gov.uk/cma-cases/online-platforms-and-digital-advertising-market-study" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           study
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            on the digital advertising market with the subsequent establishment of the aforementioned Digital Markets Unit. France’s competition watchdog L’Autorité de la Concurrence seems to be ahead of everybody, handing down a substantial fine of
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://techcrunch.com/2021/06/07/france-fines-google-268m-for-adtech-abuses-and-gets-interoperability-commitments/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           €220 million to Google
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            in the summer of 2021 as a result of a settlement that Google requested (
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    &lt;a href="https://www.autoritedelaconcurrence.fr/fr/article/lautorite-de-la-concurrence-sanctionne-google-hauteur-de-220-millions-deuros-pour-avoir" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           press release in French
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            ). The fine addressed Google granting preferential treatment to its own services in the ad tech sector, so it remains to be seen if (or rather when) other competition authorities follow suit and investigate Google’s behavior in that regard. Google naturally tries to escape new regulations, pointing out the
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    &lt;a href="https://blog.google/around-the-globe/google-asia/australia/how-advertising-technology-helping-power-our-digital-economy/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           positive effects
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            of its ad tech services on the Australian employment market and economy. All those points were made in a press release the day before the ACCC’s final report was published (mind the timing…). The report might eventually lead to new regulation, just like in the case of the News Media Bargaining Code but it should be noted critically that the ACCC will not only maintain but reinforce its strong position in the Australian regulatory landscape. After all, the ACCC is making politics and could therefore create a situation of overregulation by advocating for new legislative actions.
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  &lt;h3&gt;&#xD;
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           Conclusion
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           As can be seen, Australia’s antitrust regime is mainly driven by the powerful ACCC which is in step with the times and certainly not afraid to take the GAMAs (former “GAFA” as Facebook rebranded to Meta) on. Due to the complexity of the supply chains in ad tech, it might take some more time until additional jurisdictions follow what the ACCC has already initiated in Australia: a call for stricter, more specialized rules in order to foster competition in the ad tech market.
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Marco Schmidt holds an LL.M. in Law and Economics at the University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. He is particularly interested in matters of antitrust law and plans to pursue a career as a competition lawyer. Together with the Big Tech &amp;amp; Antitrust cycle, he investigates and researches current issues in digital  antitrust. Being a German native, he is also fluent in English and Spanish and knows some basic French.
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
      <enclosure url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/71668-google-ads-manager-icon.gif" length="112310" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 13:57:38 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/australias-accc-taking-on-googles-ad-tech-business</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/71668-google-ads-manager-icon.gif">
        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
      </media:content>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/71668-google-ads-manager-icon.gif">
        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brazilian Antitrust and Vertical Integration in Streaming Platforms</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/brazilian-antitrust-and-vertical-integration-in-streaming-platforms</link>
      <description>A brief look into competition in streaming platforms in Brazil.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           COMPETITION IN DIGITAL MARKETS
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           Brazilian Antitrust and Vertical Integration in Streaming Platforms
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           A brief look into competition in streaming platforms in Brazil.
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           Juliana Novaes
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           September 21, 2022
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           Brazil is a large middle-income country facing many of the economic challenges of developing nations. Its antitrust ecosystem is structured around an independent authority called  Administrative Council of Economic Defense (CADE), which was formally established in the second half of the 20th century.
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           During its relatively short existence, CADE has built a consistent history of competition law and enforcement, having decided on cases that concern different sectors of the economy. Recently, new cases have been brought up in the antitrust ecosystem in Brazil, many of them inserted into digital markets and the technology industry as a whole, challenging the traditional approaches to antitrust and shedding light to the whole of the agency in the Digital Era.
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           This article will present a brief overview of the antitrust system in Brazil and review a case in the digital entertainment context, tracing a parallel between the case and the current trends of vertical integration involving online streaming services.
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           A brief overview of antitrust in Brazil 
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           In Brazil, competition law evolved along with Constitutions. In the beginning, a clear rule of economic liberalism was foreseen, with full exercise of property rights. Subsequently, the State became no longer a simple enabler of economic activity, but started to have a more active role in organizing and ruling the behavior of economic agents.
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           The antitrust authority in Brazil (CADE) was formally created in 1962, but only in 1994 it became an independent agency working together with other regulatory bodies responsible for competition law and policy enforcement, investigating and judging violations to the economic order, as well as analyzing acts of economic concentration.
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           The “Claro-iMusica” Case 
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            Over the last few years, the music market has undergone a great transformation. The way to consume music has mostly gone digital and platforms were created for the intermediation between the user and music, through downloading and streaming.  The Brazilian digital music market is
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           the 10th income music market according to the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry ("IFPI")
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            . Listening to digital music is part of the Brazilian way of life and,
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           in 2019, 34% of Brazilians  listened to songs on the internet every day, or almost every day
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           .
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            It is in this context of growing importance of digital platforms that the Claro-iMusica case emerged in 2014, still in the early stages of large platforms such as Spotify.  The case started when Claro S.A., a telecommunications company of the Mexican-origin group América Móvil, decided to acquire iMusica S.A., a digital music company (download and streaming) controlled by the Brazilian group Ideasnet and with a significant market share at the time. 
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           The acquisition was presented as an opportunity to generate gains in agility in offering new products to consumers, as well as to facilitate logistics in digital music sales. However, considering the fact that Claro is a company that provides telecommunications services and iMusica is an aggregator and develops white-label streaming platforms, the acquisition represented a vertical integration. 
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           Vertical integrations in digital entertainment markets are a subject of concern, especially when they involve companies in the telecommunications sector, due to the essentiality of such providers to the infrastructure that is involved in digital services, which puts them in a privileged position to conduct discriminatory practices and pose entry barriers to other market competitors. 
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           In this sense, concerns were presented by other competitors, such as other telecommunications corporations, who had contracts with iMusica and alleged that, following the approval by CADE, iMusica would then refuse future contracts with other competitors and significantly compromise the variety and quality of the content offered to them. At the same time, other companies in the music aggregation sector were concerned that exclusivity contracts would be formed by Claro-iMusic with artists and relevant record labels, significantly reducing competitors’ capacity to offer varied and high-quality content for their remaining clients. 
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           However, after analyzing the case, it was understood that, despite the high market share of both companies, other competitors would be able to replace their role in case there was refusal to contract. The outcome was an approval. 
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           Why is this case relevant?
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           Although the case itself led to an approval from the Brazilian authority without much controversy due to the existence of other competitors in the market at the time, this case is relevant as it represents one of the first deep looks into digital platforms and the streaming ecosystem by CADE. 
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            The Claro-iMusic case is dated from 2014, but the discussions regarding antitrust in the streaming market are still in trend as the international market is currently facing a move towards vertical integrations. Companies in the telecommunications sector have massively invested in creating their own streaming platforms and joining other traditional media conglomerates to enter the digital market. This is the case, for instance, with the
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           recent announcement
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            that AT&amp;amp;T is to combine WarnerMedia business with Discovery in a deal to create a new streaming service.
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            At the same time, Spotify and Netflix, which have a significant market share, have become much more than intermediaries in the last few years and are progressively turning their businesses vertical. For instance, Spotify - representing 320 million total monthly active users-  has
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           recently spent almost $900 million on exclusive content.
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            From the audiovisual streaming perspective,
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           Netflix - the leading platform - has invested over 17 billion in content creation in 2021.
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           We see, therefore, that vertical integrations in the digital entertainment market are becoming increasingly common. There are concerns that this trend might raise entry barriers and originate discriminatory conducts from the players in this market, with special concern to vertical integrations that involve companies that have control over Internet infrastructure. 
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           In this sense, the Brazilian case  represents a small insight from an acquisition from a past not so far away that involved what now represents a trend in the digital entertainment industry and whose long-term consequences for other competitors and also for consumers is still unknown.
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           Juliana Novaes is a Law Student at the University of Sao Paulo also enrolled in a double-degree program at the University of Lyon. She is a researcher in the law and technology field and a digital rights activist. She is currently part of the Directive Council of the Internet Society’s Youth Observatory (Youth SIG) and is an Internet of Rights Fellow at ARTICLE 19. Her main topics of interest are infrastructure regulation, digital economy and freedom of expression.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 13:38:18 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/brazilian-antitrust-and-vertical-integration-in-streaming-platforms</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Regulatory Sandboxes &amp; AI Innovation</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/regulatory-sandboxes-ai-innovation</link>
      <description>How to effectively regulate AI innovation without stifling it? The EU Commission’s draft AI Act provides in Article 53 for 'regulatory sandboxes' as a possible answer. 'Regulatory sandboxes' ('Reallabore' in German) allow for a rules-based environment to facilitate the development, testing and validation of innovative AI systems for a limited period of time before they are placed on the market or put into service. Both regulators and innovators can gain insights into how the technology functions, where possible compliance risks lie and also recognize and predict regulatory loopholes early in the process. What does the framework of a regulatory sandbox look like? How does the envisaged co-creation of regulation and innovation work in practice? How do regulatory sandboxes fit into the European and German AI strategies? And what are the current developments in the field, especially in healthcare and climate tech?</description>
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           ABOUT
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           How to effectively regulate AI innovation without stifling it? The EU Commission’s draft AI Act provides in Article 53 for 'regulatory sandboxes' as a possible answer. 'Regulatory sandboxes' ('Reallabore' in German) allow for a rules-based environment to facilitate the development, testing and validation of innovative AI systems for a limited period of time before they are placed on the market or put into service. Both regulators and innovators can gain insights into how the technology functions, where possible compliance risks lie and also recognize and predict regulatory loopholes early in the process. What does the framework of a regulatory sandbox look like? How does the envisaged co-creation of regulation and innovation work in practice? How do regulatory sandboxes fit into the European and German AI strategies? And what are the current developments in the field, especially in healthcare and climate tech?
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           SPEAKER
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           Dr. Konstantin Kolloge
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            is the Head of the Coordinating Office for Regulatory Sandboxes at the German Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Action.
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           SHARE
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           LIVESTREAM
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      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Aug 2022 18:51:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/regulatory-sandboxes-ai-innovation</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalcinema,events</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Ideology</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ideology</link>
      <description>Whether we (really) have a choice or whether it is chosen for us?</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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           Ideology
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            Whether we (really) have a choice or whether it is chosen for us?
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            By
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           Saishreya Sriram
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           May 24, 2022
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            How would one describe freedom today? Is freedom good for us? In the
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           Brothers Karamazov
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            (1880), Dostoyevsky says “nothing has ever been more unendurable to man and human society than freedom” (329). However, generally and historically speaking, freedom has meant the complete control of one’s possessions (
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            sans judgement
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           or interference from others). The only variable that (seemingly) changes is what’s deemed a possession in that circumstance – be it animals killed for meat, wives abused by husbands, slaves owned by the Confederates, etc. 
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            Isaiah Berlin argues – in his article
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           Two Concepts of Liberty
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            – that there are two concepts of freedom that exist: positive and negative. Well, let’s start with the latter. Negative freedom is the freedom
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           from
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            interference, restrictions, and coercion which are imposed by external entities, authorities, or people (OpenLearn, 2021). This happens when one’s TV time is restricted, or when one is being punished for dissent, or put in jail for certain conduct. Meanwhile, the concept of positive freedom is slightly complicated. It’s the freedom
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           to
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            do something; and any decision is a product of the battle between the two selves – our higher and lower self. For instance, if you’re a student, the higher self is supposedly working hard; while the lower self succumbs to distractions, desires, and impulses. Further, Berlin believes that true positive freedom is choosing the higher self and constraining this lower self by studying (while you have the choice to use it for distractions); it’s a “matter of achieving your potential, not just having potential” (OpenLearn, 2021). Berlin argues that positive freedom is susceptible to misuse when the higher self gets identified with a higher social group – race, religion, or state, for instance. And that the notion of being free is felt only when the lower self – that sees any limitation, disagreement, dispute, or difference from the social group – gets suppressed entirely (Kasmirli, 2019).
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            This can be clearly seen in the case of Martin Heidegger – a man whose mind was once deemed one of the most brilliant in the 20th century – who ended up joining the Nazi Socialist Party in 1933 to become rector of the Freiburg University. Moreover, the celebrated philosopher and the author of
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           Being and Time
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            spoke of
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           revolutionizing
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            the university, hosted propaganda lectures across Germany, and even yelled “Heil Hitler!” in his addresses (Lilla, 21). By then, it was clear that he had made his choice by himself and wasn’t in any way coerced. He’d further cut off contact with his Jewish colleagues and friends. When Karl Jaspers got the wind of it, he was alarmed. In
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            The Reckless Mind: Intellectuals in Politics,
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            Mark Lilla describes Jasper’s interaction with Heidegger:
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           “
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            After they returned to Jaspers’s house Jaspers tried to draw Heidegger out, remarking that surely his friend could not agree with the Nazis on the Jewish question. Heidegger: “But there is a dangerous international network of Jews.” Jaspers: “How can such an uncultivated man like Adolf Hitler govern Germany?” Heidegger: ‘Culture doesn’t matter. Just look at his marvelous hands’. .
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            .” (Lilla 22)
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           I argue that Heidegger, being the venerated philosopher he was, had the freedom to make the right choice –in this case, not join the Nazis– yet he made the indisputable evil choice. His higher self as German had dominated and achieved mastery over him, allowing no leeway for doubt or dissent. He made self-justifications for all that constituted the Nazi rule and their legitimacy and saw Germans as higher and Jews as inferior, infernal, and deserving genocide. 
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           The irony here is that what impinges on your freedom is actually the freedom of others. A stark example in this case is the ideology of the Confederacy who defended their freedom to hold slaves as part of their culture, as it was defended by the United States Constitution. What got legitimatized was “. . .
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           that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition” (
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           Stephens, 1861). 
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            In making sense of how evil got bureaucratized, engulfed, and even unnoticed in the everyday, Hannah Arendt argues,in her report
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           Eichmann in Jerusalem
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            (1964) , the existence of
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           the banality of evil
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           non-thinking
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            ” (Butler, 2011).  However, I argue that only
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           after
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            the positive choice of ideology – by removing individual difference or dissent – evil can be accepted as a part of everyday life and become banal. 
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           It is quite evident, and inevitably observed in totalitarian regimes, that the state intervenes on one’s negative freedom. In 1983 a Soviet officer saved the world from a nuclear war, when he wasn’t supposed to. Yes, that’s right. When the USSR’s missile attack system got a warning alert with a display and instruction asking him to “LAUNCH”, Stanislav Petrov and his team went against the protocol, suspecting that to be a false warning (Matthews, 2019). The scale of casualties or even the planet’s survival from a nuclear war would have been unimaginable. Even though he was right in his judgement, he was continuously interrogated and was never even acknowledged by the Soviets. Had it not been for his display of individualism, there wouldn’t even be a world to imagine – let alone incarcerate him for treason.  An example of another  whistleblower closer to memory would be that of Dr. Li Wenliang, the Chinese doctor who tried issuing warnings about the COVID-19 outbreak on 30th December 2019. Four days later, he was accused of “making false comments” and that he had “severely disturbed the social order” (BBC News, 2020). Anything that disrupted or damaged the social order as perceived by the CCP is punished. His death sparked immense outrage across China. 
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            The more insidious form of negative freedom that gets violated today is done by the private sector. Shoshona Zuboff diagnoses this new economic order as
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            surveillance capitalism
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           that is defined as “
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           A new economic order that claims human experience as free raw material for hidden commercial practices of extraction, prediction, and sales
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           ” (Zuboff “Age of Surveillance Capitalism” 8). Simply put, it profits from catering buffets of our intimate secrets, vulnerabilities, and behaviours for businesses to know us better, to know what to sell us, and when to do so. Surveillance capitalists sell certainty. They are not just assaulting our attention, but even aiming to manipulate and modify our behaviour. Ergo, it’s not simply our right to privacy that is violated, but even and especially our right to autonomy and agency. 
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           While these technology companies know us inside out, we don’t know an ounce of what they know or collect about us. This creates, what Zuboff calls, an epistemic inequality wherein one’s fundamental epistemic rights to learn about what is learnt about one’s own life don’t exist. Only if we knew this was under attack, we’d act on it. For instance, a right to breathe doesn’t exist because breathing hasn’t been denied yet and thereby, doesn’t need to be a law (Zuboff “Caveat Usor” 177). 
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            But how does this occur? Surely, we would have noticed this and put a stop to this. However, surveillance capitalists have succeeded in their models by confirming to their consumers that they are the center of the universe, making them conform, and always claim that these platforms operate on individual freedom. Facebook was perceived and portrayed as the innocent app that “connected” friends and acquaintances online. Moreover, people have no real alternatives to these services, and they aren’t aware of the extent of its operations and their implications (Zuboff “Caveat Usor” 209). And most of all, the truth is boring. In that way, these private entities, supposedly championing themselves as representatives of the free markets that democratise information flows, actually exist only for their own freedom to operate and dominate us. George Orwell’s words echo: “Freedom is slavery”. 
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           However, the real genius of surveillance capitalism isn’t in violating our negative freedoms. It’s in making us believe we violate our positive freedoms – rather making arguments like we ourselves violate our right to privacy.
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            We now see a reality that is chosen for us, transforming us into Trumans while these companies run the show, create our universe, and derive profits from our failure to even comprehend – let alone question  – what’s behind the dark screen. In Margaret Atwood’s novel,
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           The Handmaid’s Tale,
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            Offred’s character says that “Nothing changes instantaneously: in a gradually heating bathtub you'd be boiled to death before you knew it.” This creates the unfortunate yet inevitable social amnesia of not knowing how one arrived here. Surveillance capitalism is actually well underway in propagating not just the utopia of certainty – but an ideology of certainty in itself. Moreover, as Offred’s character in The Handmaid’s Tale poignantly captured: “Knowing was a temptation. What you don’t know won’t tempt you.” In this way, we are fed an illusion of understanding more than we actually do. 
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           In a commencement speech in 2005, David Foster Wallace made a case that education is “. . everything to do with simple awareness; awareness of what is so real and essential, so hidden in plain sight all around us, all the time, that we have to keep reminding ourselves over and over. .” (Wallace, 2005) of reality. I believe, not just education, but real freedom as well as awareness. It’s the awareness of who benefits from different ideologies. It’s the awareness of all the ideologies that are presented to us so that we don’t lose every display of individualism, every doubt, and all irony.
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           Works Cited
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            Atwood, Margaret “The Handmaid’s Tale” 1985
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            Dostoyevsky, Fyodor “The Brothers Karamazov” 1880 
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             Biddle, Sam “In court, Facebook blames users for destroying their own right to privacy”
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             2019
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             Butler, Judith “Hannah Arendt’s challenge to Adolf Eichmann”
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            The Guardian
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             2011 
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            https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/aug/29/hannah-arendt-adolf-eichmann-banality-of-evil
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             Kasmirli, Maria “Tools for thinking: Isaiah Berlin’s two concepts of freedom”
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             Matthews, Dylan “36 years ago today, one man saved us from world-ending nuclear war” Vox
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             OpenLearn “Two concepts of freedom”
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             Accessed on 29 May 2021
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             Zuboff, Shoshana“Caveat Usor: Surveillance Capitalism as Epistemic Inequality” SSRN 2021
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             Zuboff, Shoshana “The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future At The New Frontier of Power” 2019
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           Saishreya Sriram is a Research Assistant at the Department of Computer Science at Ashoka University. She is a Young India Fellow ‘21 whose interests lie at the intersection of liberal arts, and tech — especially digital humanities and new media.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 24 May 2022 08:19:14 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ideology</guid>
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      <title>Queer ID 2</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/queer-id-2</link>
      <description>More often than not, we think about what accessibility means. In this article, I challenge the idea of access in a broader sense for queer people, both on and offline.</description>
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            More often than not we think about what accesibility means. In this article I challenge the idea of access in broader sense for queer people both on and offline.
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           April 28, 2022
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           Welcome to another edition of Queer ID, this time we’re going to explore access that has been given to marginalised communities. 
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           So the story goes, since the dawn of time humans have invented divisions to be able to live in communities and societies, some philosophers even argue private property is the beginning of the demise of humankind also known as the noble savage myth. These divisions have evolved over time, sometimes being as radical as segregation and sometimes as superficial as what we now call microaggressions. You know all those ‘’jokes’’ your co-worker tells about how a marginalized group is different in some way others aren’t, perpetuating a certain view of society in a very subtle manner.
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           In  these divisions we have invented, the group we refer to as white people invented categories to divide men, races, colours, earnings, sexual orientation, character, social status and so on… Each being a distinct box where you needed to have certain requirements to get in, both literally for physical spaces, and metaphorically for constructed ideas. For instance, if you were born to Spanish  parents in 1600 Latin America, you were considered as superior to indigenous people, and you were entitled and granted access to land, position of power and titles. In present times, segregation has much more insidious yet dangerous ways of separating humans, one is sexual orientation and how it’s portrayed and perceived. 
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           Dissident identities have existed throughout history with different levels of acceptance, the muxes in Mexico for example have always been a third gender option for people and have always been accepted. Nowadays, LGBTQ people still fight to gain access to some sections of society, as the way we present to society is often challenging. Therefore, dissident and specially queer identities have had to make a choice, either express themselves and fall into categories such as: queen, butch, masc among many other or closet themselves and hide behind fake appearances of pretending otherness. Losing in this process the ability to live an authentic life, being segregated from places of empowerment and development because difference is marginalised and punished. Making some areas of society unattainable because of arbitrary boundaries drawn by things such as your clothes.  Making access and holding certain places in society hard, in addition to making living authentically almost impossible because existing outside those boundaries feels forbidden. 
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           Whether it is women deciding to wear pants instead of skirts, or men deciding to kiss in the street regardless of fear of punishment by the authorities, access to existence has been denied many times. Today, I invite you to think of which ways you have access other people don’t have. Maybe you have access to family secrets no one else has, maybe you can wear a ponytail where you work and it’s not a big deal. Maybe you can kiss your partner in the streets and not feel in danger, maybe you feel unsafe walking alone at night regardless of where you live. Maybe you have never gone to bed without a meal because the fridge has always been there, or maybe you have never heard a slur thrown at you that has shaken you to your core. 
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           I want you to think, especially in this time, of all the places you can create access to people in need. When can you step up for someone when another is taking advantage of the disability of a friend. When by being the first person doing it, create a safe space for people behind you to do it. How by stating your pronouns online you’re helping bridge the gap for trans people, or how coming out as straight might take some pressure from your queer peers to disclose their sexual preference.
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           I challenge you to fight fear and those unwritten rules and become, even if it is for a little while, a dissident of the social rules, on and offline. 
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           I'm Andrés Cortés,Colombian, 24 years old, curious and hardworking. Professional translator, artivist and polyglot. Among my interests are etymology, linguistics and every day ethics. How can philosophic knowledge can be applied on an everyday basis. Apart from Kittiwake I also manage the artistic collective La Mesa and teach corporal theater to Colombian companies. I am fluent in Spanish, English, French and Italian and can communicate in German, Portuguese and Catalan.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Apr 2022 04:12:47 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Artificial Intelligence Transforming our Societal Structure - The Rise Useless Class</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/useless-class</link>
      <description>Yuval Noah Harari argues that when artificial intelligence pushes many out of work, we must forge new economic, social, educational systems. Those people who will become unemployed  will create a “useless class” which will need to be redirected, as opposed to the remaining “working class” which will be entrusted with the operating of the machinery. The article provides few ideas on how to prepare for the rise of the “useless class.” Looking at the consequences of the AI revolution, possible solutions that will change our societal structure are discussed.</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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            Artificial Intelligence Transforming our Societal Structure - The Rise Useless Class 
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           Yuval Noah Harari argues that when artificial intelligence pushes many out of work, we must forge new economic, social, educational systems. Those people who will become unemployed  will create a “useless class” which will need to be redirected, as opposed to the remaining “working class” which will be entrusted with the operating of the machinery. The article provides few ideas on how to prepare for the rise of the “useless class.” Looking at the consequences of the AI revolution, possible solutions that will change our societal structure are discussed.
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            By Sofia Ghezzi
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           April 22, 2022
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           I
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            ntroduction 
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           Harari
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            argues that when artificial intelligence will push many out of work, in order to deal with that part of the community, which could risk being marginalised, we must forge new economic, social, and educational systems. With the rise of Artificial Intelligence (hereinafter “AI”) and the use of algorithms, it is inevitable that computerised devices will be invented to perform working functions in the form of hardware or software-based routines that will consequently force a huge portion of the population out of work. Automation will inevitably substitute many jobs causing the rise of a new “
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           useless class
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            ,” as it is called by Harari, transforming the current societal structure.
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           Who will be part of the useless class?
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           In the aftermath of the AI revolution, “
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           just as mass industrialization created the working class, the AI revolution will create a new unworking class
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           .” The useless class, or “Homo Inutilis”, will be composed by those people working jobs that can easily be automated. In society, we will see a polarisation between two classes: i) a class that will remain as the only workforce in the society, who will take care of the functioning of the machines, and continue driving innovation, and ii) a useless class, that deprived of work, will not have any source of revenue. In this scenario, the military, tailors, factory workers will be substituted by machines; doctors will not be required anymore to perform surgeries or provide diagnosis as a machine will take their place, as well as robots will be able to find the best arguments to win a case instead of lawyers. By contrast, innovation, research, and creativity will arguably remain entrusted to humans. However, realistically we will have to deal with the portion of the society which will become unemployed, and possibly, unemployable.
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           The challenges of the useless class
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           Clearly, the useless class is a threat to the peace of the community for two main reasons: i) they will need a stream of revenue to survive, and ii) they will need a new purpose in life. The creation of the two classes will drive inequality even further and this would possibly give rise to malcontent and disorder within a community. Moreover, even with assured revenue streams provided by governments to the unemployed, the human psychology of this class needs to be considered. Can humans live happily without purpose in their life? How can we deal with the boredom of the useless class? According to Harari, “… nobody has any idea what kind of jobs or skills people will need in 30 years. Which means that we have absolutely no idea what to teach our children at school today (
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           , 2020). He continues claiming that even if the AI revolution would create new job opportunities, those opportunities would be for high-skilled jobs and most of the unemployed mass departing from less-skilled jobs will not be able to make the transition. So, what to do with the newly established useless class, “which has no military or economic usefulness, and therefore no political power?” and what to do with the new socio-economic bias created by the AI revolution?
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           Universal Basic Income Programs 
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           A solution to the loss of revenue stream is to urge governments to implement Universal Basic Income programs. Social policy reforms are surely needed to deal with the changing society structure and to avoid excessive inequality. Universal Basic Income programs provide for the government to tax big corporations and the rich, and subsequently use the revenues collected for every adult in society. Every citizen in society would receive a certain amount of money during the year to sustain themselves. Proponents of basic income claim that it is the best way to combat poverty and inequality (
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            , 2020).
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           Along these lines,
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           Paul Mason
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           , a British commentator, proposes the transition of society towards a new form of socialism (Post-Capitalism, 2015). Mason believes that in the face of the issues of the digital age, the reality is that capitalism cannot continue forever: the State must do more to tame private finance, and individuals must do more to bypass it. Several countries, such as Finland between 2017 and 2018, have been starting to toy with the idea of introducing a basic income; and so far, the evidence suggests that the programs introduced increased happiness, health, school attendance, trust in social institutions, and reduced crimes (
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           , 2020).
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           Societal revolution
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           Nonetheless, loss of revenue stream for the unemployed class is not the only problem which the AI revolution will bring. We will also need to deal with the boredom of the useless class including mental health implications. New socio-economic systems need to be created; we need to redirect or altogether forge new economic, social, and educational systems that will permit us to deal with the issue. A complete reform of the educational system seems obvious, although it is not as obvious what should be taught. According to
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           Murky Waters
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            there will be no need to teach any more data to our children, but we will need to focus on liberating their creativity.
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           Conclusion
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           With the rise of the AI revolution and the imminent challenges that will be experienced by the useless class, new ethical principles, laws, social and labour market reforms will be needed (
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           Van Duüren
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           , 2020). As the useless class will have virtually no political power, as economically and military useless, should the values in the society be recalibrated? Can character and creativity become more important than knowledge for the success of a person? One thing that seems clear is that we need to brace ourselves for this transition, help each other, and be open-minded in light of future societal changes. 
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            References &amp;amp; Links
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            Speech by
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             Harari, J. N. (2020). Workplace automation &amp;amp; the ‘Useless Class. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMDlfNWM1fA" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMDlfNWM1fA
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            .
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            Harari, J. N. (2017). Reboot for the AI Revolution. 550 Nature 324-327.
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             Harari, J. N. (2017). The rise of the useless class. Ideas TED. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://ideas.ted.com/the-rise-of-the-useless-class/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://ideas.ted.com/the-rise-of-the-useless-class/
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            .
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             Samuel, S. (2020). Everywhere basic income has been tried in one map. VOX. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2020/2/19/21112570/universal-basic-income-ubi-map" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2020/2/19/21112570/universal-basic-income-ubi-map
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            .
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             Runciman, D. (2015). Post capitalism by Paul Mason review: a worthy successor of Marx? The Guardian. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/aug/15/post-capitalism-by-paul-mason-review-worthy-successor-to-marx" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/aug/15/post-capitalism-by-paul-mason-review-worthy-successor-to-marx
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            .
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             Murkey Waters (2020). Yuval Noah Harari’s “Useless Class”. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://murkywater.medium.com/yuval-noah-hararis-useless-class-1207bf9c457e" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://murkywater.medium.com/yuval-noah-hararis-useless-class-1207bf9c457e
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            .
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             Van Duüren, O. (2020). The birth of the Homo Inutilis: the useless class, the unemployed, and the unemployable. Available at:
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      &lt;a href="https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/birth-homo-inutilis-useless-class-unemployed-olivier-van-du%C3%BCren/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/birth-homo-inutilis-useless-class-unemployed-olivier-van-du%C3%BCren/
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            Sofia Ghezzi holds a LLB in European Law from Maastricht University, and a LLM in European Competition Law and Regulation from the University of Amsterdam. She worked as an intern in the team of Integrity &amp;amp; Compliance at AkzoNobel in Amsterdam, and she is currently pursuing a master’s degree in Climate Change Law at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Sofia is passionate about the intersection of law, technology, and culture, and the underlying influences of society in law. She is fluent in Italian, English, and can communicate in French.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Apr 2022 16:42:44 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/useless-class</guid>
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      <title>NFTs: what they are and how they are transforming the art world?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/nfts-what-they-are-and-how-they-are-transforming-the-art-world</link>
      <description>During the pandemic that impeded our daily lives, technology innovation found itself to advance to a speed never witnessed before and to adapt to the new urgency of people.  From this stream of innovation in the digital world, a new phenomenon emerged: NFTs. In a few months, NFTs conquered creators, art collectors, and investors from all over the world.</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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           NFTs: what they are and how they are transforming the art world?
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            For the first time, during the lockdowns, people were forced to rely only on their
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           digital identities
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           . During the pandemic that impeded our daily lives, technology innovation found itself to advance to a speed never witnessed before and to adapt to the new urgency of people.  From this stream of innovation in the digital world, a new phenomenon emerged: NFTs. In a few months, NFTs conquered creators, art collectors, and investors from all over the world.
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           By Nathalie Aqualti Bonisoli
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           12 april , 2022
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           What is an NFT?
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            “NFT” stands for “Non-Fungible Token” and it can be thought of as the certificate of ownership of a digital asset. Non-fungible means that it maintains a specific economic and social identity that does not consent to any modifications and cannot be replaced with something else. Interestingly, they are different from bitcoins, which are fungibles and can therefore be traded one for another ending up with the exact same thing. One example of non-fungible assets are paintings such as the Mona Lisa, which is deemed non-fungible as it is one of a kind: people can take pictures or buy replicas and prints, but there will only ever be one original Mona Lisa. However, digital files can be easily and endlessly duplicated, the NFT serves for this purpose to create a digital certificate of ownership that can be bought and sold.
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           NFTs are tied to unique codes, and they can be bought and sold through cryptocurrencies on special portals. These digital objects can constitute real economic and cultural properties. Every token is considered unique, even though its content can be copied, screenshotted, and downloaded. For example, the
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           “Nyan Cat'' meme
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            has been shared thousands of times, however,
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           its creator sold it as NFT for almost 600.000 dollars.
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            NFTs are acquired and sold through cryptocurrencies on platforms such as
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           SuperRare
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            and
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           OpenSea
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           . NFTs rely on blockchain technology which guarantees that these certificates are safe and traceable. Blockchain is a public database that produces a certificate in open-source, safe and decentralized. It’s the same system that operates cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin and Ethereum.
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           The first NFT transaction that started its popularity in the media can be traced back to February 2021, when Canadian artist
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           Grimes sold some digital art pieces under the form of NFT for 6 million dollars
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           in less than twenty minutes.  A few days later, the CEO and co-founder of Twitter,
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           Jack Dorsey, auctioned the first Tweet published on the platform for 3 million dollars
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           . It has to be noted that, even though the NFT phenomenon became a trend only recently, the first time they appeared was in 2017 when
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           Cryptokitties
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           , an online game, was developed. In this game it was possible to buy, collect and take care of virtual kitties. Every kitten is an NFT, unique and of property of the buyer who acquired it through the game with cryptocurrencies.
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           Digital Fashion &amp;amp; NFT  
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           NFTs comprise a wide range of products, from art pieces, videos, memes, and haute couture. As a matter of fact, NFTs, after having revolutionized the art world, are conquering also the fashion world, with the digitalization of clothes and accessories and the creation of marketplaces and platforms dedicated exclusively to the virtual world (reference to Suzanne’s article).
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           One of the first brands that have a digital representation of its brand is Gucci, in particular, the art piece
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           “Gucci Ghost”
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            NFT product created by artist Trevor Andrew. Another mention in this context, is the collaboration between Dolce &amp;amp; Gabbana and UNXD and their hybrid fashion line constituted by IRL and NFT,
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           “Collezione Genesi”
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           , launched in August 2021.
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           Collections and elite society: an evolution of fine art collecting
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           In a world of couture fashion and limited edition products, NFTs can constitute the latest trend that represents a certain economic and social status comparable to collection items sold by Sotheby’s or Christie’s. In fact,
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           Beeple sold an NFT for 69 million dollars during an auction at Christie’s.
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            According to the auction house, this sale positions him among the three most valuable living artists. The fact that a prestigious auction house which sold some of the most famous paintings in history, is  arguably legitimizing NFT technology as a form of art is crucial in adding hype for potential art collectors.
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           Sustainability
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           This new phenomenon, also gives rise to issues, which include sustainability. NFTs use the same blockchain technology as some energy-hungry cryptocurrencies and they end up using a lot of electricity and generating a lot of greenhouse gas emissions. The rising concern about the impact of NFTs and Bitcoin technology on the environment
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           lead representatives of the industry to find solutions
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            which could help to move forward into a greener future.
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           Conclusion
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           NFTs entail a wide concept as they can be anything that is digital, but it is currently mostly used to sell art. As an artist, NFTs can be interesting, as they give you a way to sell work that otherwise would not have a proper market. As a buyer, you will financially support artists you like, and have access to some basic usage rights, like being able to post the image online or set it as your profile picture. But mainly, you will gain
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           bragging rights
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            that you own the art, with a blockchain entry to back it up. NFTs are still perceived as controversial by the public, with a large portion considering that the NFTs phenomenon is a bubble that does
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           “make no sense”
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            .
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           Sources
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            https://i-d.vice.com/it/article/m7egqy/nft-cos-e-a-cosa-serve-criptovalute-arte
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      &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/22310188/nft-explainer-what-is-blockchain-crypto-art-faq" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            https://www.theverge.com/22310188/nft-explainer-what-is-blockchain-crypto-art-fa
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            https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-56371912
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            Image: New Yorker Cartoon
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            https://www.theverge.com/22310188/nft-explainer-what-is-blockchain-crypto-art-faq
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           My name is Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli, I am twenty-two years old, and I am currently completing my Master of Laws degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. As an undergraduate, I studied European Law at Maastricht University, where I graduated with the Business Law specialization. During my bachelor I also participated in the Erasmus program in London where I studied English law at the Westminster University. I recently interned in a legal firm in Cremona (Italy) specialized in civil and criminal law. I am fluent in Italian and English and can communicate in Dutch, French and Chinese.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Apr 2022 19:27:58 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/nfts-what-they-are-and-how-they-are-transforming-the-art-world</guid>
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      <title>Queer ID</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/queer-id</link>
      <description>Welcome to Queer ID, a column series where I will share a light in all the themes that to require a deeper understanding and discussion in LGBT+ identities online. Together we can map what does it mean to be queer in the 21st century.</description>
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            Queer ID
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            Welcome, here we will explore what does it mean to be LBGTQ+ online in the 21st century. May you be yourself, authentic, awesome and Queer!
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            By Andrés Cortés
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           October 18, 2021
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           In the last 10 years or so, the LBGTQ+ community has developed a lot in the Digital Cosmos. In fact, live or face to face encounters tended to be intimidating at the very least if not dangerous and life-threatening. Some countries forbid people of the same sex expressing any kind of affections like holding hands or kissing one another. I call these identities dissident or alternative identities which question the status quo and are un-erasable. 
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           Dissidence in public spaces is viewed as an anomaly, as a mistake that many take into their own hands to “correct”. These methods often disregard basic decency, human rights and legal procedures in pro of “curing”, eliminating what’s “wrong” in order to restore the person to the social group that rejects them. It comes as no surprise that people belonging to these so called dissident or alternative identities, take refuge in behind-the-screen interactions. After all, other than strong language and slurs, their physical integrity is safe, although the psychological damage can also be huge. Forbes magazine accounts to 350 murders of people belonging to the Trans and Gender-queer community in 2020. Being Queer more than a political dissidence is frequently a death-defying act. 
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           This problem is worthy of further research and this is the reason I will be exploring this aspects, such as: how toxic masculinity affects gay dating apps?  How does Patriarchy portray feminine as inferior and pejorative? And how does it affects human interaction, both on and offline? What does it mean to be queer in the 21st century? 
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            In this column series, I will share a light in all the themes that to my opinion require a deeper understanding and discussion. Welcome to
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           Queer ID
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            hopefully together we can map what does it mean to be queer in the 21st century. 
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           I'm Andrés Cortés, Colombian, 24 years old, curious and hardworking. Professional translator, artivist and polyglot. Among my interests are etymology, linguistics and  every day ethics. How can philosophic knowledge can be applied on an everyday basis. Apart from Kittiwake I also manage the artistic collective La Mesa and teach corporal theater to Colombian companies. I am fluent in Spanish, English, French and Italian and can communicate in German, Portuguese and Catalan.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Mar 2022 15:40:48 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/queer-id</guid>
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      <title>Digital Fashion</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-fashion</link>
      <description>The relationship between fashion and social media has become undeniably intertwined. From brand presence to content creation, social media has enormous potential  to influence shoppers and fashionistas worldwide. As fast fashion continues to be a trend, an alternative has emerged: digital fashion has landed.</description>
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           On Trend and Online - The case for Digital Fashion
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            The relationship between fashion and social media has become undeniably intertwined. From brand presence to content creation, social media has enormous potential  to influence shoppers and fashionistas worldwide. As fast fashion continues to be a trend, an alternative has emerged: digital fashion has landed.
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            By Suzanne Flynn
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           October, 2021
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            What is digital fashion ?
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            Digital fashion is described as the application of digital technology in its many forms for the production and consumption of fashion apparel and services. (1)This means that when an item of digital clothing is bought, it isn’t in the form of a tangible product. A customer cannot try the item on, nor can they feel the product or alter it. This is because the article of clothing is a virtual product. For consumers, “wearing” digital clothes is similar to how filters on Snapchat and Instagram work. Customers upload a picture of themselves and the digital item of clothing is edited on, with the end product hopefully showing an outfit that doesn’t look like a bad photoshop attempt. In addition, there are no size constraints, as a garment doesn’t have to be made to order - only digitally created and photoshopped onto the model.(2) The result is “insta-worthy” outfits that don't require the manufacturing process and supply chain thread that regular clothes do. But who does this appeal to and what is the cultural context of the market for digital fashion?
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            Culture and Fashion - An interdependent relationship
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            Pop culture cannot be discussed in 2021 without mentioning social media. In the fashion world, Instagram and Pinterest are the most influential platforms for fashion brands to advertise and create.  Vogue’s Instagram account boasts 34 million followers, fashion brands such as Ralph Lauren and Tommy Hilfiger hold over 12 million followers each. Brands such as Pretty Little Thing, Boohoo and The North Face have Influencer ambassadors who receive free items of clothing in exchange for promotion on social media accounts and commission on clothes purchased under an affiliate link.  Some of pop culture’s biggest icons of all time are  known for their style even though their profession may have been unrelated, such as Madonna and David Beckham. This exemplifies how important fashion is in culture, regardless of  the influence of social media. When someone dresses in a striking way, the world watches. In terms of digital fashion, social media platforms have opened up a new market, which makes the concept of non-physical clothing so appealing. 
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           DressX is an example of a digital e-commerce outlet, founded by Daria Shapovalova,  Natalia Modenova, and Julie Krasnienko . The company has over 1000 items from 80+ designers. Dress X’s website launched in July 2020, which, despite the global pandemic, had a positive impact on trade for the start-up. (7) Shapalova also remarked in an interview with L’Officiel that after 15 years in the traditional fashion industry, including the organisation of the Mercedes Benz Fashion Week in Kyiv Ukraine in 2009, she wanted to contribute to a more sustainable, affordable, and digital future. (7) DressX’s  business model can be summarised by looking at their slogan “Steal the show on your social media '' and  “Don't shop less, shop digital fashion”.
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            The environmental effects of the fast fashion industry have been hotly debated. The fashion industry is one of the most polluting industries globally, contributing more to climate change than the annual emissions of air travel and sea travel combined. (4) In addition, culturally, the “wear it once” (5) mentality means that people will wear an outfit once and never again - mainly because a picture of the outfit has already been posted on their social media platforms and repetitious content is considered undesirable. This leads to waste rather than recycling and re-wearing of clothes. Shapovalova of DressX (3) states that the creation of a digital piece of clothing generates 97% less CO2 emissions than the product of a physical garment. 
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           Digital fashion provides an alternative for those who are inclined to wear an outfit once on a social media platform and never again. Rather than buying an outfit and contributing to the fast fashion craze, a digital wardrobe may offer a more eco-friendly alternative, although it is not a product that will appeal to most. The cheapest item on DressX currently is just under €18 for a t-shirt, while the most expensive costs over €1,100 for a “Tech couture” one piece suit. (6) There are two questions to be considered in relation to the workability of the digital fashion business model. Firstly, how willing consumers will be to pay for an item that is not physical and exists only as a digital commodity. Secondly, how the price range of digital fashion pieces will compete with websites such as “everythingfivepounds.com” and other low prices offered on Pretty Little Thing and similar retail outlets. It  is submitted that it is unlikely the guise of eco-friendly digital fashion items will catch on for this reason within that age group, but this does not mean that digital fashion is not an option for the wider global market. 
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            The fact social media has perpetrated an online environment which encourages the exposition of outfits and fashion from arguably unethical retailers, is telling of what we value in our culture today. Keeping up with appearances is a main component of social media culture, but the after-effects of this on the environment and e-commerce are worth considering. Shapovalova is confident that in 5-10 years time, every major retailer will have a digital fashion collection available to consumers. (3)  This means that we could see a lot of consumers, who are usually fast fashion inclined, turning to digital fashion for a more eco-friendly way of expressing their style. Whether this will pan out in reality depends on whether the digital fashion trend will truly catch on and challenge public perception of the true meaning of fashion.
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           )  Access November 2nd
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            Suzanne Flynn is an LLM Candidate in Law and Technology in Europe at Utrecht University. She graduated with a joint honours degree in Law and German from Trinity College Dublin in 2020. Suzanne is researching for Kittiwake with the Institute and is fluent in English and German.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Mar 2022 15:38:57 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-fashion</guid>
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      <title>Music and Artificial Intelligence</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/music-and-artificial-intelligence</link>
      <description>Humans feed thousands of songs to artificial intelligence. By use of neural networks, namely mathematical models that mimic biological neural networks,  and machine learning, specifically deep learning, these songs are fragmented and studied. Deep learning is a subcategory of Machine Learning that is also able to infer meanings without human supervision. The machine is able to extract the basic information and recognize patterns that can be used to create original works, similar to those that any artist might compose.</description>
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           Music and Artificial Intelligence
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           How do computers and Artificial Intelligence challenge artists and musicians methods of composing new music? What are the consequences of this?
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           By Eugenia Borgonovo
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           October 8, 2021
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            Picture Credit:
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           Supreme Laser Tag Birthday Party
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           Humans feed thousands of songs to artificial intelligence. By use of neural networks, namely mathematical models that mimic biological neural networks,  and machine learning, specifically deep learning, these songs are fragmented and studied. Deep learning is a subcategory of Machine Learning that is also able to infer meanings without human supervision. The machine is able to extract the basic information and recognize patterns that can be used to create original works, similar to those that any artist might compose.
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           How do music and artificial intelligence work?
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            The first fear among artists and composers is that their work might be replaced by a machine. The second fear concerns music itself and the music industry, challenged by the fact that machines are now able to create music more and more similar to that created by humans. The first to move in this direction was Alan Turing when in 1951 he created a machine the size of a room that could emit three simple melodies. In the 1990s, several musicians experimented with computers: Brian Eno and David Bowie for pop music and David Cope for classical music. The latter created
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           Emi
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            , a program that allows new music to be written in the style of Bach. Then there is
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           Aiva
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           , created by two engineers from Luxembourg, which allows creating original compositions along the lines of the greatest composers of classical music.
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           What are the instruments available today?
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            There have been several advances in artificial intelligence devices and software applied to music. One example is
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           LyricJam
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            , a real-time system that uses artificial intelligence to generate text lines for live instrumental music and was created by members of the Natural Language Processing Lab at the University of Waterloo, Canada. To date, the work has led to the creation of a system that learns artists' musical expressions and generates lyrics in their style. Other experiments in this field include
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           Amper
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            , an open-source programme that allows anyone, even non-professionals, to create music by indicating parameters such as genre, mood, and tempo.
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            Similarly, Sony created the Flow Machines system that led in 2016 to the release of
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           Daddy's Car
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            , a track openly based on Beatles songs. This system is capable of analysing the composer's primary idea and assisting them by generating ideas during the virtual composition.
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           The basic idea is not to automate the creative process of the human mind but to combine it with an algorithm that can suggest melodies and chords according to the genre.
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            Another great invention is
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           Jukedeck
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            , now owned by Tik Tok. This AI platform works very easily: in order for it to create a new piece, the user just selects the desired composition genre (folk, rock, electronic, ambient), the mood (upbeat or melancholic), the tempo (beats per minute) and sets the desired duration. After a few seconds, artificial intelligence elaborates and processes and then provides a preview to be downloaded. Jukedeck solves the copyright problem and each user can create new personalised music. Basically, users can pay as little as $0.99 for a royalty-free license, which is a very democratic price compared to the ones that the market is offering now.
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            One last AI instrument that is worth mentioning is
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           Lo-Fi Player
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           , a tool created by Google’s Magenta. Lo-Fi Player is a virtual room where fans can create and mix lo-fi and hip-hop tracks for free. It works by changing the objects in the room. For example, by changing the view out of the window, you can change your background sound (be it rain, a beach, or the chaos of the city) and if you change the animal you change the beats per minute (BPM). Also, there are instruments such as bass, piano, synthesizer, or guitars to change the background sound. Despite these advances, no one has yet created a machine capable of writing chart-topping songs.
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           Most musicians use artificial intelligence to achieve what they could not do on their own. An example of this is Yacht, an American pop group that has used AI to break out of their comfort zone and try to create something new from their previous discography. The result is their new album “
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           Chain Tripping
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            ”. The album was released in 2019 and contains 10 songs, among which
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           (Downtown) Dancing
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            is the mos popular one.
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           Not only AI is used to produce music, but it is also used to produce virtual artists. Famous digital artists such as the pop star Hatsune Miku or the band Gorillaz are very popular today, but they have a human apparatus behind them that is responsible for their music. A few months ago, the artist Ask Koosha designed and created a 3D band of characters with different personalities who produce their own music. However, the creator claims that 'human creativity will always be substantially different from that of machines because we have a different biological nature, needs and intentions.’
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           So what is the challenge now?
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           The challenge will be to evolve in two parallel directions: on the one hand, human artists need to be stylistically unique and exceptionally competent, and on the other, they should understand how to use these new tools to enhance their creativity and explore new frontiers. Perhaps the future role of the human artist will be to focus on emotions, leaving the execution work to machines. But the answer to these questions is not obvious.
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           References and useful Links
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           Scippa, G. (2020). Intelligenza artificiale per creare musica, il punto di vista degli artisti. Lifegate. Available at
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    &lt;a href="https://www.lifegate.it/intelligenza-artificiale-musica" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.lifegate.it/intelligenza-artificiale-musica
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           Dannenberg, R.B. (2018). Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning, and Music Understanding. School of Computer Science and College of Art Carnegie Mellon University. Available at
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    &lt;a href="https://web.archive.org/web/20180823141845/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/f275/4c359d7ef052ab5997d71dc3e9443404565a.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://web.archive.org/web/20180823141845/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/f275/4c359d7ef052ab5997d71dc3e9443404565a.pd
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            Santin, F. (2020). Nasce Lo-Fi Player, lo strumento di Google per creare musica chill, lo-fi con pochi click.  Everyeye.it Available at:
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    &lt;a href="https://tech.everyeye.it/notizie/volete-mixare-musica-chill-lo-fi-questo-strumento-google-caso-vostro-466910.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://tech.everyeye.it/notizie/volete-mixare-musica-chill-lo-fi-questo-strumento-google-caso-vostro-466910.html
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           Eugenia Borgonovo
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            holds a bachelor’s diploma in Economics and Management for Arts, Culture and Communication from Bocconi University and is currently attending a master’s in management at ESCP Business School. Eugenia is researching for Kittiwake institute.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Mar 2022 15:55:05 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/music-and-artificial-intelligence</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Emojis and Digital Communication</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/my-post</link>
      <description>The &#x1f505;  goes &#x1f447;  in &#x1f1ee;&#x1f1ea;  and it's &#x1f327;️  in &#x1f1ea;&#x1f1f8;.. If you can understand this sentence, you might be fluent in the world's fastest growing language (1). Emojis  have become commonplace in our communication over text and social media in particular. It is arguably an unsurprising development given the universal nature of the emoticons, which have spawned merchandise and memes, resulting in a simplified form of pictorial communication.</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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           Emojis and Digital Communication
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           Digital communication has changed rapidly since the onset of the digital age but emojis have only gone from strength to strength since their inception in the late 1990s. This article will cover the impact emojis have had on language and culture. It will conclude with a comparison of hieroglyphics and emojis and what this development tells us about in culture and language in the digital age. 
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           By Suzanne Flynn
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           June 5, 2021
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            Introduction - Emojis and Culture
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            The &amp;#55357;&amp;#56581;  goes &amp;#55357;&amp;#56391;  in &amp;#55356;&amp;#56814;&amp;#55356;&amp;#56810;  and it's &amp;#55356;&amp;#57127;️  in &amp;#55356;&amp;#56810;&amp;#55356;&amp;#56824;.. If you can understand this sentence, you might be fluent in the world's fastest growing language (1). Emojis  have become commonplace in our communication over text and social media in particular. It is arguably an unsurprising development given the universal nature of the emoticons, which have spawned merchandise and memes, resulting in a simplified form of pictorial communication. The first emojis were created by Japanese artist Shigetaka Kurita in 1999. These rigid gameboy-esque symbols would become the blueprints for the nearly 3,000 emojis that exist today.
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            According to the documentary “The Emoji Story”(2) released in 2019, emojis are often associated with positive use, with the most popular emoji being the “face with tears of joy” &amp;#55357;&amp;#56834;. What this indicates emotionally and linguistically is significant. Is it the case that if someone is expressing negative sentiment that they feel an emoji desensitises or devalues their human emotions? Are words better equipped than emojis to convey sadness, rage, jealousy and so on? It could certainly be argued that if someone sends the “angry face” emoji &amp;#55357;&amp;#56864; , this is not taken as seriously as someone typing “I am angry with you”. Societal interpretation of what emojis mean also intersects with emojis and culture. While most people can agree that the smiley face emoji invokes positive connotations, there are some emojis which carry double meanings. The most obvious examples being the association of the eggplant/aubergine emoji with male genitalia and the nail painting emoji carrying the implicit meaning of “sass, fanciness, nonchalance, or self-confidence across a variety of digital contexts.” according to dictionary.com.(3)
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           Status as a language
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            Se technologiesThe aforementioned quote regarding emojis as the world's fastest growing language may not hold firm in the eyes of linguists. Verbs cannot be conjugated, adjectives are difficult to convey and it is nearly impossible  to come up with a full sentence using only emojis, as I illustrated in my introductory statement above. In addition to these concerns, there has been doubt expressed as to the permanence of emojis as a tool for communication in the digital age (4). If their status as a language fails, one could argue that they are certainly aids that can be used to break down language barriers, as emojis are universal symbols which the majority of the population will understand almost immediately. Much of what makes up a culture revolves around language. Ireland for example retains its native language “Gaeilge” on all national road signs, public transport infrastructure and official state documentation, and is still considered an integral part of Irish culture, despite the fact English is the primary language spoken by the majority of citizens. Many cultures also hold their language and often dialects as a particularly proud element of their identity, so where do emojis fit into our culture? In addition to our nationality, our friends and family and how we communicate in our social groups, do emojis belong to our digital culture and identity?
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            Unicode - Emoji approval process
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           In considering the meaning and interpretation of emojis in culture, Unicode plays an essential role. Bringing the human element back to digital communication is at the forefront of Unicode's work. The organisation serves as the  “World Standard for Text and Emoji “with the aim of modifying text to create a “universal code” which all users, whether they operate on Apple or A
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           ndroid software, are looking at the same content when data transmission occurs.
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           Unicode also oversees the approval of new emojis. The aforementioned documentary “The Emoji Story” looked particularly at the approval process surrounding submissions for argentinian mate, headscarf  &amp;#55358;&amp;#56789;(5) and period emojis. All of these submissions were ultimately successful, having met the criteria to produce an emoji that was globally relevant, but these submissions are exceptional. The emoji creation process takes around 2 years according to the new chair of Unicode Jennifer Daniel (6). A particularly positive development in the emoji vocabulary in the last 5 years was the introduction of female emojis.  The fact that it did take until 2016 for the female option to be included despite the fact that women are heavier emoji users than men (1) could arguably say a lot about our culture and how the lack of representative emojis speaks volumes about how women are perceived in particular.
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           Regression from words to pictures - High Speech to Hieroglyphics?
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            In regard to whether emojis can be considered as elevating modern language and communication, we have to look at an average conversation online. Much of today's conversations online consist of pictures and even text speak which rose in popularity in the early 2000s and still remains a common element of a lot of people’s communication today, with acronyms such as LOL, BTW and TTYL (7) still very much in use. When we look at ancient Egypt for example, one of the most advanced societies of its time, hieroglyphics were the main form of language and can be described as similar to emojis in their aesthetic. Will we regress back to pure hieroglyphic-like communication, purely through symbol and picture, or are we seeing something more akin to the Book of Kells? The ancient writings originating from 800 AD intriguingly depict intricate drawings in the middle of sentences throughout the transcription of the New Testament, not dissimilar to how emojis are used today. What is interesting to consider is to contrast the fact that emojis are generated by just one tap on a phone screen or keyboard, while hieroglyphics require hours of transcribing. In the modern world when there is an emphasis on speed, progression, user friendly interfaces, it is interesting to consider the appeal of emojis. What better way to communicate than just by sending a small byte sized picture of exactly what we want to say?
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            References and Links
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            Caroline Criado-Perez (2019), Invisible Women: Exposing Data Bias in a World Designed for Men, Vintage Publishing
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            https://www.theemojistory.com/
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            &amp;gt; access 20.38pm 22nd of June 
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            https://this.deakin.edu.au/society/is-emoji-the-language-of-the-future#:~:text=Emoji%20breaks%20down%20language%20barriers,regardless%20of%20their%20native%20tongue
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            . Access 17.56 June 29th 2021
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             Access June 29th 
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            https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/05/11/1024802/jennifer-daniel-unicode-the-woman-who-will-decide-emoji/
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             Access 18.11 June 29th 2021
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            Acronym (colloquial) Talk to You Later 
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            Suzanne Flynn graduated with a joint honours degree in Law and German from Trinity College Dublin in 2020. She is currently working in the insurance sector but will be pursuing an LLM in Law and Technology at Utrecht University in September 2021. Suzanne is researching for Kittiwake with the Institute.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Mar 2022 21:39:16 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/my-post</guid>
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      <title>Rules are necessary: Data Feminism and its seven principles</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/rules-are-necessary-data-feminism-and-its-seven-principles</link>
      <description>The seven principles were put forward by D'Ignazio and Klein, authors of Data Feminism. Each item should be considered in order to ensure the equal visibility and application of the concept of feminism and mainly labour in the digital environment. As it is known, the concept of feminism is more than just a simple struggle for equality between men and women. Feminism is an umbrella phenomenon used for all disadvantaged groups except the powerful men of male-dominated societies.</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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            Rules are necessary: Data Feminism and its seven principles
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            In my previous articles, I mentioned the concepts of Big Data and Data Feminism and the importance of these concepts. In this article, I will try to explain the principles of Data Feminism by presenting my own perspective under the lead of
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           the Data Feminism book
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           .
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           By Sibel Dinç
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           July, 2021
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           A look at the seven principles of Data Feminism 
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           The seven principles
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            were put forward by D'Ignazio and Klein, authors of Data Feminism. Each item should be considered in order to ensure the equal visibility and application of the concept of feminism and mainly labour in the digital environment. As it is known, the concept of feminism is more than just a simple struggle for equality between men and women. Feminism is an umbrella phenomenon used for all disadvantaged groups except the powerful men of male-dominated societies. 
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           The phenomenon of inequality that we encounter in our daily lives has been transferred to the digital environment, technological devices and software alongside with our entry into the digital age. This necessitates the examination, research and production of solutions in the digital field of feminism. 
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            The seven principles identified are “Examine Power, Challenge Power, Elevate Emotion &amp;amp; Embodiment, Rethink Binaries &amp;amp; Hierarchies, Embrace Pluralism, Consider Context and Make Labour Visible”. Let's take a closer look at these items and try to raise awareness.
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           What is the purpose of the principles?
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           SpeakinData science deals with issues of interest in terms of quantity. However, in order to understand the root causes of the issues, the sides outside the quantitative framework should also be considered. In other words, it is a big mistake to consider data science only as number science. Each observation that can be described as a number -it can be a living thing or an inanimate object sometimes- (it) has qualitative outputs as well as quantitative outputs. At this point, the qualitative aspects of the data obtained should be handled with certain concepts.
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           In terms of Data Feminism, the seven principles determined were created to ensure that each subject examined is handled correctly in terms of data science. Let's take a closer look at the principles: 
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           1 - Examine Power 
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            It is argued by D'Ignazio and Klein that
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           the purpose of studying power
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            is not only to study power but also to dominate it. Knowledge is power and the field of data science allows to contain and analyse existing knowledge. At this point, examining the power will enable us to learn who has the power and whether it is manipulated, that is, to learn the current situation and to take an appropriate step.
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           2 - Challenge Power 
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           When we look at the world order, the existence of disadvantaged groups at all times protects the interests of those who hold power. Here, the authors emphasize the importance of examining the struggle with power as a second principle, and therefore the struggle with the phenomenon of inequality, in the data set. 
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           3 - Elevate Emotion &amp;amp; Embodiment
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            Scientists accept that the objective studies are reliable. Because they assume that there is not any emotional opinion in objective studies. But every single study in data science involves much more than a simple quantitative figure. In order to increase the impact and awareness of the studies carried out, it should be shown that there is more than just a number or a set of figures.
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           For example
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           , it is necessary to look at how a visualization example, in which the emotion phenomenon mentioned by the authors, changes their perspective on the event. The authors mention that two different visualization techniques and the effect of the news can create differences in an armed attack in a school in the USA in 2012.
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           From the perspective of feminism, we still have not been able to overcome some prejudices, no matter how much we object. One of them is that the phenomenon of emotion is associated with the female gender. And as it is known, where there is prejudice, the excluded group or groups are ignored. This situation prevents these groups from obtaining equal rights alongside the powerful and at the same time being represented to the required extent.
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           The perception among scientists that addressing emotions discredits studies is common, but human beings are emotional beings and events always have an emotional side. This emotionality should be accepted to the extent that it does not affect the objective point of view. The fact that emotionality is included in studies does not mean that the study is biased and lacks reliability. With the third principle of “Elevate Emotion and Embodiment”, the authors point out that the lack of emotion in data science studies and the devaluation of emotion is a deficiency. 
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           4 - Rethink Binaries &amp;amp; Hierarchies 
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            The most basic action for the representation of a group, namely its visibility, is to be counted and processed, that is, to participate in statistics. However, it is seen that stereotyped binary systems are still used in some cases in the field of data science and “other” segments are excluded. In fact, this both affects the representation and questions the accuracy of the data obtained. From the point of view of gender, although we use binary coding as a biological gender, it is necessary to include the concepts of sexual orientation, gender identity and sexual expression, depending on the suitability of the study. It should be taken into account how the person defines himself/herself, how he/she feels and how he/she wants to be represented. It may be right to do this without committing to an option for it.
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           Facebook's
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            step in this direction can be given as an example.
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            The fourth principle emphasizes the importance of classification and that hierarchical structures should be reconsidered in data science studies. As mentioned by the authors, “While classification and hierarchy are powerful methods of enumeration, they are also smart weapons used
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           to dominate, discipline and exclude
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            certain groups”.
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           On the other hand, I think that although classification is important for data science, it actually creates a labelling and thus supports discrimination between certain groups (gender, race, religion, language, etc.). However, I know that there is no clear step to be taken at this point, at least at the moment. Classification is the scaling technique underlying categorization science and data science. Classification is still used as the most basic statistical method to understand the current situation. Providing more options for accurate representation or obtaining open-ended responses from observations that received responses for the study will yield more accurate results, at least until other methods are found. 
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           5 - Embrace Pluralism 
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           The fifth principle refers to the necessity of pluralism. From the point of view of statistics, the selected sample should represent the population well so that the population can be understood. For representation, each group should be given equal weight in the sample. In fact, this principle is a generalization of basic statistical methods. By embracing pluralism, ignorance of any group is prevented, and real results are obtained for the research of interest.
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           6 - Consider Context 
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           In the sixth principle
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            presented by the authors, it is said that data feminism is biased and contains subjective judgments. It is claimed that the main reason for this is due to unequal social relations. It is mentioned that instead of seeing data sets as a structure consisting of numbers only, we should look at our research question and the context of our field of study as a "mine". However, as it manifests itself in all principles, it is known that knowledge is in the hands of the dominant group or groups and can be shaped as desired. As the authors point out, data cannot speak for itself. For this reason, it is important to understand their contents well.
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            Another handicap is the
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           open data
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            concept, which makes the use of datasets accessible to everyone. This concept adopts the free presentation of data to the public without certain restrictions (copyright, patent, etc.). Although providing information freely and free of charge is a positive step, if it is not processed in the right hands, the outputs will be extremely biased and misleading. Open data can also mean a data set that is easy to manipulate. However, from another point of view, sharing the data sets with the public without any restrictions can also create a collective trend for social consciousness, awareness and solution stages for the solution of some events. The striking examples of
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           sexual assault cases
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            presented by the authors also demonstrate that the concept of open data provides a serious impetus for faster handling, analysis and presentation of data sets. In other words, presenting the data in an open way is still an extremely controversial issue for now. 
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           7 - Make Labour Visible 
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            Making the work visible is the last item of data feminism principles. In this regard, discrimination based on gender is also present in the digital environment. According
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           to a study
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            conducted through the
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            site in 2016, it is seen that the gender-based acceptance of the contributions published on the site for code development differs. It has been determined that the acceptability of the female workforce in this field is at a low level compared to the male workforce. Apart from that, a similar example applies to
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           . Although they have demographic content that includes discrimination in terms of race and gender, the efforts of the excluded group in the field of data science are undeniable. 
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            What have the studies taught us? And what can be done?
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           D'Ignazio and Klein's book Data Feminism addresses the seven principles of data feminism and the necessities of these principles with the help of examples. The common theme that all the principles of this book, which raises awareness about the studies in this field, are addressed, is the power imbalance and its reflections in data science. This does not only cover gender-based discrimination. There is also racial discrimination.
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           At this point, the first thing to be done is to raise awareness to the public on this issue, as is done now. While the principles of data feminism contribute to this awareness; the application of these principles to the works will be effective in creating more accurate strategies, thus using time, effort and money at an economic level, recognizing hidden labour and minimizing power imbalances. 
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            Let's think together! What other studies can be done to raise awareness in this area?
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           Suggested readings
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            1
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           “Seven intersectional feminist principles for equitable and actionable COVID-19 data”
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            in terms of handling a topic that is up to date in terms of data feminism.
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            2 Another suggestion is no doubt to read the book
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           "Data Feminism"
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            in order to explore the examples and deep analysis it contains.
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            Next post :
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            Discriminatory language exists in the field of technology as well as in everyday life. The creators of course also have a share in the formation of discriminatory language. So, do you think a search engine can be a feminist? In my next article, I will talk about whether it is possible to apply the concept of data feminism on digital products with case studies.
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           Sibel Dinç is ongoing at King's College London in Big Data in Culture &amp;amp; Society MA program. She worked as a research assistant in Turkey. She is interested in social media studies. She takes an active role in The Institute for Internet and Just Society as a researcher.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Mar 2022 21:38:59 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/rules-are-necessary-data-feminism-and-its-seven-principles</guid>
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      <title>The Digital Transformation of Public Administration</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-digital-transformation-of-public-administration</link>
      <description>Today, governments are increasingly committed to digitizing public services and their administration, with the aim of making administrative procedures simpler and more accessible. Overall, this digital transformation of public administration can have consequences going beyond a simple modernization of the state, transforming the traditional models of governance, by being an instrument of open government. Indeed, the digital transformation of administrations can enable states to evolve towards a more horizontal model of governance relying on transparency and openness of public data, as well as promoting collaboration with civil society in the design of public policies. We aim at addressing the digitization of public action, for example by evoking the design of public services, the co-creation process with citizens, the use of artificial intelligence in administration, but also the challenges linked to the dematerialization of public services.</description>
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           ABOUT
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           Today, governments are increasingly committed to digitizing public services and their administration, with the aim of making administrative procedures simpler and more accessible. Overall, this digital transformation of public administration can have consequences going beyond a simple modernization of the state, transforming the traditional models of governance, by being an instrument of open government. Indeed, the digital transformation of administrations can enable states to evolve towards a more horizontal model of governance relying on transparency and openness of public data, as well as promoting collaboration with civil society in the design of public policies. We aim at addressing the digitization of public action, for example by evoking the design of public services, the co-creation process with citizens, the use of artificial intelligence in administration, but also the challenges linked to the dematerialization of public services. 
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           SPEAKERS
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           Christian Djeffal
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            is Assistant Professor for Law, Science and Technology at the Technical University of Munich. At the TUM School of Social Sciences and Technology, he researches and lectures on the relationship between law and technology, focusing on new technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI) and the internet of things (IoT).
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           Gerhard Hammerschmid
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            is Professor of Public Management and Director of the Centre for Digital Governance at the Hertie School in Berlin. His research focuses on public management reform, comparative public administration, public sector innovation and government digitalization. Gerhard Hammerschmid has more than 20 years of experience in communicating research findings to high level government officials and policy makers and has been contributing to several cross-European research projects and expertises.
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           Luísa Franco Machado
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            is a researcher studying the responsible use of digital technologies in the public sector and investigating ways to overcome AI bias and achieve data justice in public administrations. She holds a Bachelor's degree in Political Science and Latin American Studies from Sciences Po Paris and a Master's degree in Digital, New Technology and Public Policy from the same institution. She is currently pursuing a Master of Public Administration at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). She has previously worked at the OECD.AI, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), the Institute for Internet and the Just Society and she is currently a fellow at EuroDIG.
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           Massimo Pellegrino
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            is a Partner at Intellera Consulting where he works on projects related to the digitization of the public sector. He was Partner at PwC for the Digital Strategy &amp;amp; Innovation Practice. In the PwC network, he also held the role of Global Data &amp;amp; Analytics Leader for the Industrial Products market. Prior to joining PwC, Massimo was the Global Vice President of Hewlett-Packard's Enterprise Information Services Business Unit. He has gained significant experience in international IT Strategy, Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning, Cloud Computing, Internet of Things and Open Innovation projects. Massimo has a degree in Political Science and a Masters in Business Administration from CUOA Business School.
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           MODERATORS
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            Maximilian Richter
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           is an Associate at PUBLIC where he helps GovTech startups transform the public sector. Prior to joining PUBLIC, he interned at PD-Berater der öffentlichen Hand GmbH, Global Berlin Advisors, the German Parliament and the German Embassy in London. He holds a Bachelor's in Politics and Economics from Bamberg University and a Master's in Digital, New Technology and Public Policy from Sciences Po.
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           Sonia Sangiovanni
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            is a young professional, specialized in Technology and Public Affairs. During her Master’s in International Security at Sciences Po, she studied  the social and political impacts of big data and AI. Her Master Thesis focused on the digitalisation and privatisation of Intelligence services in the UK and investigated companies such as Cambridge Analytica, Black Cube and Hakluyt. After her graduation, Sonia started her career by working as consultant for the French Public Sector.
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           SHARE
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           LIVESTREAM
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      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Feb 2022 20:07:42 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-digital-transformation-of-public-administration</guid>
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      <title>Challenges and Opportunities of AI in Outer Space</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/challenges-and-opportunities-of-ai-in-outer-space</link>
      <description>How AI is enabling new frontiers in Mars exploration.</description>
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           SPACE POLICY
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           Challenges and Opportunities of AI in Outer Space
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           How AI is enabling new frontiers in Mars exploration.
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           Linda Jaeck
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           January 16, 2022
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            Stephen Hawking once said, that AI will either be the best thing that's ever happened to us, or it will be the worst thing (Hawking, 2017). It is undeniable that the impact of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on the future of technologies has become a topic of high relevance already - also in space. Its extensive development makes AI  even more attractive to researchers as its potential provides a variety of opportunities for the space realm.
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            This article lays out the current challenges and opportunities in Mars exploration and  foreshadows what the applications of AI in the space sector could potentially entail. In the past 60 years, AI has become increasingly important in computer science, enabling machines to autonomously perform tasks with simple human intelligence input (Anastassov, 2021). Since then, the term ‘Artificial Intelligence’ has gone through a variety of different interpretations being related to several activities and technologies (Boulanin et al., 2020). It is a highly convergent “general-purpose technology that does not stand alone but enhances or adds functionality” (Verbruggen, 2020, p. 12) when integrated into systems.
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           Those systems are mostly taught by humans, writing in a set of codes or, in the case of machine learning (ML), are fed into the algorithm and adjusts itself over time (European Space Agency, 2021). Within ML, the specialized deep learning (DL) technique uses multi-layered artificial neutral networks to learn by itself and is often used in spacecraft (ibid.). Especially in Mars exploration, where humans are exposed to extreme conditions, AI is considered an appropriate supplementary tool to perform tasks humans wouldn’t be able to perform.
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           Recent history of AI and Mars exploration
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            With the beginning of the 21st century, AI has made a steady progress in Mars exploration, becoming increasingly institutionalized (Liu et al., 2018). The successful implementation of new and innovative tools was long overdue as the space sector had to deal with economic restrictions and increasing criticism, despite all its outstanding achievements (Krichevsky, 2018).
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           In the following, the author demonstrates the challenges and opportunities AI poses to robotic and human exploration of Mars by means of selected examples. The first ever case of AI being used in space exploration is the Deep Space 1 probe, a technology demonstrator conducting the comet Borrelly and the asteroid 9969 Braille in 1998. The algorithm used during the mission was called Remote Agent (Havelund et al. 2001) and diagnosed failures on-board (Williams &amp;amp; Braddock, 2019). In a similar vein, AI has successfully been used in space rover system software to enhance the communication between the rover and Earth during missions in outer space (Soroka &amp;amp; Kurkova, 2019). 
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            Looking more precisely at the functioning of AI and machine learning, scholars argue that both enable quick decision-making and help satellites to manage these systems without external help from humans. Through the implementation of AI systems these cognitive technologies can enable communication networks to both work more sustainably and efficiently (Soroka &amp;amp; Kurkova, 2019). For instance, the signal between a Mars rover and Earth takes up to 24 minutes to pass during a Mars exploration. To shorten this period, engineers are increasingly taking advantage of space robots, which make decisions autonomously when it comes to collecting and analyzing data and deciding which information should be send back to Earth.
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           In the case of an autonomous system called Curiosity rover, which NASA sent to Mars in 2016 in order to explore the Gail crater, the AEGIS (Autonomous Exploration for Gathering Increased Science) system was used (Good, 2017). By helping to zap dozens of laser targets on the Red Planet, it inherently changed how Mars is studied. AEGIS was also used as part of the ‘Mars 2020’ mission for autonomous target selection, identifying geological targets in images from the rover’s navigation camera and choosing targets for itself without the permission of Earth (Francis et al, 2017; Good, 2020). This led to a favorable time reduction during the mission as both parties, the robot and Earth did not have to wait for mutual actions.
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           Challenges and opportunities for Intelligent Autonomy in Mars exploration
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            Robotic systems have proven to be well suited for repeated tasks in harsh and hazardous environments (Campbell, 2010). Previous studies have shown that with AI, the level of automation can be increased far beyond operational automation in robotics facilitating the performance of Mars exploration (Williams &amp;amp; Braddock, 2019). One major issue, however, is the ability to implement AI reliably for complex tasks in software in space exploration.
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           This article offers a comparative overview of selected key achievements of AI and Mars exploration, examining the challenges and opportunities of AI in this context. As Campbell (2010) argues, the level of deep intelligence humans perform is difficult to emulate in software. The mismatch between perception has primarily been examined from a deterministic perspective, leading to reactive rather than intelligent behavior in robotics in aerospace. For instance, cooperative unmanned air vehicles (UAV) whose main task is to search and track objects of interests (Campell &amp;amp; Whitacre, 2007) tend to lose track of extreme-target then they move out of sight during missions. To solve this problem, systems like UAV require improved linkage between sensors, perception and planning (Thrun et al. 2005) while the first step should be converting data to information. 
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            Solving connectivity issues of UAV’s is just one out of many challenges, space exploration faces. One great challenge which affects the success and failure of future deep and space exploration missions and Mars expeditions is On-Orbit construction (Biswal &amp;amp; Annavarapum 2021). Potentially volatile circumstances such as the effect of zero gravity on physical health or the exposure to solar flare and solar irradiance expose humans to extremely rough circumstances and therefore make on-orbit assembly challenging for humans. A solution would be AI robots for on-orbit construction to remedy the above challenges. Space entities like NASA or ESA are currently working to ready AI robots for on-orbit constructions in order to assure 100% secure assembly, thereby eliminating physical health problems or the exposure to solar irradiance (Rybus, 2018).
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           Another major challenge for voyaging astronauts is spaceship management (Biswal &amp;amp; Annavarapum 2021). Due to microgravity and special radiation environment, health issues may arise and could eventually peak in the inability to manage the spacecraft. AI-based automated robots could be the answer to this issue given their robust electronic structure and their potential to minimize [EM1] threats to health on long missions (Chien et al., 2006). AI may be especially useful for long-duration missions to Mars and other places beyond the Earth-Moon system involving a large-scale numbers of crew members, autonomous navigation and communication systems. (Daniela &amp;amp; Dario, 2007). The crew would stay inside the space capsules for many months, potentially kept in a state of artificial hibernation, while not being subject to higher level of radiation. According to NASA’s Glenn Research Center, a ‘cognitive radio’ could be used to transmit space data during the flight. This technology combines cognitive computing and machine learning while handling huge volumes of communication traffic. 
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            As argued above, AI is already playing a key role in assisting with space exploration. Due to the increased length and complexity of future missions, improved handling of management and coordination tasks is required. Systems like AEGIS providing automated targeting essentially contribute to easing processes, as to explore the crater landscape of Mars. With applications ranging from decision-support to navigation in long-duration missions, AI can significantly support human capabilities, such as in on-orbit constructions and secure human health and well-being.
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           However, despite its potential in handling heavy volumes of sensitive data and contributing to complex tasks, AI should  be considered as a means of assisting to missions, as it has not yet reached the desired point of technological maturity. Dynamic joint human-robotic operations will be one of the most arduous problems in Mars exploration. Nonetheless, the next step of digital revolution is just around the corner and AI will be a huge part of it. Critically checking reality and objectively working on interdisciplinary solutions on how to implement AI in the most ethical, solution-oriented way needs to be of uttermost importance in future research on AI in Mars exploration. 
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             European Space Agency (March 3, 2021).
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             Artificial Intelligence in space.
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             Accessed:
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            https://www.esa.int/Enabling_Support/Preparing_for_the_Future/Discovery_and_Preparation/Artificial_intelligence_in_space
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             Good, A. (June 21, 2017).
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            Laser-targeting A.I. Yields More Mars Science
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            . Accessed: https://www.jpl.nasa.gov/news/laser-targeting-ai-yields-more-mars-science
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           Linda is a graduate student in International Affairs at Hertie School of Governance where she specializes in security. She studied her undergraduate degree in communication with a focus on European foreign policy at the University of Vienna and KU Leuven. She has gained further experience with NGO’s in Austria, Czech Republic and Belgium and worked for the Vice-President of the European Parliament. Linda currently works as a program assistant at the Aspen Institute.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 16 Jan 2022 17:41:29 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/challenges-and-opportunities-of-ai-in-outer-space</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">editorspicks,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Transforming Public Action - eGovernment in France</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/egovernment-in-france</link>
      <description>An overview of the digital transformation of French public services.</description>
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           DIGITAL GOVERNMENT
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           Transforming Public Action - eGovernment in France
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           An overview of the digital transformation of French public services.
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           Marine Dupuis
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           January 16, 2022
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           E-government or digital government
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            refers to the use of new technology in administrations to achieve a better government by making public services more accessible and procedures simpler (OCDE, 2003). A pioneer state in this field is Estonia since its citizens can realize almost all of their administrative procedures online. In 2017, the former French Prime Minister Edouard Phillippe affirmed that "the Estonian reality is
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           the French objective
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            in terms of e-administration by 2022", and consequently launched a program to rethink the model of public action in France, called "Public Action 2022".  A few months before the end of Emmanuel Macron's mandate, has France evolved and become a leading country in the field of digital administration? And heretofore, what were the pivotal moments in the French digital transformation? 
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           Some insights on the development of France's e-administration
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            The stake of the modernization of the public service in France induces to disrupt the complex and rigid procedures in a country of bureaucratic tradition, to evolve towards a modernized and agile administration. The French strategy for the digital transformation of the state dates back to the early 2000s. Thus, one of the first upheavals in the field was the creation in 2000 of the
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           service-public.fr
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            website, allowing individuals to have online access to practical resources on the realization of their administrative procedures.
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            After this simple period of online information, a second step in the digital transformation of public services took place with a real process of dematerialization of essential administrative procedures, spurred on by three action plans in 1998, 2004, and 2008. Afterwards, in 2013, within the framework of the
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           law
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            "enabling the Government to simplify relations between the administration and the citizens", France adopted multiple measures to simplify administrative procedures. It was therefore particularly necessary since, in 2014,
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           the Global Competitiveness Report
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           of the World Economic Forum revealed that France was ranked 121st out of 144 countries in the world in terms of administrative burden.
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            Here, the notion of administrative simplification is central and constitutes the third point in the french digital transition of public services. Actually, the establishment of a digital administration is not limited to the simple transposition of the usual procedures in the online space but relies on the improvement of the citizen experience. The administration is indeed seeking to modernize itself for better efficiency, but the key point here is to reshape the relationship between citizens and the public service.
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           Furthermore, in 2014, a decree developed the "
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           state as a platform" project
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            , aiming to make the state an interface between administrations, where the digital interoperability of information systems in the administration is reinforced. This decree was of great importance since it induced the pooling of all infrastructures, networks, and software between the different administrations. Back in 2015, France passed
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           a law "for a Digital Republic".
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            This
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           digital bill
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            was a major breakthrough in the digital transformation of public services since it allowed easy access to administrative documents, but also initiated the open share of public data on the platform
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           www.data.gouv.fr
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           . The sharing of data held by the administrations was therefore made available to the public for better transparency of public action while giving the possibility to the French to enrich the available data.
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           The Macron mandate: a turning point for the modernization of public services?
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           In 2017, candidate Emmanuel Macron vowed to make the “French administration at the service of innovators'', and emphasized “I would like to be able to proceed very quickly to a profound change in the administration”. Became president, it is no wonder that the government chose to quickly embark on a major reform of the state. The "
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           Public Action 2022
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           " program was therefore set up, the aim of which was to dematerialize by 2022 the 250 most used administrative procedures in France. To ensure the enforcement of the program, the French interministerial directorate for digital affairs (
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           DINUM
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            ) was created, with a focus on the information systems of French administrations. The DINUM works jointly with the already existing
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           DITP
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            (Inter-ministerial Directorate for Public Transformation) on the three-layer objective of this program: improving the quality of public services for users, controlling public expenditure for tax-payers, and modernizing the status and working conditions in the public service for civil servants.  We, therefore, see here a will for a multi-scalar transformation of the administration, taking into account all the stakeholders. So a few months before the deadline, what are the outcomes of the “Public Action 2022” program? 
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           As of today, 212 of the 250 most common procedures in France such as the declaration of income, the payment of taxes and fines, the request for identity papers, the request for housing assistance, and access to the certificate of Covid-19 vaccination are fully available online. It is therefore clear that France has experienced a clear acceleration in its digital transformation in recent years, despite the pandemic. Thus, what could have represented a roadblock paradoxically reinforced the digital transformation of the state. In fact, as part of the "
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           France Relance
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           " economic recovery plan, aimed at reviving the French economy, following the economic crisis linked to the Covid-19 pandemic, an envelope of 1.7 billion euros, in support of the digital transformation of the state, was allocated.
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           France: a digital champion at the international scale?
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            But how can we determine whether these developments have enabled France to become a leader in the field of e-governance? One of the solutions is the #EDGI indicator, created by the UN to study the development strategies of digital administration in the world.
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           EGDI
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            is a composite index between 0 and 1 used to determine the performance of e-governments. It is calculated by the average of three indices, quantifying respectively: the use of NTIC's for public services, the degree of telecommunication connectivity in the country (internet access), and the human capacity of citizens (human capital).
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            Currently, France is ranked 19th and has lost 10 places compared to 2018; despite a high index of 0.87180. France remains ninth at the European level, behind countries like Denmark, Estonia, or Finland which are at the top of the ranking (both European and international).
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           France's EGDI ranking
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           had never been so low given that since 2008, the French state had always been in the world's top 10 for e-government. The index, therefore, shows that compared to other countries the deployment of e-government in France is becoming slower. 
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           The digital divide in France: Those left behind in the digital transformation of the state
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            France’s EDGI index is indeed showing us that the maturity of the French e-government is not completely optimal, especially concerning connectivity and Internet access. And in fact, the digital transition of public services, despite its obvious benefits, has a major limit, since it can counterproductively constitute a breach of equality in access to the public service, by excluding
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           people in difficulty with
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            technology
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           .  First, more than
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           7.5 million people
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            in France do not have quality access to the Internet connection, especially in the countryside and ultramarine territories. In addition, access to computer equipment is also a factor of discrimination in the realization of dematerialized procedures since 19% of French people do not have a computer at home. Finally, the dematerialization of procedures can also be a source of difficulties for people who are unable to use digital tools: a third of French people (18 million) consider themselves to be little or not competent to use a computer.
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           The digital transformation of the administration, therefore, comes up against problems of territorial, economic and cultural inequalities. As such, the example of France is interesting insofar as a large part of the social disputes is based on the bad relations between citizens and administration. Indeed, the lack of access to public services and their scarcity in the rural areas was one of the reasons which triggered the “
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           yellow vests
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           '' movement, a protest movement that resulted in numerous demonstrations in 2018 and 2019. France, therefore, faces a paradox and is on a crest line where digital administration can offer great possibilities in terms of accessibility and access to rights for all, but at the same time carries a risk of exclusion for many citizens, who are isolated and not digital literate.
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           Digital administration:  a move towards open democracy ?
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            This article aimed to paint a non-exhaustive picture of the process of digitization of French public services. Yet, the study of some of the milestones of the French public action reforms, and in particular the “Public Action 2022 program” reveals a will of decision-makers to embrace digital technology and its methods as a lever for modernizing the state. We have seen that the question of digitization increasingly reconfigures legislation and the state is showing initiative in the creation of new frameworks and tools for digital public administration.  But this digitization is not limited only to a simplification of the daily life of French citizens but provokes a profound change in terms of governance, by being an instrument of
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           open government
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            . Indeed, the introduction of the digital in the public sphere contributes to redefining the doctrine of governance, towards a more horizontal model relying on the exigence of transparency and the openness of public data, as well as promoting collaboration with civil society in the design of public policies.
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           Algan et al.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            (2010) summarize well the potentialities of this concept: “The way in which public services are produced must be rethought by encouraging the use of “agile” methods and experimentation within public services and by involving users in the co-production of these services through participative processes (…) to adapt the social contract between the citizens and the State to this new digital era. ".
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           In striving for digital leadership, France must therefore continue to encourage a citizen-oriented approach in the design of new public services; which would make it possible to overcome administrative rigidities and the traditional vertical aspect of the French administration, while taking better account of the needs of its citizens. The central issue is therefore to avoid a “forced march” transformation of public services, weakening the French people who are the most distant from digital.
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           References &amp;amp; Link
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           Marine Dupuis is a third year student, completing her Bachelor Degree in Social Sciences in Sciences Po Paris. She is majoring in Political Humanities and minoring in International Relations. She is spending her third year abroad, in the University of Tartu, Estonia. She realized several internships in Paris in the field of public relations and is currently a research assistant for a French sociologist, Dominique Cardon, specialiazed in big data.She is fluent in French and English, can communicate in German, and is currently learning Russian.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 16 Jan 2022 12:53:11 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/egovernment-in-france</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Why a Small Town in Upstate NY Banned Cryptocurrencies</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/why-a-small-town-in-upstate-ny-banned-cryptocurrencies</link>
      <description>Cryptocurrencies (Crypto) have captured the world by storm with some touting its success as “magic internet money” and others criticizing it as a “bubble waiting to burst”. One thing is for sure: crypto can have a significant impact on the environment, and the small town of Massena, NY, home to the world’s largest crypto data center, has been caught in the crossfires going so far as to ban them temporarily.</description>
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           CRYPTO EMISSIONS
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           Why a Small Town in Upstate NY Banned Cryptocurrencies
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           Cryptocurrencies have captured the world by storm with some touting its success as “
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    &lt;a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/martinrivers/2021/06/15/how-bitcoin-can-fix-global-inequality-one-developing-nation-at-a-time/?sh=45d5dc452aa5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           magic internet money
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           ” and others criticizing it as a “
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           bubble waiting to burst
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            ”. One thing is for sure: crypto can have a significant impact on the environment, and the small town of Massena, NY, home to the
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           world’s largest crypto data center
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            , has been caught in the crossfires going so far as to ban them temporarily.
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           By Jeremy Zimmerman
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           October 22, 2021
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           Gary Stevens
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           Crypto Background
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            But before we discuss how a sleepy town in upstate New York became at the center of the latest disputes over crypto, it’s important to understand how it works and how we got here. Modern cryptocurrencies can be traced back to the 1990’s but it was BitCoin in 2009 that revolutionized the field with its blockchain technology. BitCoin’s use of blockchain shifted away from a centralized banking system and instead became peer-to-peer verified. This new type of peer-to-peer verification is secure and is only possible because blockchain uses a
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    &lt;a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&amp;amp;lr=&amp;amp;id=LchFDAAAQBAJ&amp;amp;oi=fnd&amp;amp;pg=PP1&amp;amp;ots=AsnEdU1NiC&amp;amp;sig=Ef036eMKUalLzVVe73fRd_QqKnI#v=onepage&amp;amp;q&amp;amp;f=false" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Proof of Work
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           consensus to verify the transactions legitimacy. As a result, the work is done one each individual’s machine or server spread out all over the world instead of at some central server which can be monitored or controlled by a central authority. 
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           All of this technical jargon can certainly be intimidating, but it is important to understand that crypto transfers the power from centralized banks to individuals. This transfer of power is why crypto currencies are sometimes seen as great equalizers as theoretically anyone in the world can take part despite their nationality, sex, location, criminal history, etc so long as they have a server. 
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            At first glance, it appears to be a wonderful way to give power back to the people but quickly it can become a huge problem for local communities. See, when BitCoin started it was relatively easy to verify transactions or “mine” BitCoin but as time has gone on and the value has skyrocketed the amount of work to verify a meaningful amount of bitcoin has also
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    &lt;a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2542435119302557#bib4" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           skyrocketed
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           . And just as the “cloud” has a physical footprint left on the environment, so too do these “crypto mines” and it's a rather significant one.
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           Crypto’s Carbon Footprint
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            Research done at Cambridge highlights the impact of cryptocurrencies on the global environment. Bitcoin alone, uses
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           more power
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            than the entire countries of Finland and Belgium and uses more electricity than all of the lights in the United States. While these stats highlight the significance of crypto’s impact it is important to highlight that on a global scale they still
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    &lt;a href="https://cbeci.org/cbeci/comparisons" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           pale in comparison to power giants like China and the United States
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           . Crypto’s threat isn't, at this point, a global environmental issue but rather a local one which can greatly alter a local community. These localized effects are serious because crypto mining tends to group in similar areas with cheap electricity, and small Massena in upstate New York with ample amounts of cheap hydroelectricity became a new hive for crypto miners.
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           Why Massena?
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            With a population of only 12,000 residents, Massena faces significant threats from an inondation of crypto miners. This threat is highlighted by pre-existing economic disparities in the region with a poverty rate
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           more than double the national average
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            and a higher unemployment rate. The town is also home to a significant Mohawk (Kanienʼkeháka) minority who have historically been impoverished and discriminated against in the region. These two factors together make Messina an area prone to threats of environmental injustice and exploitation. The most evident being threats to Massena’s cheap electricity rates which would significantly increase the average family’s household budget aggravating poverty in the region. 
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            But these servers do more than just use electricity, they have a physical impact on the environment. Oftentimes these servers are stored in shipping containers which have popped up across the town plighting the land both aesthetically and destroying the natural environment and lands held sacred by the native
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           Kanienʼkeháka
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            . Furthermore, once the “mine dries up” and electricity prices become too high these servers are often left as e-waste for the local community to deal with, leaving Massena with a destroyed environment and inflated electricity costs with minimal economic benefit. As a result,
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    &lt;a href="https://www.wwnytv.com/2021/07/22/massena-pumps-breaks-new-cryptocurrency-miners/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Massena has temporarily banned cryptocurrencies
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            while it attempts to find a way to regulate them. 
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           Massena is not alone in this issue, with nearby
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           Plattsburgh, NY
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            doing a similar ban and regulation in 2018 creating a patchwork of cryptocurrency regulations across towns in upstate NY and other areas with cheap electricity as attempts to create a statewide ban failed. While this patchwork can help these local communities in the short term, it does little to alleviate the underlying pollution that comes from crypto. And since crypto has no centralized oversight, it is flexible and can, and has, moved from town to town in order to find the cheapest rates and the friendliest regulations. Until there is some comprehensive regulation over the environmental degradation from cryptocurrencies, towns will continue to be taken advantage of by eager crypto capitalists. 
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           Closing Remarks
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           The need for regulation of cryptocurrencies demonstrates a fundamental problem with a decentralized currency which is based upon the notion of peer-to-peer verification vis-à-vis environmental protection. The cryptocurrency issue highlights why environmental regulation is still so essential and falls under a greater umbrella of the need for broader regulation of the digital space. While the independence of the internet is an essential part of its beauty, regulation and oversight are essential to protect the people who are unintentionally caught in the environmental fallout.
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           Jeremy Zimmerman has recently finished a dual degree program between Sciences Po Paris and Columbia University. At Columbia he studied Sustainable Development and focused especially on environmental justice and policy. Recently he has worked for the Center of Resilient Cities and Landscapes focusing on mapping the impacts of last-mile deliveries from Amazon, UPS, and other e-commerce centers in Brooklyn. He is passionate about keeping the internet a fair place and believes it can be used as a vehicle to help better justice, equality, and the environment. He is fluent in English, French, and American Sign Language and in his free times loves playing video games and going on hikes.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Oct 2021 14:10:05 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/why-a-small-town-in-upstate-ny-banned-cryptocurrencies</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,fair,sustainability,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Consuming Deepfakes with Awareness</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/consuming-deepfakes-with-awareness</link>
      <description>To stop the spreading of deepfakes, we would need to shut down the internet, which is not really a viable solution.</description>
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           DIGITAL LITERACY
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           Consuming Deepfakes with Awareness
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           To stop the spreading of deepfakes, we would need to shut down the internet, which is not really a viable solution.
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           By Tuuli Säynätkari
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           October 22, 2021
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            We no longer need to poke around the dark corners of the internet to come across deepfakes, instead they are constantly taking space in new areas. To stop the spreading of deepfakes, we would need to shut down the internet, which is not really a viable solution. Therefore, we need to keep our eyes open, and when seeing is no longer believing, our minds need to be ever so alert. 
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           This article argues that we can protect ourselves from the ill-intended actors using deepfakes by improving our media literacy skills and increasing our awareness regarding deepfakes. The aim is to increase awareness of the many arenas in which deepfakes are present, and to remind that deepfakes continuously  extend their presence in yet-unknown fields. 
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           The Evolution of Deepfakes 
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           The first deepfakes emerged in
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    &lt;a href="https://www.vice.com/en/article/gydydm/gal-gadot-fake-ai-porn" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           face-swap porn videos
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            of celebrities. Within less than five years from their first appearance, deepfake technology has been used for
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    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/4bf4277c-f527-11e9-a79c-bc9acae3b654" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           politics
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           ,
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           helping ALS patients
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           , creating multilingual
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    &lt;a href="https://malariamustdie.com/news/david-beckham-launches-worlds-first-voice-petition-end-malaria" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           information campaigns
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           , and disseminating mis- and
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/nov/12/deep-fakes-fake-news-truth" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           disinformation
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           . Each new way of employing deepfakes brings new concerns and questions.
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           Even if deepfake porn amounts to
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           over 90%
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            of deepfake content online, we should not ignore the other areas in which deepfakes are present. The moment deepfakes enter a new area and our focus is elsewhere, it can disturb the way we construe truth and facts online by simply ignoring the possibilities of deepfakes’ presence in a given area. One of the latest additions to the series is
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    &lt;a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15230406.2021.1910075" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           deepfake satellite images
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           . If we are not aware of the possibilities of deepfake technology altering those images , we might not challenge the content as much compared to had we known that deepfakes are present in that field as well. For example, some actors might choose to downplay the damages of terrorist attacks or natural disasters for their own benefit by using synthetic geographical pictures.
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           What has been done and what can be done 
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           Since we cannot shut down the internet, we need to come up with other solutions.
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           Several different initiatives
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            for deepfake detection have emerged during the past couple of years.[1]  In addition to companies taking upon the task to develop tools for identifying the nature of digital content, states have also started to push forward laws to prohibit
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           non-consensual pornographic deepfakes
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            and
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           political deepfakes during electoral campaigns
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           . Regardless of the corporations’ and states’ actions, there is no global legal coverage or consensus of a singular detection method, nor are there any generally accepted authentication means for online content. Hence, I urge that we rely on ourselves. It is not to say that the legal, detection, or authentication methods would be useless, rather that without global agreement of the means to do so, we cannot rely on isolated ways to perform these procedures.
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           While we are waiting for initiatives to gain broader support, we need to program our minds to function as filters. It is no new information that fake news has a presence on online platforms, and our
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           information literacy skills can help to spot these fakes.
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            I propose that by being alerted and aware of the possibilities of deepfakes existing everywhere, we can consume content more carefully.
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           This is not to say that we should implement an automatic imaginary fake-label for every single post we come across online. If we were to do so, I strongly believe that this would diminish the reach of truth and authentic content; by automatically denying everything, the truth would need to work double as hard to be credible in the viewer’s eyes. And if everything would automatically be considered as fake, many ill-intended individuals could enjoy this protection and be less concerned of the consequences of their actions, simply by relying on the public to automatically deny the truthfulness of any content.
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           Conclusion
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           My goal is not to paint a horror picture of deepfakes being only used in a malicious way. Deepfakes have positive uses as well, and medicine and entertainment branches are one of those who can lead the way towards a more positive discussion of the use of deepfakes. When the use is seen as positive and/or beneficial, it is more likely that these industries will openly disclose the use of deepfake technology. When the ones using deepfake technology choose to disclose the information in a clear enough manner, the individuals no longer bear the full burden of taking upon the task of identifying the reliability of the content.
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            But currently we cannot hide from deepfakes, and we still lack consensus on how to tackle them. The best tool we currently have is awareness, and by choosing to have a blindfold on, we give space for the ill-intended actors to exploit the digital content consumers. By acknowledging that deepfakes can be everywhere - and keeping this in mind when consuming digital content - the ill-intended actors are worse off. While we can wait for broader educational initiatives to implement media literacy to schools across the globe, there are plenty of tips available online on how our own media literacy skills can be improved.
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           Tuuli Säynätkari is a King's College London Master's graduate from Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law studies. Tuuli has obtained her bachelor degrees in law from The Hague, Netherlands, and in national economics and political sciences from Stockholm, Sweden. During her studies, she did an exchange in Beijing, China, getting to know the Chinese legal and political system. Most recently, she been working for few years in an operative HR team at CGI. Tuuli is a native Finnish speaker, and is fluent in English and Swedish. Tuuli enjoys reading, sailing, and discussing about deepfakes.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Oct 2021 13:58:37 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/consuming-deepfakes-with-awareness</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Competition Law and Promoting Frugal Innovation in India</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/competition-law-and-promoting-frugal-innovation-in-india</link>
      <description>The super wicked nature of the current pandemic needs a multipronged strategy to tackle intricately related issues like recession, inequality, and climate change in a holistic manner. In this context, rebooting the Indian economy based on “frugal innovation” in which social entrepreneurs constantly work on the idea of cheaper, user-friendly transformations that cater to social needs is the path forward.</description>
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           BETTER WITH LESS
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           Competition law and promoting frugal innovation in India
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           The super wicked nature of the current pandemic needs a multipronged strategy to tackle intricately related issues like recession, inequality, and climate change in a holistic manner. In this context, rebooting the Indian economy based on “frugal innovation” in which social entrepreneurs constantly work on the idea of cheaper, user-friendly transformations that cater to social needs is the path forward.
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           By Devanshu Jha &amp;amp; Nidhi Singh
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           October 22, 2021
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           ‘Frugal Innovation’ can be defined as the mechanism through which we bring down the cost and complexity of a good and its production processes. So, the essence of frugal innovation is based on a less resource intensive approach and providing higher value to a bigger group of people at lower cost. For rebuilding the economy, we need to promote frugal innovation so that we can guide our attention towards creating better social, ecological and economic values simultaneously along with reforming the efficient use of resources.
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            In the present VUCA (Volatility, uncertainty, complexity and ambiguity) times, we need a transformation in the way businesses; institutions and common masses think to tackle the pervading challenges in the Indian ecosystem. Scholars like Navi Radjou have insisted on creating mechanisms for building circular value networks, simplification of organization structures, crowdsourcing solutions and developing citizen centric innovation networks in emerging economies like India to promote frugal innovation. India can be a cradle for frugal innovation in terms of need and opportunity. It's not surprising that circular economy and value networks have been a part and parcel of traditional lifestyle. Further building innovation networks can be very beneficial  as a quantum of opportunities are available.
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           For instance, only 30 % of wastewater is recycled  in India. This is because “frugal innovation (jugaad)” has been regarded as an important social value in India since ages. The unique selling proposition of the Indian workforce lies in the presence of skilled workers, artisans and craftsmen in rural areas. This talent can be used further in recycling, repackaging , establishing a new customer base and serving  at the bottom of the pyramid of society. As per Hofstede model India tends to move towards collectivization of society. This makes the art of collective intelligence like “crowdsourcing” easier in Indian society. These factors can be very important while promoting India as the leading market in frugal innovation with the advantage of cost (across different professions and industry), high demand and skilled professionals.
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           In present  circumstances when demand, consumer sentiments and capacity utilization (63%) are low, people are trying to save more in emerging economies including India. The pressure on households, government and company budgets has been increasing.There has been a rise of total tax burden on households to 75 % from 60% in 2011. Further retail inflation at 6.3% in May (high fuel and food prices) present tough challenges and demand side issues in the economy. As per FICCI report, more than 80% of the companies have cash flow issues and more than half are having operational issues. Dunn &amp;amp; Bradstreet has stated that about 80% of the small business had a negative impact like less finance (34%), market access (42%) and productivity (37%) in the Covid era.  So, organizations have to “think big with few resources'' through B2B platform sharing and new regeneration methods. One of the biggest challenges is tackling the institutional voids as institutions are failing to provide the basic support to business operations.
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           Further, with a mission to promote social equality and reduce ecological degradation we need to prevent monopolies, economies of scale through mass production (for pollution control and resource optimization), and zero sum business games. This will require a quantum leap towards disrupting the multi company business model and rejuvenating the entire entrepreneurship and skills-based business ecosystem in India. In this era of rentier capitalism, undesirable monopolistic trends have been evolving in the economy in the last few years. For example the telecom sector has become a near duopoly while other players are going bankrupt. Further important sectors like aviation infrastructure have also developed monopolistic trends with six airports going to one group in 2019 auctions. We must realize that greasing the wheels of the Indian economy through frugality also requires social sustainability as the need of the hour. Frugal innovation is the best means to serve the bottom of the pyramid population in India by providing them affordable goods and promoting a sense of self-dignity. 
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           These efforts shall require encouraging small business and creating a level playing field for all the firms. Thus, the role of Competition policy of the government becomes pivotal in ensuring greater consumer welfare and promoting competition at the lowest level of the economy. The Competition policy encourages even the small traders to adopt such practices that promote competition and does not cause appreciable adverse effect on competition in the market. By adopting such methods, the consumer gets access to competitive prices and better quality of products.  What frugal innovation does is achieve “continuous process industries”, which keeps on evolving with time in terms of scale and scope. It helps improve innovation, offers the consumer with more choices and as a result enhances economic growth. However, it is imperative that the innovators should be allowed to reap benefits of their innovation but not at the cost of unfair monopolistic pricing leading to abuse of dominant position. The government needs to strike a balance between not discouraging the new players entering the market such that they are able to recover their R&amp;amp;D costs and also promoting equitable competition at the same time. 
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            The Indian Competition Act, 2002 seeks to prohibit anti-competitive agreements and abuse of dominant position under section 3 and 4 respectively. The objective is to regulate such unwarranted restriction in production and supply of goods that curbs unhealthy competition in the market. It also prevents companies and large corporations from engaging in such practices that may hinder effective competition. The purpose is to punish those kinds of business conduct that undermines innovation and harms consumers. For example: Several Indian enterprises in the past have been found to be indulging in such unfair trade practices like price-fixing, cartelisation, tying &amp;amp; bundling, resale price maintenance, predatory pricing and abuse of dominant position that has the effect of foreclosing competition in the market. The enforcement under these sections have become all the more challenging with the increasing dominance in online platform markets.
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           The Chairperson of Competition Commision of India has recently remarked “Digital markets are the epicenters of technological progress and innovation…unchecked dominance and high concentration is the result of presence of certain characteristics which makes market power in the digital space uniquely durable”. Frugal innovation has this unique characteristic of challenging the traditionally established markets by offering the same product at cheaper and a more economical price that could even be more climate-friendly. Regulating by products of such innovation in the name of competition could be detrimental if the Competition Commission of India does not chalk a proper strategy. Instead of seeing their practice as predatory in nature, it is essential to distinguish between players who want to escape competition and who intend to compete through innovative business strategies like frugal innovation. 
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            The current law needs to take into account the innovation such that the current emerging innovators are able to thrive in a sharing economy. Prices in the sharing economy tend to be lower than the usual market. Therefore, sharing economy business models including frugal innovation can go a long way in ensuring competitive advantage. Even the US Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has recently acknowledged that growth of the sharing economy can boost growth in the economy
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           “by encouraging entrepreneurship and promoting more productive and efficient use of assets.”
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            It will not be legally fallacious to acknowledge that the time during which the Indian competition regime was designed, it was written with the conventional business in mind. Therefore, it is crucial for the apex antitrust body to acknowledge and design strategies in line with the new business models and their impact on emerging markets and interface with the extant regulatory landscape.
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           Devanshu is an MSc Philosophy of the Social Sciences (Major in Economics) Candidate at London School of Economics &amp;amp; Political Science, U.K and Nidhi is a JSM Candidate &amp;amp; SPILS Fellow at Stanford Law School, USA
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Oct 2021 13:48:35 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/competition-law-and-promoting-frugal-innovation-in-india</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,binoculars,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Facial Recognition</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/facial-recognition</link>
      <description>Facial recognition technologies are an application of artificial intelligence and machine learning, thus they are not exempted from showing biases that in some cases have led to discriminatory results.</description>
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            COSMONAUT
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           S E R I E S
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           Facial Recognition
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           Itay Alon
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           Definition
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           Formally, facial or face recognition is defined as “the science which involves the understanding of how the faces are recognized by biological systems and how this can be emulated by computer systems” (Martinez 2009). It is a biometric technique to uniquely identify a person by comparing and analyzing patterns based on their "facial contours"; in other words, it is a method of identifying or confirming a person's identity from their face. Other types of biometric software include voice recognition, fingerprint recognition, and retinal or iris recognition.
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           Orenda Graphic
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           Recruitment
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            While the use of facial recognition technology could help recruiters streamline some processes, it is hard to believe that the long-standing issues of recruiting could be solved through algorithms knowing that existing datasets could perpetuate or even worsen the current biases that a human recruiter can have.
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           Maksim Turkov
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           Policing
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            Law enforcement officials around the world are using Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) to identify suspects, conduct arrests, and determine guilt through system matches. It is also being used as a tool for border control purposes, to perform identity verifications, and to monitor the safety of people in public spaces. The use of FRT by police and other law enforcement officials, however, has been pointing out the problems regarding the fairness and legitimacy of this tool.
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           John Romeio
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           Education
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           The use of facial recognition technology has increased recently and has been implemented in different levels of our societies, including education. Several schools in different countries have been adopting this technology. However, the use of this tool can be dangerous because of the inaccurancy of this method and for normalizing surveillance, especially in an environment such as schools.
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           Premast
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           Our Series
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      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Aug 2021 10:21:10 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/facial-recognition</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cosmonautseries,fair,algorithmics</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Facial Recognition &amp; Recruitment</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-recruitment</link>
      <description>While the use of facial recognition technology could help recruiters streamline some processes, it is hard to believe that the long-standing issues of recruiting could be solved through algorithms knowing that existing datasets could perpetuate or even worsen the current biases that a human recruiter can have.</description>
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           AI &amp;amp; FAIRNESS
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           Facial Recognition &amp;amp; Recruitment
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           While the use of facial recognition technology could help recruiters streamline some processes, it is hard to believe that the long-standing issues of recruiting could be solved through algorithms knowing that existing datasets could perpetuate or even worsen the current biases that a human recruiter can have.
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           By Gabriel Obando-Chacon &amp;amp; Yannick Stadtfeld &amp;amp; Betül Çolak
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           August 27, 2021
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           Imagine you are applying for your dream job at your dream company. You write a cover letter to explain why you are the perfect fit for the job, polish up your resume and line up people to be references. You submit your application and some days later you receive an interview invitation. But you are not interviewed by a recruiter, you have to use the camera of your smartphone or laptop to record your answers to several questions. Your answers will be assessed by an algorithm that judges your voice, your body posture, your enthusiasm, or some other feature that you do not know about. This may sound futuristic but depending on where you live its reality.
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           Facial recognition technology (“FRT”) is increasingly used in the recruitment processes, particularly with the rise of video interviews during the Covid-19 pandemic by both public and private sector. Around 700 companies, including Vodafone, Hilton and Urban Outfitters
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           have tried it out
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           . For example, Unilever uses AI systems both taking job applications and making pre-interview. So FRT is mainly used for candidate screening. If an applicant would be successful then a human recruiter has an interview with the candidate. 
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           The market for recruiting-technology and hiring-solutions is growing exponentially (
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           Source 1
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           ,
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           Source 2
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           ), as many companies try to leverage predictive analytics in their recruiting process. Countless start-ups and corporations compete for this market. They advertise their solutions as fair and ethical, but many lack transparency of their systems and independent audits. 
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           Standards for recruiting
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           There are several standards for psychological and aptitude testing available which can inform the recruitment process, but none sets definite criteria. The ISO norm 10667 is as close as it comes to a global standard. It defines “Procedures and methods to assess people in work and organizational settings”. It formulates requirements and guidelines for tests and methods of job-related aptitude assessment of individuals, groups, and organizations. The norm demands an evidence-based approach underpinning the decision for the chosen aptitude diagnostic procedure and the procedure needs to be checked regularly for their purpose. It also discusses questions about the combination of data and the decision rules. (The second edition of this norm which was released last year explicitly includes AI systems but has, to our knowledge, not been used to audit an AI system up to now.) 
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           No organization is forced to comply with these standards, which is also evident even if no AI systems are used. Some organizations make obscure hiring decisions, which leads to discontent applicants and the organization misses out on recruiting the best person for the job.  The increasing adaptation of facial recognition in recruitment leads to concerns that this lack of standardization and best practices will be built into FRT systems used for recruiting.
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           The Implementation and Concerns of The Use of Facial Recognition in Recruitment 
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           Thanks to FRT, many employers save their time, eliminate repetitive tasks and find the most appropriate candidates. However, FRT may have bias in its data sets. The reasons behind that can depend on data sets, developers or the failure of AI systems to take account of changing circumstances. In the system, race, gender and age-related bias can lead to discrimination and unfair consequences among candidates regardless of their cause or type. This poses a great risk for employers to violate the obligations imposed under human rights and equality legislation. On the other hand, a human employer has bias against candidates too. For instance, black workers are twice as likely to be unemployed as white workers overall (
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           6.4% vs. 3.1%
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           ) in the US. 
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           Furthermore, FRT is not always unambiguous. The use of complex AI systems in FRT puts it at a disadvantage in terms of transparency or interpretability. Especially in FRTs where deep neural network algorithms are used, which are the main actors of the black box problem, it is generally not possible to explain what cause bias, injustice and discrimination. However, one of the important components of ethical AI is the “explainability”. This is mentioned also in the draft Regulation on artificial intelligence of the European Commission by stating that the processes of high-risk artificial intelligence systems should be transparent (Art. 13). Failure of companies to explain the problems arising from FRT will cause them to lose their reputation in the face of the importance attached to the issue.
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           Another issue about FRT is whether the candidates can adapt their actions regarding the criteria. The technology analyzes things like keywords, intonation, and body language, and makes notes on them for the hiring manager.  It is an effective way to find an ideal candidate. However, that may lead to the rejection of talented and innovative people. For example, a candidate who does not smile at the right moment or cannot adjust his/her tone of voice correctly for a moment may be eliminated by the system. Well, can candidates adapt their behavior to avoid being eliminated by the system? Considering that the systems used in the queries are quite less likely to be mistaken, it can be said that it is not possible for the candidates to deceive the system.
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           The added value question
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           Now that we have analyzed the pros and cons of implementing FRT as a tool in personnel selection, we should take a look at its added value. Just because the technology exists doesn’t mean that it will necessarily improve the HR recruitment process. The bottom line is: what do recruiters gain by using FRT? Like every cutting-edge technology, it’s not easy to answer this question right now, as its deployment is limited, and examples are scarce. Nevertheless, in an attempt to answer this question, we can make some broad inferences based on its current uses. 
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           FRT systems will likely create added value for recruiters that (i) have the capacity to determine exactly what they want to assess through facial recognition and (ii) have the means to collect data sets and tailor the algorithms to their specific needs. On one hand, recruiters have to know what they are looking for with the use of FRT technologies. They need to determine whether they want to assess the behavior of the prospective employee in a hypothetical scenario or whether they want to assess the degree of truthfulness of the responses, or any other output, otherwise the exercise becomes futile. The algorithm design process will force recruiters to think about what they want as output, to program the systems to obtain the desired result. 
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           On the other hand, recruiters must have the capacity to work hand in hand with engineers to build and tailor the algorithms around the existing data sets. Most recruiters do not collect biometric information (in some jurisdictions it could even be illegal) that is required to run a facial recognition algorithm, but those who can collect these data sets still need to evaluate if the information is enough to meet the desired output. This will require assembling a team of experts, including data analysts and engineers that gap the data with the desired output. 
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           Taking into account the above, it is not surprising that Big Tech has taken the forefront in the use of FRT systems for recruitment purposes. For example, Google and Amazon have in-house engineering teams that can work hand-in-hand with the HR departments and are able to make adjustments on the fly. On the contrary, medium-sized and small recruiters will likely not turn to facial FRT any time soon.
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           Wrapping it up!
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            In conclusion, facial recognition is making its way into recruitment processes. It is likely that recruiters turn to collecting more information (including biometric data) from prospective employees to use it in the design, building and training of facial recognition algorithms in the future. While the use of these technologies sounds exciting and could help recruiters streamline some processes, we are wary of some of the implications of using this type of technology without the proper standards of care. It is hard to believe that the long-standing issues of recruiting could be solved through algorithms knowing that existing datasets could perpetuate or even worsen the current biases that a human recruiter can have.
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           Nevertheless, the use of FRT is at the same time forcing recruiters to become aware of their flaws and follow standards for profound assessment methods which have long been in existence. While it is still early, there is no reason not to see facial recognition as an opportunity to ensure fair and equal recruitment processes for employees in the future. 
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           Yannick completed his bachelor’s degree in Psychology at Trier University. Currently he is pursuing his master’s degree in Psychology (Human Performance in Socio-Technical-Systems) at the Technical University of Dresden with a focus on Human Factors and Economic Psychology. As a research assistant in various research groups he gained experience in the application of qualitative and quantitative research methods. Yannick interned at the German Aerospace Center (DLR) where he conducted research on group behavior in aerospace teams. He is currently interested in the application of computational social sciences methods.
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           Gabriel recently graduated from McGill University, where he pursued an LLM. His research focused on privacy concerns related to the collection of data by governmental agencies to implement judicial AI. Before that, he obtained an LLL from the University of Costa Rica with a concentration in Human Rights Law. He has worked in BigLaw and boutique firms in Costa Rica. Most recently, he joined Nelson Champagne Avocats in Montreal where he's part of the class actions team. He's fluent in English and Spanish, and proficient in French.
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            ﻿
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           Betül Çolak holds a bachelor’s degree in Law from the University of Bahçeşehir. She, also, studied law at University of Jean Monnet in France within the Erasmus program for a semester. She worked as an intern on data protection law, immigration law and the corporate law in the United States and in Turkey. She is a lawyer specialized on data protection law and intellectual property law in Turkey. She is a member of the Artificial Intelligence Working Group at Istanbul Bar Association. She writes news and articles on data protection regulation and AI. Her academic interest lies in the regulation of data-driven technologies, in particular, the challenges they impose to democracy, data privacy and human right. She is fluent in Turkish, English and can communicate in French.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Aug 2021 10:28:24 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-recruitment</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cs_facialprofiling,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Facial Recognition &amp; Policing</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-policing</link>
      <description>Law enforcement officials around the world are using Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) to identify suspects, conduct arrests, and determine guilt through system matches. It is also being used as a tool for border control purposes, to perform identity verifications, and to monitor the safety of people in public spaces. The use of FRT by police and other law enforcement officials, however, has been pointing out the problems regarding the fairness and legitimacy of this tool.</description>
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           AI &amp;amp; FAIRNESS
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           Facial Recognition &amp;amp; Policing
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            Law enforcement officials around the world are using Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) to identify suspects, conduct arrests, and determine guilt through system matches. It is also being used as a tool for border control purposes, to perform identity verifications, and to monitor the safety of people in public spaces. The use of FRT by police and other law enforcement officials, however, has been pointing out the problems regarding the fairness and legitimacy of this tool.
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           By Daniel Rodríguez Maffioli &amp;amp; Alice Bryk Silveira
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           August 27, 2021
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           One of the major concerns of this AI-based technology is that they are
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           inaccurate and induce racial profiling.
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            As will be presented in this article, this was the
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           case of Robert Williams;
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            a 43-year-old African-american father in Detroit who was wrongfully arrested based on a miss identification done by the Police, which relied solely on FRT evidence. 
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           Mapping of subjects and purposes
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           In the past years, law enforcement agencies worldwide have been using Facial Recognition Technology for criminal investigation and policing purposes. For instance, according to the Department of Justice (DOJ), in the United Stated this technology has been used in the criminal justice system to help generate suspect leads and to identify victims.  The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) uses FRT to support state and local law enforcement and their investigation through programs such as the Next Generation Identification–Interstate Photo System (NGI-IPS) and the Facial Analysis, Comparison, and Evaluation (FACE) program. And although the FBI claims that the use of those systems cannot be used solely to make an arrest, there remain reservations on the veracity of those claims.
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            In the United Kingdom, the
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           Metropolitan Police in London
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            also employs live facial recognition cameras. However, in 2020, the use of
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           this technology by the South Wales Police was ruled unlawful by the Court of Appeal of England and Wales
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            . The case was brought by civil rights group Liberty and the affected citizen, Ed Bridges, arguing that the use of automatic facial recognition (AFR) by the South Wales Police violated Brigdes’ right to privacy, which is enshrined in article 8  of the European Convention on Human Rights. The decision concluded that there was indeed a violation of the right to privacy, since there was “too broad a discretion” left to police officers in applying the technology and that the force failed to properly investigate whether the software presented any race or gender biases.
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            Furthermore,
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           a company named Clearview AI has been in the news for the past two years for creating a massive database comprising millions of faces that were scraped from the web
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            .  The company scrapes photographs voluntarily uploaded by people on sites such as Google, Facebook or Instagram and sells to law enforcement an AI-based "face finder" with the aim of identifying criminal suspects and child abusers. Some authorities,
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           like Canada’s privacy commissioner
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           , have stated that what Clearview AI does is illegal, since people who uploaded their faces to the web did not consent to the processing of their biometric data for the purposes for which the company is using it. 
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           The most frightening cases of facial recognition, however, come from the East. China has become the most outrageous example of a surveillance state in which privacy and civil liberties are nothing more than a pipe dream. The country has developed a national surveillance system that exploits the capabilities of facial recognition and artificial intelligence to identify and monitor the movements of its citizens, both in the real and virtual world, and to rate them in a social scoring system  according to their behaviour. 
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           Threats and challenges of FRT in policing 
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            Facial Recognition Technology can result in an inaccurate match, or
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           false positive
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           , which occurs when there is an inaccurate association between images from two different people. These inaccurate matches can result in incorrect investigative leads, wrong accusations and arrests. The case of the wrongful arrest of Robert Williams brings attention to the abusive use of FRT by law enforcement agencies. 
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           Robert Williams was falsely identified by the Michigan State Police department’s facial recognition software as a shoplifting suspect. He was arrested in front of his wife and two little daughters (ages 2 and 5) and was interrogated by detectives and held in custody for
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           30 hours before his release.
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            This is real evidence on the fact that, when these systems are trained with insufficient and unrepresentative data of the population's diversity, they risk incurring in discriminations against minorities. 
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            But the use of FRT for policing, especially live biometric identification, is troubling for many other reasons too.
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           Constant surveillance has an oppressive and invasive effect, as human beings do not act the same when they are being watched. In addition, it turns any person freely moving in a public space into a potential suspect of a crime, which reverses the elementary presumption of innocence and lessens civil liberties. Even if we all agreed to allow FRT in policing for the sake of public safety, risks of false negatives -that a criminal is not correctly identified- are significant, so the cons of using this technology continue to outweigh the supposed benefits. 
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           On the other hand, this technology compromises the fundamental right to privacy and data protection, since -according to the General Data Protection Regulation (art. 9)- biometric data qualifies as a “special category” of personal data. This means the data subject should give consent to the processing of its biometric data or, at least,  the processing should be expressly authorized by law, and provide “for appropriate safeguards for the fundamental rights and the interests of the data subject”. In short, the most elementary freedoms that derive from the human condition are being sacrificed at the expense of a broad and very abstract notion of "public safety". 
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           Regulatory Initiatives
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            Criticism from civil society and calls for banning or regulating the use of FRTs have not been long in coming. In the United States, many cities have opted to impose a moratorium or ban the use of these technologies for criminal or policing purposes. Even
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           tech companies such as Amazon, Microsoft and IBM have announced moratoriums on the sale of their own FRT systems to
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           law enforcement, at least until  federal regulation is enacted.
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            Some states in the United States have already passed legislation seeking to address the above concerns. Massachusetts, for example,
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           will have a law
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            that requires police to obtain a judge’s permission before running a face recognition search and limits the authorities that can access the system. 
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           But the most comprehensive regulatory initiative so far has been the "
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           Proposal for a Regulation laying down harmonised rules on artificial intelligence
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           ", announced by the European Commission on April 21, 2021. In this risk-based regulation proposal, the Commission rightly points out that the use of AI systems for “real-time” remote biometric identification for the purpose of law enforcement is considered particularly intrusive in the rights and freedoms of the concerned persons, “to the extent that it may affect the private life of a large part of the population, evoke a feeling of constant surveillance and indirectly dissuade the exercise of the freedom of assembly and other fundamental rights”. 
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           Therefore, the Proposal prohibits the use of those systems for the purpose of law enforcement, except in three narrowly defined situations: 
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           (i) the targeted search for specific potential victims of crime, including missing children; 
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           (ii) the prevention of a specific, substantial and imminent threat to the life or physical safety of natural persons or of a terrorist attack; 
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           (iii) the detection, localisation, identification or prosecution of a perpetrator or suspect of a criminal offence punishable by 3 years imprisonment or more. 
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           Each of those exceptions should be subject to an specific authorisation by a judicial authority or by an independent administrative authority, prior assessment of the specifics and the evidence brought up in each case 
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           There are some important loopholes, though, that should be addressed. The scope of the prohibition is too limited, because it doesn’t extend to law enforcement’s use of facial recognition on databases of “pictures or video footage” gathered previously or scraped from the web, or to other biometric identification types other than “real-time”. Besides, the exceptions to the prohibition are too broad and might be subject to different interpretations across countries and authorities. 
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           Closing remarks
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           The use of remote biometric identification and, especially, Facial Recognition Technologies for policing purposes is a controversial issue. The risks to fundamental rights, privacy and democratic values are indisputable. 
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           The imposition of moratoriums that some US states and countries have established is a proper measure as long as they are indeed temporary and allow for a calm debate between civil society and policy makers. The European Union's proposal, for its part, is a perfect basis for starting the conversation.  While there are some gaps and opportunities for improvement, it is important to remember that the Proposal includes multiple safeguards for the use of high-risk artificial intelligence applications. Therefore, even in the three restricted scenarios in which the use of FRT is allowed those measures must be implemented. For example, the police will need to certify that the systems put in place are accurate and that the data serving as input is sufficiently representative, in order to prevent racial or gender biases and discriminations. 
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           As in everything, extreme approaches fail to identify the right questions. In this case, the right policy debate is not whether to allow or prohibit the use of facial recognition by law enforcement authorities, but what should be the democratic regulations that will allow FRTs to be deployed responsibly and in line with fundamental rights, liberty and human dignity. The regulatory initiatives being laid out globally around this topic are definitely a good start. 
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           Alice Bryk SIlveira is a Brazilian lawyer, member of the Brazilian Bar Association and she recently completed her LLM in International Law &amp;amp; Human Rights at Tel Aviv University. She holds a Bachelor's Degree in Law from Pontifícia Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS). During Law School, she has been an intern at the Federal Public Defender’s Office of Brazil and the State Public Defender’s Office. Also, she has been a volunteer at ACRI - The Association for Civil Rights in Israel doing legal research, where she has done research about the privacy impacts of Facial Recognition Technology. Her research interests are the intersection between human rights and technology. She is fluent in Portuguese and English and can communicate in in French and Spanish.
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           Daniel is a lawyer from Costa Rica, specializing in Public Law and Technology Regulation. He holds an LLM in Regulation and a Diploma in EU Law, both by the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid (UC3M). Also, he recently obtained a specialization in Data Protection and Algorithmic Regulation by the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Currently he practices as Senior Associate at the Public Law and Regulation practice of a full-service law firm in Costa Rica. Daniel is a member of the Ibero-American Association of Regulation Studies (ASIER) and a lecturer on technology regulation matters. He also runs algoritlaw.com, a Latin-American blog and podcast on AI regulation, privacy and internet governance. He’s fluent in English and Spanish
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      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Aug 2021 10:15:12 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-policing</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cs_facialprofiling,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Facial Recognition &amp; Education</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-technology-education</link>
      <description>The use of facial recognition technology has increased recently and has been implemented in different levels of our societies, including education. Several schools in different countries have been adopting this technology. However, the use of this tool can be dangerous because of the incurancy of this method and for normalizing surveillance, especially in an environment such as schools.</description>
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           AI &amp;amp; FAIRNESS
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           Facial Recognition &amp;amp; Education
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           The use of facial recognition technology has increased recently and has been implemented in different levels of our societies, including education. Several schools in different countries have been adopting this technology. However, the use of this tool can be dangerous because of the inaccurancy of this method and for normalizing surveillance, especially in an environment such as schools.
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           By Luísa Franco Machado &amp;amp; Alice Bryk Silveira &amp;amp; Betül Çolak
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           August 27, 2021
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            Schools in the United States have adopted  facial recognition technology in order to
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           prevent shootings
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            and to identify unauthorised intruders. Moreover, some schools have been using it to monitor attendance. For instance, in India where the  fraudulent attendance issue is common. In addition to campus security, facial recognition has also been applied in the “virtual context”, as online courses to control the access to the online education content.
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           However, there are some critical points to the use of this technology in education. As already mentioned before (here mention the introductory article) , facial recognition technology can lead to racial bias. And in this case, we are already talking about a vulnerable population: children. To intensify the vulnerability of marginalized groups as black people during childhood is a dangerous matter. Furthermore, another concern is the fact of normalizing surveillance and the authority that the school has over the students, which can characterize an abuse of power.
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            To illustrate, in 2019, a school in northern Sweden has conducted a project with facial recognition to monitor the student’s attendance in school. As a result,
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           the Swedish Data Protection Authority (DPA) has fined the Skelleftea municipality 200 000 SEK(approximately 20 000 euros).
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            The Swedish Data Protection Authority (“DPA”) concluded that the project violated several articles in GDPR (arts, 5, 9, 35 and 36), that the school process of sensitive biometric data was  unlawful and failed to do an adequate impact assessment including seeking prior consultation with the Swedish DPA. The school has used the argument of consent, nonetheless the Swedish DPA considers that consent was not a valid legal basis since students’ consent could not be freely given because the school administration has a moral authority over them.
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           In addition to  the clear unequal relation between the students and the school administration, another issue of FRT in education is normalizing surveillance and the sense of criminalization of children.
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           Students can feel powerless
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           with their right to privacy not being respected and also for the feeling of being constantly surveilled. This criminalization by the school has negative psychological impacts on the children, and again can have even worse impacts on marginalized groups such as black and latin students.
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           The facial recognition system is being used in school to provide security on campus, follow the attendance to lessons, prevent the attacks and shootings. Although the system has some advantages, it actually brings more disadvantages in its train especially for young students. This situation has catched attention of both parents and Data Privacy Authorities. As such a couple of DPAs imposed hefty fines. Some states have even decided to ban facial recognition systems in schools due to unethical and bias-based practices. Considering these decisions, it is better to  use the technology  after doing an adequate data protection impact assessment. If there is a high risk as a result of assessment, school administrations should not use the facial recognition system. 
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           Alice Bryk SIlveira is a Brazilian lawyer, member of the Brazilian Bar Association and she recently completed her LLM in International Law &amp;amp; Human Rights at Tel Aviv University. She holds a Bachelor's Degree in Law from Pontifícia Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS). During Law School, she has been an intern at the Federal Public Defender’s Office of Brazil and the State Public Defender’s Office. Also, she has been a volunteer at ACRI - The Association for Civil Rights in Israel doing legal research, where she has done research about the privacy impacts of Facial Recognition Technology. Her research interests are the intersection between human rights and technology. She is fluent in Portuguese and English and can communicate in in French and Spanish.
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           Luísa Franco Machado is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in International Public Management and Human Rights at Sciences Po Paris. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and Latin American Studies from the same institution. She has worked at the Division for Public Institutions and Digital Government of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), monitoring the progress of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by governments and institutions worldwide. Before working at the UN Headquarters, she has worked at the Organization of American States (OAS), the City Council of São Paulo, and the Federal Public Defender’s Office of Brazil. She has volunteered at Vivonne's Detention Center, in France, and at Casa Monarca, a migrant shelter in the US-Mexico Border. Her research interests are the intersection between public policy, human rights, and technology. She is fluent in Portuguese, English, French, and Spanish and can communicate in German.
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            ﻿
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           Betül Çolak holds a bachelor’s degree in Law from the University of Bahçeşehir. She, also, studied law at University of Jean Monnet in France within the Erasmus program for a semester. She worked as an intern on data protection law, immigration law and the corporate law in the United States and in Turkey. She is a lawyer specialized on data protection law and intellectual property law in Turkey. She is a member of the Artificial Intelligence Working Group at Istanbul Bar Association. She writes news and articles on data protection regulation and AI. Her academic interest lies in the regulation of data-driven technologies, in particular, the challenges they impose to democracy, data privacy and human right. She is fluent in Turkish, English and can communicate in French.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Aug 2021 09:57:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-technology-education</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cs_facialprofiling,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Facial Recognition: An Introduction</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-an-introduction</link>
      <description>Facial recognition technologies are an application of artificial intelligence and machine learning, thus they are not exempted from showing biases that in some cases have led to discriminatory results.</description>
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           AI BIAS
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           Facial Recognition: An Introduction
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           Facial recognition technologies are an application of artificial intelligence and machine learning, thus they are not exempted from showing biases that in some cases have led to discriminatory results.
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           By Elena Beretta &amp;amp; Nasir Muftić
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           August 27, 2021
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           The era of Big Data and Automated Algorithms
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            The last few decades have been a flourishing period for technology. Thanks to the increasing amounts of data regarding a variety of fields and the growing computational power, actors from both public and private sectors have been facing an exciting opportunity to capture human behavior. This unprecedented availability is offering the opportunity to help humans in several tasks and to improve services in such different ways: for instance, to optimize business value chains, to provide personalized service, or to automate decisions.
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            Big-data and automated algorithms represent a good call to implement some kind of technologies that actively help humans in making better decisions. The majority of these technologies are based on Machine Learning and Artificial Intelligence algorithms. ML and AI are defined as the study of methods for programming computers to learn. Computers are applied to a wide range of tasks, and for most of these it is relatively easy for programmers to design and implement the necessary software.
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            The benefits that machine learning and artificial intelligence have brought are undeniable. On the one hand, they have allowed the design of applications that can explore every part of the world that humans cannot visit. For example, in the field of space exploration, artificial intelligence’s machines explore parts of the universe that are totally hostile to human beings. Intelligent robots are programmed to excavate mining of fuel. On the other hand, they have been employed in several fields with the purpose of helping humans decision-making, i.e., supporting decision-based medical tasks.
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           However, in recent years several researchers, programmers, and academics have found these technologies to be discriminatory, especially against disadvantaged groups. A recent and striking example is the case of Google Vision AI, Google's image labeling tool. During the COVID pandemic, when images of people holding a thermometer started to spread, it has been found to produce different results depending on skin color, correctly labeling the image as "electronic device" if there was a white person in it, while as "gun" if there was a black person in it. Image labeling is the basis of one of the technologies that has shown the most striking improvements, facial recognition. Since facial recognition technologies are an application of artificial intelligence and machine learning, they are not exempted from showing biases that in some cases have led to discriminatory results. The goal of this blog series is to explore the light and shadow of facial recognition through the investigation of some case studies in different fields.
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           A focus on facial recognition
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            Formally, facial or face recognition is defined as “the science which involves the understanding of how the faces are recognized by biological systems and how this can be emulated by computer systems” (Martinez 2009). It is a biometric technique to uniquely identify a person by comparing and analyzing patterns based on their "facial contours"; in other words, it is a method of identifying or confirming a person's identity from their face. Other types of biometric software include voice recognition, fingerprint recognition, and retinal or iris recognition. This technology is primarily used for security and law enforcement purposes, but it is becoming increasingly popular in other areas as well.
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           The pioneers of facial recognition took their first steps in the 1960s. In those years, although the recognition technique was supported by manual marking of facial points, it was demonstrated that biometric recognition was possible. The 1980s marked the entry of linear algebra as an application for solving facial recognition problems, laying the foundation for future development of the technology. The first commercial use of facial recognition was in the early 90s, during which the Face Recognition Technology (FERET) program was launched by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) and the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST); the project involved the collection of a database containing images of faces. Nowadays, this technology has undergone considerable development since its origin. In fact, facial recognition systems can be used to identify people in photos, videos, or in real time. 
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            How it works? 
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           Many people are familiar with facial recognition technology thanks to Face ID, which is now widely used in the mobile market. Typically, facial recognition doesn't use a huge database of photos to determine a person's identity; it merely identifies and recognizes one person as the sole owner of the device, limiting access to others. Facial recognition systems are used in several domains today, but in general they follow this type of operation:
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           Step 1: Face Detection
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           The camera detects and locates an image of a face, either alone or in a crowd. The image may depict the person looking straight at the camera or in profile.
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           Step 2: Face Analysis
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           The face image is captured and analyzed. The software examines the geometry of the face and some key factors, which include variables such as the distance between the eyes, the depth of the eye sockets, the distance between the forehead and the chin, the shape of the cheekbones and the contour of the lips, eyes and chin. They aim to identify the main features of the face and are essential to distinguish it.
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           Step 3: Convert the image into data
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           The face capture process transforms the information about the face into a set of digital information. This set of information is stored in the form of a numeric code called a faceprint. A person's faceprint is as unique as their fingerprints.
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           Step 4: Finding a match
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           The subject's faceprint is compared to a database of known faces. For example, the FBI can access up to 650 million photos from various government databases. On Facebook, any photo tagged with a person's name is entered into Facebook's database, which can be used for facial recognition. If the facial fingerprint matches an image in a facial recognition database, identification is performed.
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           Opportunities and Risks
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           Facial recognition promises great benefits for individuals and the communities. Feedback from the law enforcement in the states where it is already present shows that great hope for improvement of policing lies in this technology. It should enable easy identification of suspicious persons thereby increasing the safety of the entire community. It provides great convenience to individual users. There might no longer need for long and complicated passwords or keywords one has to memorize. A one’s face would give it exclusive access to confidential contents. The technology would allow for automating matching between faces and persons, thereby saving time for people who are searching for persons online, whether they do it while tagging friends on a Facebook photo or doing a search via an online engine. The range of possible applications is great, and the popularity of this technology would certainly increase it even more. 
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           But the great benefits do not come without great risks. The main concern lies in the potential of abuse in the public sector. An account of abuse of facial recognition by public authorities has already been recorded in China where it has been used for racial profiling and control of Uighur Muslims. China, however, is not the only state which employs facial recognition in the public sector. For instance, Russia, France, the UK, and Israel have either expressed interest in this idea or are already employing facial recognition for security purposes or law enforcement. The problem with the use of such suprême technology is that it enables a state to effectively surveil individuals. Described in the New York Times as « one of the most powerful surveillance tools ever made” , it enables a state to identify protestors, receive information about the movement of individuals, and track their every public appearance. 
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           The potential of abuse exists as well in the private sector. The value of personal data in today’s digital economy has made possible the rise of some of the biggest and most influential companies in the history of the world.  Modern multinational companies have enormous power due to the vast amounts of data in their control, backed up by suprême algorithms and world-class scientists and experts. Biometric data used in facial recognition, create a great range of potential ways to use this technology by the private companies, thereby undermining the data privacy of individuals.
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           Another risk born by facial recognition is its accuracy. In case it fails to match the face with the right person, it might have devastating consequences, especially in sensitive areas of application such as law enforcement. Although the technology is rapidly improving, it is still not completely trustworthy, especially in the real world where the conditions for face identification are not perfect. While the accuracy might not be that critical in the case of Instagram’s search engine, the bank transfers supported by facial technology need to be almost impeccable. Therefore, the lack of accuracy has different importance contingent on the field of application.
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            might have various causes as well as create consequences of different gravity. The term algorithmic bias refers to types of inaccuracies that create unfair outcomes as a consequence of a systematic error in the technology or the ways it is used. There are many ways to render the technology inaccurate. One might feed it with the data that reflects the personal preferences of persons providing it, or the design of the algorithm might be erroneous. An existing record demonstrates a history of sexism, racism, and discrimination based on ethnicity connected to the use of facial recognition.
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           Although the benefits of facial recognition are undeniable, so are the risks. The potential magnitude of the risks has even made some of the lawmakers around the world consider banning the technology altogether. For instance, the US and the EU are currently considering what should be done to curb the risk. The potential measures range from a time-limited moratorium, a ban of the use of facial recognition in sensitive sectors such as law enforcement, to a complete ban. 
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           This is an introductory blog post in the series on facial recognition by the Internet &amp;amp; Just Society. The topic deserves a more extensive insight that is contingent on the area where the technology is to be applied. For this reason, the following blog posts in this series will be devoted to facial recognition in specific sectors where its impact might be the most striking.
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           Bibliography
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           Martinez A.M. (2009) Face Recognition, Overview. In: Li S.Z., Jain A. (eds) Encyclopedia of Biometrics. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-73003-5_84
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           Elena Beretta received the M.Sc. in Economics and Statistics from University of Turin in September 2016 by working on an experimental thesis investigating the diffusion of innovation by agent-based models. She earned a second level Master degree in Data Science for Complex Economic Systems at the Collegio Carlo Alberto in Moncalieri (TO), in June 2017.
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           From April 2017 to September 2017 she got involved in an internship at DESPINA - Laboratory on Big Data Analytics at the Department of Economics and Statistics of the University Study of Turin – working on the NoVELOG project ("New Cooperative Business Models and Guidance for Sustainable City Logistics"). In November 2017 she’s starting to collaborate as PhD student, and effective member, with Nexa Center for Internet &amp;amp; Society at Politecnico of Turin and with Fondazione Bruno Kessler (Trento), by working on a project on Data and Algorithms Ethics. Her current research focuses on improving the impact of automatic decision-making systems on society through the implementation of models involving data on human behavior. Specific fields of interest include data science, machine learning, recommendation systems and computational social sciences.
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           Nasir Muftić is a Ph.D. student at the Faculty of Law of the University of Sarajevo. His research interests include legal regulation of artificial intelligence with a focus on liabilitiy. He graduated from the Faculty of Law of the University of Sarajevo in 2016 and obtained an LL.M. degree in International
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            Business Law from the Central European University in 2017. He completed traineeships at the Constitutional Court of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Supreme Court of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Prior to the commencement of his doctoral studies, Nasir worked as a legal assistant at BH Telecom JSC in fields of media and telecommunications law, civil litigation, intellectual property law, commercial contract drafting, and regulatory compliance.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Aug 2021 09:48:02 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/facial-recognition-an-introduction</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,fair,cs_facialprofiling,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Computational Antitrust</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/justtalking/computational-antitrust</link>
      <description>What is the current shape of Competition Law and Policy in the Digital Era? This  session shall explore the contours of Computational Law &amp; Computational antitrust. Computational antitrust is as such a specialist field of computational law that purports to improve antitrust analysis and procedures by assistance of legal informatics. The implementation of computational methods is essential to improve the overall functioning of antitrust agencies.  This is particularly important in  light of the recent cases against the Big Tech. This conversation also aims to cover the current efforts by regulators when assessing Big Tech companies in their relevant markets and analyzing data-intensive markets. We also intend to jump back to some classic examples of tech-based antitrust case law to reconsider if regulators and enforcers use lessons from the past in shaping their reactions to contemporary challenges in digital markets.</description>
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           ABOUT
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            What is the current shape of Competition Law and Policy in the Digital Era? This  session shall explore the contours of Computational Law &amp;amp; Computational antitrust. Computational antitrust is as such a specialist field of computational law that purports to improve antitrust analysis and procedures by assistance of legal informatics. The implementation of computational methods is essential to improve the overall functioning of antitrust agencies.  This is particularly important in  light of the recent cases against the Big Tech. This conversation also aims to cover the current efforts by regulators when assessing Big Tech companies in their relevant markets and analyzing data-intensive markets. We also intend to jump back to some classic examples of tech-based antitrust case law to reconsider if regulators and enforcers use lessons from the past in shaping their reactions to contemporary challenges in digital markets.
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           SPEAKERS
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           Prof. Dr. Thibault Schrepel is an Associate Professor of Law at VU Amsterdam, and a Faculty Affiliate at Stanford University’s CodeX Center where he has created the “Computational Antitrust” project that brings together over 55 antitrust agencies (
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           see our websit
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           e
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           ). He holds research and teaching positions at the University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and Sciences Po Paris, he is a Harvard University’s Berkman Klein Center alumnus, a member of the French Superior Audiovisual Council’s scientific board, and an expert appointed to the World Economic Forum. These last couple of years, he has been focusing most of his research on blockchain antitrust (
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           see her
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           e
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           ). He has written the world’s most downloaded antitrust articles of 2018 (“
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           The Blockchain Antitrust Paradox
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           ”), 2019 (“
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    &lt;a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3315182" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Collusion by Blockchain and Smart Contracts
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           ”), and 2020 (“
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           Blockchain Code as Antitrus
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           t
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           ”). Last but not least, he is passionate about nineties rock music, free jazz, Seinfeld, and B movies.
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           SHARE
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      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Aug 2021 14:53:33 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/justtalking/computational-antitrust</guid>
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      <title>Digital Education? Bring It On.</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-education-eu</link>
      <description>The European Union pushes for a Digital Education Plan. Belatedly.</description>
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           DIGITAL EDUCATION
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           Digital Education? Bring It On!
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           The European Union pushes for a Digital Education Plan. Belatedly.
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           By Giota Bertsima
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           August 9, 2021
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           Shakuro
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           The Commission demands more transparency and responsibility from the social media platforms. Through the adoption of these frameworks, the EU engaged in a long race of safeguarding human rights and democratic values online, while combating the spread of untrustworthy information. Unfortunately, as ambitious and prosperous these frameworks might seem, they were proven to be quite controversial.
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            The attempt to impose a form of control on the digital sphere has created mixed feelings both for civil society and for the organizations advocating for free speech and access to information. The EU has offloaded much of the responsibility for content moderation to the platforms, while the vague distinction between illegal and harmful content has brought great confusion regarding the sources that should be accessible to users.
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           Additionally, the newly introduced co-regulating system is having even more implications for fundamental freedoms, as the private companies tend to over-comply with the demands of the institution resulting in the removal of potentially legal content from their platforms. In that sense, the issue that the EU is attempting to solve is actually reinforcing the problem in a different context. The Commission has long ago made its commitments to protect the freedom of expression in the effort to tackle disinformation and avoid any practice resembling censorship. At the end of the day, the principle of promoting fundamental freedoms is located at the core of the institution. However, the core is far from the surface and sometimes what lies underneath might be concealed and thus underprioritized.
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           The infodemic that accompanied the Covid-19 pandemic made matters even worse. WHO defined the infodemic as the spread of large bulks of unreliable sources, mainly in regards to the virus. The primary risk that used to derive from disinformation was the impact on democracy. Now, the costs of disinformation and fake news are actually counted in human lives, as the former was thereon posing a direct threat to public health. The lockdowns created a form of digital disruption that was accelerated at an astronomical pace. Under these circumstances, misleading information could reach everyone way easier than before.
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            At the face of these challenges and the shortcomings of the established practices against disinformation, the best approach would be to address the root of the problem. Firstly, by providing a proper digital education for the European society and secondly by embracing citizen participation in the decision-making process more actively. The Commission has actually come up with a very effective answer to the former.
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            The Digital Education Action Plan (DEAP) introduced in 2018 and updated in 2021, will concentrate on strengthening the areas of digital capacities for education and training systems, digital literacy, and competencies as well as the digital ecosystem of education content and tools.
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            ﻿
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           As promising as this might sound, the plan should have been implemented several years ago. In the midst of the pandemic and the major changes that have been brought to our everyday lives and activities, educating and training citizens to navigate safely by enriching their critical thinking and ameliorating their filtering capacity, should have been a priority. Much of the frustration that was created due to the infodemic could have been avoided, had the Commission invested more in prevention rather than countering mechanisms. In that case, the EU’s a posteriori approach was not fruitful for containing the bulk of untrustworthy sources and acting as a shield.  Admittedly, the Internet is a chaotic environment that needs to be tamed under certain values and governed by the rule of law. Nevertheless, the digital sphere is simultaneously a great asset that democracy holds in its quiver. To this end, too much control can create a backsliding effect.
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           The second issue refers to citizen participation and equal representation. Alemanno in his recent article points out that “all individuals affected by a given EU action should be able to have an effective equal chance to “have a say” in the decision-making process”. Thus far, the public consultations are not as representative as they should be in a democratic system.
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           Adding to that, the Algorithmic Watch stipulates that the procedure of public consultations favors the private companies, while the lobbying games are also adding to this fact. In regards to the operations of the online world, the citizens should be at the center of the decision-making process and not mere actors who barely contribute to the policy formation. Many of the controversial provisions of the current policies that tackle disinformation could have turned out less consequential if the citizens participated more actively in the policy-making process. The content moderation mechanism might have been more effective and targeted, while the vague term ‘harmful content’ that features in the DSA may have been less ambiguous. What civil society needs is the 2021 DEAP. For the moment, the Plan is neither binding for the member states nor includes regulatory dimensions. Ceteris paribus, it should.
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           Moderate solutions are not enough to respond to the rapid changes taking place online. Will we be ready for another infodemic coming from a future historical event? Let that be a pandemic, a natural disaster, or a financial crisis. The future is always uncertain. After the Covid-19 crisis, we can’t simply go back to normality. We need to renegotiate the terms and conditions.  However, it remains a collective responsibility for the younger generations to create safeguards for responding to the challenges ahead and building the foundations for a just internet society.
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            Giota Bertsima is a senior student at Leiden University in the Advanced MSc in International Relations and Diplomacy. She holds a bachelor’s degree in Political Sciences from Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Her main interest lies in the field of AI and society, digital democracy and governance.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:55:20 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-education-eu</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalinclusion,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Showdown Down Under?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/showdown-down-under</link>
      <description>Regulation is gaining more traction all over the place but it is uncertain if the Australian News Media Bargain Code will become a role model for legislation in other places. There are several weaknesses to the Code and after all, it is not clear if paying publishers for their content will really alter the high levels of market concentration.</description>
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           FACEBOOK/GOOGLE v. AUSTRALIA
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           Showdown Down Under?
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           Regulation is gaining more traction all over the place but it is uncertain if the Australian News Media Bargain Code will become a role model for legislation in other places. There are several weaknesses to the Code and after all, it is not clear if paying publishers for their content will really alter the high levels of market concentration.
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           By Marco Schmidt
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           August 9, 2021
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           Introduction
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           Earlier this year, it appeared that Australia was going to set an impressive precedent by regulating major digital platforms like Facebook and Google. Both platforms were flexing their muscles in the light of the “News Media Bargain Code” that the government eventually ended up passing into law. The Code now allows Australian news outlets with a revenue over 150,000$ to apply to enter into negotiations with Big Tech platforms about a remuneration for their content that is shared on said platforms. In addition, it is also possible to force platforms into an arbitration process with local news outlets in case the earlier negotiations were not successful.  How did Australia get to this point, what has happened in response and which developments can be expected in the near future?
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           Status Quo
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           After an inquiry conducted by the Australian Competition &amp;amp; Consumer Commission (ACCC), it was clear that Google and Facebook were both dominating the media and advertising markets. Out of every 100$ spent on online advertising, Google takes
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           more than half
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           , Facebook another quarter. Google and Facebook should initially be the only companies to which the Code is applicable, with the option of adding other platforms that prove to be dominant market players at a later point in time. Its goal is to ensure remuneration of news outlets for content  they generate that ends up being distributed via Facebook or Google. Content from different news media outlets is gathered on said platforms, keeping consumers rather on Facebook than actually visiting the website of, for example, a local newspaper. As a consequence, such outlets incur substantial financial losses as consumers read news articles (or brief summaries) on one of the major platforms, where, at the same time, revenue through advertising is created.
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           Consequences
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           While Google reached
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           licensing agreements
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            with major news companies like Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp (after threatening to shut down its search engine), presumably to avoid being forced into an
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           arbitration procedure
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            foreseen in the Code, Facebook gave proof of its potent position in the market. Arguing that its platform actually was a factor to increase traffic on websites of other news outlets, Facebook decided to
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           ban domestic and international news
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            altogether. Accidentally, the pages of the Australian Department of Fire and Emergency Service and other educational pages were blocked, causing severe criticism, especially in the light of wildfires and Covid.
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           There is also some evidence that
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           misinformation flourished
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            after trustworthy news outlets were banned. The ban was only upheld for a few days as Facebook and the Australian government reached an
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           agreement
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           , in particular regarding the arbitration clause which will become effective after a period of two months of mediation between platforms and other publishers. Yet, it showed clearly that platforms would fight tooth and nail against such kinds of regulations.
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           Criticism
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           That deal was subject to criticism from the Australian opposition, accusing the government of caving in and creating a situation in which the code would hardly be applied to big platforms as they could conclude their own agreements with other players. Therefore, the so-called “
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/feb/24/competition-watchdog-expects-google-and-facebook-to-strike-deal-with-small-publishers" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           blanket deals
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           ” would certainly not benefit smaller players in the Australian news media market. Primarily companies of the size of News Corp could strike their own deals to get remunerated. The intended “significant contributions to the sustainability of the Australian news industry” would merely help a few. A publisher with a turnover below the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/feb/27/facebook-australia-news-ban-us-legislation" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           threshold of $150,000
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            per year cannot even apply to be paid for content under the code, which overall raises another difficult point: Does the Code prevent any anticompetitive behavior or is its purpose a mere transfer of wealth from the platforms to traditional news outlets?
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           Anti-competitive behavior?
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           The ACCC and therefore the Australian government have mainly focused on the increasing concentration in the markets. While a quarter of traditional newspaper jobs disappeared, the digital media sector exploded, with Google and Facebook taking
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           80% of the growth
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            in digital advertising in the period between 2016 and 2019. At the same time, the ACCC still conducts inquiries and is working on determining whether the platforms actually engage in anticompetitive behavior. This in fact does underline the suspicion that the Code is mainly driven by protectionist motives rather than reaction to certain anti-competitive behavior. Because, in all fairness, this development can be monitored in many different countries, traditional news outlets like newspapers lose significant market shares as people nowadays search for information mostly online. It is therefore rather questionable if Big Tech platforms are actually engaging in anti-competitive actions and if the Australian legislation is the adequate response.
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           International
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           What happened in Australia also raises the question if legislators elsewhere are inspired by the Code. Australian Senator Rex Patrick
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           put it rather bluntly
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            after Google threatened to pull out of the market: “It’s going to go worldwide. Are you going to pull out of every market, are you?”. And indeed, similar legislation is supposedly
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    &lt;a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/wirtschaft/unternehmen/facebook-medien-sponsoring-101.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           prepared
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            in Canada and New Zealand.
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           In the United States, around the same time, the “Journalism Competition and Preservation Act” was introduced by Senator Amy Klobuchar (and
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-tech-antitrust-media-factbox-idUSKBN2B22NC" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           supported
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           , in an unlikely alliance, by Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell) which is also supposed to help local news businesses to strengthen their negotiating position with Big Tech platforms. And considering that Facebook and Google are both based in the U.S., it
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/feb/27/facebook-australia-news-ban-us-legislation" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           does not seem likely
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            that they engage in such drastic tactics like temporarily shutting down services on their home turf.
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           The EU is working on its Digital Markets and Digital Service Acts and first agreements with
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-google-publishers/google-and-french-publishers-sign-agreement-over-copyright-idUSKBN29Q0SC" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           French publishers
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            have already been signed by Google. It seems that tighter regulation around the globe is just a matter of time and that, at the moment, forcing Big Tech to remunerate other news outlets is the most common approach.
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           Conclusion
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           Regulation is gaining more traction all over the place but it is uncertain if the Australian News Media Bargain Code will become a role model for legislation in other places. There are several weaknesses to the Code and after all, it is not clear if paying publishers for their content will really alter the high levels of market concentration. One has to recognize on the other hand that the Australian government sought confrontation with platforms and had them prove the very point the government was trying to make: Big Tech has become extremely powerful and intends to maintain the status quo. Indeed, a smart move and a case from which legislators in other nations will be able to learn from before getting into other “showdowns” with Big Tech.
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            Marco Schmidt just finished his law degree at the University of Trier, Germany. He is particularly interested in matters of antitrust law and is going to pursue a LL.M. in Law and Economics at the University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. Being a German native, he is also fluent in English and Spanish.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:55:16 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/showdown-down-under</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,editorspicks,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Myanmar's Keyboard Warriors</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/myanmar-s-keyboard-warriors</link>
      <description>The perseverance of Myanmar’s youth to fight for freedom is proving to be the key to the country’s democratic future.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           DIGITAL ACTIVISM
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           Myanmar's Keyboard Warriors
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           The perseverance of Myanmar’s youth to fight for freedom is proving to be the key to the country’s democratic future.
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           By Theint Theint Thu
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           August 9, 2021
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    &lt;img src="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/photo-1616990631571-c174da71fffd-13021c91.jpg" alt=""/&gt;&#xD;
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            On February 1st,
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    &lt;a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/02/01/myanmar-military-coup-kills-fragile-democracy" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Myanmar’s military staged a coup d’état,
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            citing election fraud in the November elections which saw an overwhelming support for the National League of Democracy, the democratic political party in Myanmar and the military’s primary opposition party. Since then, the effects have been devastating. From
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    &lt;a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/03/15/myanmar-junta-expands-crackdown-following-bloodbath" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           the documented terror
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            on civilian lives, to the cultivation of fear, and
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    &lt;a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/03/04/myanmar-end-lethal-force-against-protesters" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           the crackdown on dissent
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           , most people in Myanmar are reminded of the conditions they were forced to endure in 1988 and 2007. Among this, the digital space has emerged as a channel for democratic activism and hope.
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           Putnam’s Bowling Alone
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           Drawing upon the conceptualizations of civil society, in Robert Putnam’s book Bowling Alone, he writes how the increasing “individualization” of leisurely activities have impeded the natural formation and maintenance of civil society, which can only be imagined to be exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Indeed, the decrease in social capital during the pandemic is a concerning development, particularly for those who are convinced of Putnam’s argument. Yet, Myanmar's recent democratic movement has challenged Putnam, by revealing the potential of the digital space for organizations, activism, and conversations under an authoritarian rule. 
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           Fighting for Democracy
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            The rise of the internet in Myanmar has only increased in the last decade. Cellphones and SIM cards are now more widely available than they were in the pre-2012 era. Facebook has become synonymous with the internet, and it would not be a surprise anymore that the ordinary person has a facebook account. Yet, despite only the recent introduction of social media, the social networking site has been a medium for organizing protests, spreading live information, and expressing dissent.
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           Interestingly, the term “keyboard warriors'' were initially utilized as a derogatory term to refer to people who expressed their anger online, with a perceived lack of real substantive value in the real world. Yet, this particular use of the term negates the contributions of online activists to real world democratic struggles. In the post-coup era in Myanmar, keyboard warriors in the democracy movement are seen with high regards, responsible for using what little access the nation has to the internet to promote the democracy movement. 
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      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
      
           During nights, Facebook Live was used to document unrest; online neighborhood watch groups were set up to alert people nearby and hinder arbitrary arrests by the police and military. The internet was flooded with hashtags of #whatshappeninginMyanmar, #SaveMyanmar, #PrayforMyanmar, and many others led by “keyboard warriors” on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram who risked their lives to inform the world of the atrocities. From the online blue shirt campaign for current political prisoners, to the red lips campaign for the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, the people of Myanmar have utilized social media to pour visualizations of creative dissent; using the internet as a medium of resistance, and urging others to join the fight from the shadows of the junta. Like the three finger salute by democracy fighters in the country, the hashtags reveal symbols of resistance of the Myanmar people against the military coup in the digital era.
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           Evidently, at a time when isolation is expected due to the dangers of going out during an authoritarian crackdown and COVID-19, Facebook has been a crucial pillar for Myanmar’s civil society to reinvigorate and thrive. Despite these individualized actions and what Putnam would essentially describe as a decrease in social capital, civil society and anti-regime activism is thriving in Myanmar. The internet demonstrates a novel threat to the military regime, which has relied on outdated modes of surveillance and tactics. In response to the rise of the digital space as an instrument of anti-regime activism, the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/news/regime-issues-arrest-warrants-for-celebrities-who-urged-people-to-join-civil-disobedience" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           junta have also actively arrested and targeted social media influencers, musicians, poets, and journalists
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            who are vocal on the internet.
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           Conclusion
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            Indeed, civil society alone has only been truly studied in the past few decades. Within this realm, the digital space has been looked at less as an opportunity to foster the growth of civil society, and more as a hindrance to democratic maintenance. Yet, I argue, using the case study of Myanmar’s 2021 democracy movement, that this is an unfair and dangerous assumption to make.
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             ﻿
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            Despite the nightly internet blackout and arbitrary shutdown of internet services,
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    &lt;a href="https://time.com/6074482/myanmar-artist-resistance/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Myanmar’s youth have utilized the digital space
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            to share atrocities, art, poems, and live feeds of what is happening on-ground. They have used innovation and humor to artfully convey messages of democracy. The military has severely underestimated the role of young people and the digital space in this new wave of regime resistance. The current fight for democracy in Myanmar relies on their access to the internet, and the international community, at the very minimum, must ensure that the internet remains accessible. As evident, the creativity, determination, and perseverance of Myanmar’s youth to fight for freedom is proving to be the key to the country’s democratic future.
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           Theint Theint is an MSc student at the London School of Economics and Political Science. She is interested in exploring the intersection of human rights, law, and health within the context of Southeast Asia. She has led multiple health initiatives in Myanmar and partakes in pro-bono legal human rights work. She is interested in exploring the power dynamics between civil society, the internet, and authoritarian regime.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:55:12 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/myanmar-s-keyboard-warriors</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">editorspicks,digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Challenges of Digital Vaccine Passports</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-digital-vaccine-passports</link>
      <description>Undeniably, digitization has been our saviour during the COVID 19 pandemic. However, major concerns must be addressed before making digital passports our ticket to our pre-COVID lives.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           PRIVACY &amp;amp; COVID-19
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           Challenges of Digital Vaccine Passports
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           Undeniably, digitization has been our saviour during the COVID 19 pandemic. However, major concerns must be addressed before making digital passports our ticket to our pre-COVID lives.
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           By Srishti Nair
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           August 9, 2021
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           Fernando Ron Pedrique
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           Introduction
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           As countries like Canada, Brazil, and Germany continue to battle the
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           third wave
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            of COVID-19,it is clear that the global pandemic has not only claimed millions of lives but has also had a sweeping impact on the social, political, economic and legal narrative of the global community. In view of the same, several mechanisms have been  introduced to aid better adjustment to the “new normal”. One such aiding tool that is becoming increasingly popular is the vaccine passport. It aims to certify the vaccination status of an individual and requires the inclusion of details such
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           as date of vaccination and the kind of vaccine that was administered
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           . 
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           Need For Digital Vaccine Passport
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           The primary objective of developing a digital passport has largely been to
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           facilitate return to the pre-COVID-19 era
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            without endangering public health. For the past year, countries have been employing different testing requirements to navigate domestic as well as international travel  and the digital vaccine passport is being seen as another means to an end i.e., an
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            additional instrument to make travel safer
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           . Given the lack of trust and faith in the present system of paper-based vaccine cards owing to the increasing cases of black marketing, fake certificates etc. the development of digital documentation has become important. It will allow the consumers to avail proof of their vaccination status and assist in serving the growing public interest of getting access to their workplace and other public spaces  while ensuring their physical safety.
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           What Are The Countries Planning?
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            As countries fight to restore normalcy in the lives of their citizens, an increasing faith and reliance is being placed on digital vaccine passports. Examples include:   
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           DENMARK
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           :  The Nordic country has launched a vaccine passport named “Coronapas” which is linked to the already existing secure digital ID system called NemID, which grants the citizens of Denmark access to different online platforms, including their health records and test results. Upon completion of vaccine administration for all the high-risk groups, the vaccine will be used as a proof of vaccination status, earlier infection or a recent negative test which will be necessary to gain access to public places like cinemas,restaurants etc. This will also aid in international travel across the 27 member states of the European Union.
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           EUROPEAN UNION
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           : The EU proposes a “Digital Green Certificate” which will serve as a proof with respect to an individual’s vaccination status. It will contain information such as an individual's vaccination status, test results and whether or not they have tested negative post recovering from COVID-19. It will further be reinforced with a QR code which will allow the free movement of individuals within the member states. The said certificate will be made available to EU citizens and their families, non-EU citizens whose residence is in the EU and visitors.
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           ISRAEL
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           : Israel has launched the “Green Pass”, a digital vaccine passport which acts as a proof for individuals who have been fully vaccinated or have recovered from Covid-19. The application links individuals to their personal health ministry data and allows access to public spaces. . Furthermore, it also opens up doors to international travel as Israel has entered into agreements  with Greece and Cyprus , allowing Israeli citizens with passes to travel to those two countries.
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           Ethical And Legal Issues
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           While proof for immunization is a path that we have walked down before during the yellow fever, what needs to be considered is the difference
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           in the mode of transmission and the resulting amplified likelihood of the virus spreading
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           .Further, while most countries are focused on returning to normalcy, we must not forget that the passport is not an isolated public health measure, rather, it is a part of the growing digital infrastructure which brings with it a range of  ethical and legal issues, some which are highlighted below: 
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           Discrimination
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           Unequal access to public places
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           The suggested use of digital passports is not limited to international travels but is also linked to access to everyday social activities. While from a utilitarian perspective, community welfare will be facilitated better if inoculation is prioritised on the basis of factors such as age, health, social status etc. but it can also have a debilitating impact on the existing inequalities and discrimination. In the words of the UK Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), “
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           COVID certificates/passports could amount to unlawful discrimination, creating a two-tier society of the vaccinated and unvaccinated.”
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           Given that vaccine passports are turning into a prerequisite for participation in socio-economic public activities, transformation of the same into a license for discrimination is highly likely. For example: The brunt of India’s technology driven vaccination policy which prioritised the 45+ age group and the subsequent unavailability of vaccine had to be borne by the younger age groups as well as the
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           informal workforce
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           in terms of their safety as well as employability.High rates of unemployment will be especially brutal for the socially and economically marginalised communities which will further push towards the edge.
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            Thus, it is clear that revival of the pre-COVID era founded on digital vaccine passports will not be identical given the higher probability of discrimination to be inflicted upon groups
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           which cannot get inoculated as well as those who should not get inoculated
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           .Consequently, these groups will be left behind and be denied access to basic facilities such as workplaces, parks, supermarkets etc. which will not only prove to be harmful for the excluded individuals but also deepen the existing socio-economic disparities.
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           Discrimination between countries
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           While vaccines rollout has been experiencing high success rates in countries like United States of America, the developing and least developed countries continue to struggle to acquire sufficient quantity of vaccines. Moreover, rapid inoculation of the population heavily relies on technological infrastructure such as access to smartphones, reliable internet connection etc. The profound digital divide prevalent across the globe in specific sections of people including the
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           rural population, socially and economically marginalised communities, refugees, the digitally illiterate etc
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           . will cause these individuals to either be left out or be the last to be inoculated thereby, aggravating the existing disparities.
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           Moving forward, the difference in vaccine administration rates can also lead to indirect discrimination between nations. The starking contrast in factors such as health infrastructure, access to health care facilities and digital infrastructure can impact the inoculation rates in different countries thereby, exposing their citizens to discrimination especially with respect to international travel. This situation will be further worsened by vaccine acceptance rules being set by different countries. For example: Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic plan to use the Sputnik V vaccine, which while is equally effective as its European counterparts has failed to enjoy equal prestige in the European Union and is
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           even unacceptable on the grounds of merely being of non-European origin
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           . Thus, vaccine passports approved on the basis of such vaccines might as well be
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           invalid
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            and non-existential. 
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           Data Protection
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           Highly vulnerable to cyberattacks
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           Since the advent of the COVID 19 pandemic, personal information of individuals including sensitive health data has been placed at the disposal of public and private entities for different purposes. Bringing such extensive data into the public domain is proving to be a goldmine for cybercriminals as evidenced by the
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           data leak of a health laboratory in France in February 2021, where information relating to approximately 500,000 persons was compromised.
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           Additionally, with travel restrictions being reduced, the number of people travelling and wanting to pass through security without any hassles is also increasing which could possibly have a snowball effect on creation of fraudulent certificates and passports. Thereby, raising the question of how will real
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           time verification of immunity status be ensured
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           ? Further, the outdated encryption technology, lack of an open-source code for majority of the application etc. also contribute to increasing the fear and wariness in the community about the safety of their personal data.
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           Privacy and Transparency
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           One of the most critical and worrisome steps involved in the development of vaccine passports is the need to create a system collecting and storing extensive data relating to individuals so as to facilitate effective working of the passports. This would involve
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           tying up with the vaccination databases of different states via their medical records leading to mounting dread of the likelihood of privacy violation especially in countries which either have a weak data protection framework or even worse, none at all.
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            In the absence of a proper system of checks and balances, there is nothing holding back the big tech conglomerates such as Microsoft, Oracle etc. leading the development of digital vaccine passports from exploiting the information made available to them for purposes such as product development, marketing, selling it to third-parties, surveillance etc. Furthermore, given that data protection regulations in most of the non-EU countries are inadequate, cross-border sharing of such highly sensitive data could prove to be a nightmare for both the authorities as well as the general public.
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           Tool for mass surveillance
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           The development of vaccination passports will require the creation of a technological infrastructure which will categorise (vaccinated and unvaccinated) and track the health data of different individuals.A trove of such data when combined with sensors and digital systems take away any possible territorial restraints thereby, enabling
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           mass surveillance
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           . Digital passports are being viewed as the future of travel however, the nature and volume of information that will be required into developing an efficient passport system raises several red flags including the purposes for which such information will be utilised, whether or not it’s usage will be limited to the pandemic and if in the post pandemic world, it would aid and intensify shadowing of our private lives by public as well as private institutions.
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           Purpose and Storage Limitation
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           The present data protection regulations across the globe are known to have followed the footsteps of the European Union’s GDPR thereby, making the basic principles such as storage limitation, purpose limitation amongst others the cornerstones of these rules and regulations. The purpose limitation principle requires that the data must be collected for only specific and legitimate purposes and it’s processing too must be limited to the purpose for which it was consented to be used by the individual. Similarly, the storage principle also requires that the data should only be stored for a time period which is necessary for fulfilling the specific purpose for which it was collected. The volume of information collected and being processed in the development of creating a vaccine passport system is colossal thereby, making it imperative for the passport developers as well as the governing authorities to ensure that
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           function creep is avoided
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            by designing within the passport system a framework that would collect, process and retain data for only essential usages.
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           Conclusion
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           It is undeniable that digitization has been our saviour during the COVID 19 pandemic, from relying on e-commerce websites for daily provisions to social media platforms aiding in relief work, technology has been a blessing in disguise for mankind during these dire circumstances. However, we must remember that once a new technology begins to control us, no longer are we the masters. Thus, it is vital that we be diligent and ensure that the new normal with digital vaccine passports does not begin with us being rolled into the road itself.
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           Given that the development of a digital passport system is evolving into a global phenomenon it is necessary that the countries come together to
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           develop a comprehensive and standard approach with deep data points
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            agreed upon to ensure effective functioning of the system and also unanimously develop a certain scientific standard that each vaccine will have to pass so as to be recognised universally. Further, there is also a need to pay heed to basic epidemiological questions revolving around the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.compas.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/WP-2021-153-Gstrein-Kochenov-Zwitter-A-Terrible-Great-Idea-Vaccination-Passports.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           efficiency of a vaccine against different strains of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, the duration of effectiveness of inoculations and probability of inoculates individuals being spreaders of the virus
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           .
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           Additionally, in view of the issues relating to privacy and data protection, the application developers could be mandated to adopt privacy by design by adopting regulations which would enable the collection of the minimum amount of data while allowing the parties to verify the actual inoculation status of different individuals. Different methods that could be adopted for the same could include authentication via digital signatures to prevent fraudulent passports, use encryption in transit, minimisation of storage etc. They can also oversee the use of the data collected and require the app developers to not undertake any kind of activity including using the information for marketing without obtaining explicit and informed consent of the individuals.
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           Srishti Nair is a fourth-year law student from Symbiosis International (Deemed) University, India. She is interested towards exploring the intersectionality between law and technology especially protection of privacy and digital rights of the community.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:55:07 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-digital-vaccine-passports</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Social Media and Iran – A Messy Relationship?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/social-media-and-iran-a-messy-relationship</link>
      <description>Despite being an authoritarian regime, Iran has an interesting (albeit conflicted) relationship with social media. Although Iranian authorities often see social media as a threat, Iranian politicians are increasingly using social media as a way to appeal to voters.</description>
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           DIGITAL ACTIVISM
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           Social Media and Iran - A Messy Relationship?
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           Despite being an authoritarian regime, Iran has an interesting (albeit conflicted) relationship with social media. Although Iranian authorities often see social media as a threat, Iranian politicians are increasingly using social media as a way to appeal to voters. 
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           By Lucas Pinho Martins Nacif
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           August 9, 2021
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            Although Iran is known for imposing restrictive measures aimed at
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           curtailing
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            internet freedoms (particularly
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           social media
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            use), recent experience shows that social media is actually embraced in Iran. Indeed, politicians are known to use social media to
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           mobilise
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            supporters – including the
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           Supreme Leader
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            himself and newly-elected president
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           Ebrahim Raisi
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           . The purpose of this article is to explore the often complicated relationship between the Iranian political system and social media, and the potential implications of Ebrahim Raisi’s victory in the 2021 presidential elections. 
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           Iran and state censorship
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            According to
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           Freedom House,
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            Iran’s regime falls short meeting democratic standards due to the overarching influence of its clerical establishment in key institutions, such as the judiciary and security forces, which plays a key role in suppressing dissent. Indeed, Iran’s state censorship is notorious, with social media networks such as Facebook and Twitter being officially
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    &lt;a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-trending-42612546" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           blocked
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            . State censorship is further strengthened by the
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           2009 Access to Information Law
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           , which enables the Government to withhold information under vague grounds – such as protection of state interests and public security. In addition, media freedom in Iran is extremely limited given the overarching influence exercised by Iran’s clerical elites and security forces. 
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            The Iranian regime has extensively attempted to control the public’s access to information online. Following protests organised by University of Tehran students in 1999, the Iranian state has adopted increasingly restrictive attitudes towards the internet.
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           For example
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            , the Iranian regime has extensively sought to constrain or limit access to the internet (to stifle dissent). Examples include making its internet service providers operate on reduced speed,
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           disabling
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            messaging platforms and using denial of service attacks to disable websites operated by activists. 
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           Popularity of social media in Iran 
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            Iran’s restrictive measures towards media freedom and internet use is ineffective, as millions of Iranians nonetheless stay connected via social media. This is largely attributed to
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           proxies and VPNs
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            which enables young Iranians to bypass restrictions. 
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            Social media use is not solely attributed to young Iranians and as a means for the opposition and
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           liberal newspapers
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            to
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           flourish
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            , however. Politicians in Iran have been increasingly embracing social media platforms to appeal to voters and mobilise supporters. For example, the reformist faction
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           successfully
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            used the messaging app Telegram to mobilise voters, which led to the ‘Hope List’ winning 121 out of 290 seats in the 2016 parliamentary elections. More recently,
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           Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Zarif
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            used the social media app Clubhouse to defend Iran’s strategic cooperation pact with China. That an Iranian minister openly used Clubhouse to engage with an Iranian audience shows that the Iranian government is trying to use social media platforms for their own political gain.   
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           2021 Presidential Election 
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/irans-sole-moderate-presidential-candidate-congratulates-raisi-his-victory-state-2021-06-19/https:/www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/irans-sole-moderate-presidential-candidate-congratulates-raisi-his-victory-state-2021-06-19/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ebrahim Raisi,
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            Iran’s current Chief Justice, won the presidential elections held this June with 
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           62% of the votes
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            (though the vote was marked by a low turnout). Raisi’s election win means that
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           hardliners
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            now control all branches of the Iranian state since 2013.  As Chief Justice, Raisi is notorious for being a
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           repressive judge
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            – from handing down heavy prison sentences against activists, to pressuring
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           journalists
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            that are critical of the regime. 
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            Given Raisi’s reputation as a hardliner, it might be anticipated that the Iranian government will attempt to impose even more repressive measures against media freedom and social media use. This is a trend which has been long underway, given that Iranian authorities in recent years have imposed internet shutdowns by
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           blocking
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            the nation’s inbound and outbound internet traffic after demonstrations in 2019, as well as seeking to develop a
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           centralised national “intranet”
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            called the “National Information Network”, otherwise known as SHOMA, in order to police content and limit Iranian’s access to information. 
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            Following Raisi’s election,
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           a proposed bill
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           from the Iranian parliament was introduced, seeking to “regulate social media messengers” by requiring the Ministry of Communication to uncover the names of all users and ban the use of proxies and VPNs, as well as requiring social media platforms to register to a regulatory and supervisory board which will include representatives of the intelligence ministry and the Revolutionary Guards. 
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            However, despite expressing hostility towards media freedom and social media use, hardliner politicians such as Raisi have used Twitter to bolster political support. For example, Raisi has used Twitter during the 2021 presidential election to declare that the fight against “poverty, corruption and discrimination” were his priorities if elected. Raisi even pledged to
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           provide free internet
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            to people from the lower strata of Iranian society (although based on the recent bill proposed by the Iranian parliament, it seems that his intention is to provide free access to a heavily censored internet, or even to SHOMA, if the intranet is launched. 
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           Concluding remarks
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            Iran has at best, a contradictory relationship with social media. Although the government has historically attempted to impose restrictive measures against social media use, such measures have been at times ineffective thanks to an increasing use of proxies and VPNs among Iranians (though these measures are incapable of
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           overcoming
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            measures such as internet slowdowns and mobile data blackouts). In addition, Iranian politicians – both reformists and hardliners – have recently embraced social media use as a means of mobilising supporters.
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            Although Raisi’s recent presidential election victory indicates that the Iranian government might attempt to impose further measures to repress social media use, it is difficult to comprehend the regime’s
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           hostile stance
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            towards social media when even their Supreme Leader is an active Twitter user.
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           Lucas Nacif is a Bar Vocational Studies candidate at City Law School and has recently completed his LLM at St Edmund’s College, University of Cambridge. He also holds a LLB degree from King’s College London. During his legal studies, Lucas has done internships in various commercial barrister chambers in London.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:55:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/social-media-and-iran-a-messy-relationship</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,binoculars,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>How to Facilitate International Space Cooperation with China?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/how-to-facilitate-international-space-cooperation-with-china</link>
      <description>China’s growth as a prominent space-faring power necessitates staunch engagement with the CCP. The encroachment of private actors in the space domain also begs the questions as to how all these different actors will engage with each other in a seemingly lawless realm. This article lays out the current most pressing challenges in space pertaining to the US, the EU, and China, and cases of successful and unsuccessful Chinese cooperation with other state and non-state actors.</description>
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           SECURITY CHALLENGES IN OUTER SPACE
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           How to Facilitate International Space Cooperation with China?
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           China’s growth as a prominent space-faring power necessitates staunch engagement with the CCP. The encroachment of private actors in the space domain also begs the questions as to how all these different actors will engage with each other in a seemingly lawless realm. This article lays out the current most pressing challenges in space pertaining to the US, the EU, and China, and cases of successful and unsuccessful Chinese cooperation with other state and non-state actors.
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           By Eiza Marot
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           August 9, 2021
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           Outer-space is emerging as the final frontier: a unique dual-use realm that oversees approximately 3,372 operational satellites, and this number is expected to grow much larger with the encroachment of non-state actors like Space X’s Starlink Constellation. (Union of Concerned Scientists 2021). Space is a critical domain for both civilian and military purposes as earth-based critical infrastructure has become extremely dependent on the secure data flows between earth-based ground control centres and satellites. For the United States, space is a key domain that has allowed it to integrate advanced space systems into its military operations as well as project power from a great distance.
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           Space also houses space assets essential to civilian livelihoods including communications, navigation, meteorological, and observation satellites. Outer-Space is a critical domain for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), not just in a security sense, it is a matter pertaining to national pride. Space, from the Chinese perspective, is the ultimate higher ground, militarily speaking, and is envisioned to play a key role in attaining the ‘Chinese Dream’ to create a more prosperous and stronger nation. China has ambitious plans in space including orbital, lunar, and deep-space activities. In 2022, China plans to build its very own
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           space station, just as the International Space Station (ISS) has announced it will be closing shop by 2024. Space experts assert that the ISS could remain operable by 2033 but if it is indeed decommissioned,
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           could fill the global demand for an operating space station (NASA Spaceflight 2021). 
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           With a growing number of actors in orbit, space is becoming increasingly crowded, weaponized, and we are witnessing an absent global regime on arms control. There are currently no tangible laws in existence that regulate the weaponization, nor are there any international laws that address the proliferation of space debris. Space is increasingly at risk of becoming a volatile, hostile environment, and the cost of a space conflict is all but to high given the global dependence on space assets. To face the ‘wicked’ problems there will need to be a global consensus and international cooperation to tackle space security, moreover, China’s growth as a prominent space-faring power necessitates staunch engagement with the CCP.
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           The encroachment of private actors in the space domain also begs the questions as to how all these different actors will engage with each other in a seemingly lawless realm. Nevertheless, this policy paper will layout the current most pressing challenges in space pertaining to the US, the EU, and China, and cases of successful and unsuccessful Chinese cooperation with other state and non-state actors.
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           Current Challenges Facing Outer-Space
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           There are several challenges that need to be addressed on space: the proliferation of space weapons, the lack thereof a definition, the weaponization of space, deadlocks on the international treaties, the encroachment of non-state actors (both malicious and well-intentioned), and space debris. 
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           Space weapons and the weaponization of Space
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           One of the biggest challenges to instituting in outer space regards the issue of the weaponization space. Each of the major space faring powers each have their own specific reasons for pursuing anti-satellite capabilities (ASATs). To put simply, China does not have the same nuclear posture as the US and perceives space as the higher ground that it can leverage against the US, whilst Russia perceives ASAT capabilities as being a useful deterrence strategy against the US and China. Meanwhile, the US assessment of its ASAT capabilities is that ASATs are essential to protecting their space assets and hegemony in space and deterring the Sino-Russian axis (Weeden 2020). 
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           Absence of a comprehensive legal framework
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           At an international level, the current legal framework regarding peaceful use of space is unfortunately rather lacking other than the Outer Space Treaty (1967), the Proposed Prevention of an Arms Race in Space (1985), both of which refrain parties from placing objects carrying any type of weapon into orbit, installing weapons on celestial bodies, and threatening to use force against objects in outer space (UNIDIR 2002). Meanwhile, the only space arms control proposal currently on the table, the Russian and Chinese-backed Draft Treat on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space (PPWT) has been staunchly disregarded by the US due to conflicting conceptions on the definitions of ‘space weapons’ outlined in the Draft Treaty (Samson &amp;amp; Weeden 2020). There are also voluntary measures that space faring powers can take to regulate space activities called Transparency and Confidence Building Measures (TCBMs). TCBMs are perceived as a practical alternative to conventional treaties in the sense that they fill in many of the gaps within existing mechanisms and treaties like the OST. However, given the nature of these non-legally binding measures, a party’s activities are more difficult to verify.
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           ‘Space congestion’ and lack of communications amongst stakeholders
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            An additional roadblock to building an international legal regime on arms control in space is the lack of communication between state actors, state actors and non-state actors, and between non-state actors themselves. Space experts assert the lack of communication between increasingly powerful private entities to be quite alarming, the recent case of the SpaceX’s satellite and the British-owned OneWeb satellite were 60 m away from colliding into each other in orbit. Reports later indicated that SpaceX had disabled its AI-powered collision avoidance system to allow OneWeb to steer its satellite out of the way (Roulette 2021).
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           Fortunately, Space X and OneWeb were able to coordinate just in time to manoeuvre their satellites, but this collision could have resulted in catastrophic emissions of space debris in an already extremely congested orbit. 
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           Proliferation of space debris
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           This case invokes the most pressing environmental/ security issues in space: the proliferation of space debris. More than 20,000 trackable pieces of space junk orbit the planet and is presented as a more problematic threat due to the sheer speed at which space debris travels, even the tiniest fragment could render a satellite inoperable. The European Space Agency calculated that an aluminium ball of even one centimetre in diameter collides with a satellite, it has the energy of a mid-range car (Brzozowski 2019).
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           Non-state actors pertaining to private corporations, researchers, universities, and malicious non-state actors, are taking up more space in orbit, which will undoubtedly pose a massive strain on space traffic, the viability of space assets, as the domain remains sadly unregulated. The barriers to entry in space are lower than ever through cyber and physical means into orbit, which could leave space in a state of disarray, the wild west.
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           US Threat Perception of Chinese Space Development
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            The US position on Chinese assertion in space perceives Chinese advancements in space, both civilian and military, to be a threat to its national security. According to a recent report published by the US Intelligence Community (2021), China’s space program was assessed as the top security concern for the US and stated that “Beijing is working hard to match or exceed US capabilities in space to gain the military, economic, and prestige benefits that Washington has accrued from space leadership” and noted the soon to be commissioned China’s space station as a possible threat.
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            Space policy experts have argued that the report’s conception of the security threats posed by Chinese activities in space conflated the military and civilian space pursuits. Victoria Samson from the Secure World Foundation (SWF) questioned why the report classified China’s space station as a threat at all, even though it had been in the works for over decade (2021).
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            In addition, the geopolitical rivalry between the US and China is compounded by the stringent
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           Wolf Amendment
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            which forbids NASA from cooperating in any shape, way or form with China due to fears of espionage, intellectual property theft. Space experts have argued that it is high time to consider repealing the Wolf Amendment and that while it does not directly prohibit working with Chinese counterparts, the effect of the bill certainly does.
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            On the other hand, Kevin Pollpeter argues that China has gradually been building more war fighting footing for its space program and that US concerns on heightened Chinese counter-space capabilities are a valid qualm as the PLA could use its civilian space program as a guise for its military space developments (Pollpeter, Anderson, Wilson 2015).
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            China’s rapidly improving capabilities and investments in ASATs are indeed of great concern, intelligence suggests that Beijing is developing up to three different ASATs, with the more recent development of robotic arm technology which the US Defense Intelligence Agency has determined could be used as a weapon. All space experts would agree that the escalation of weapons in space is detrimental to the securitization of space but the key to resolving conflict involving dual-use nature of technology implemented in orbit, like Beijing’s robotic arm, is
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            , therefore, there needs to be more emphasis on assessing the extent to which actors carry responsible behavior in space (Samson 2021).
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           Moreover, Brian Weeden’s testimony to the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission expresses that China has indeed complied with the existing legal principles and norms from the four main space treaties and that there is no evidence suggesting China would contradict these legal frameworks. The US has noted while some of China’s rendezvous and proximity operations (RPO) activities may have been precursors to co-orbital ASAT capabilities Weeden states that they have been entirely consistent with international law (2019). 
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           EU: Strategic Autonomy and Ambitions in Space
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           Space, for the EU, is vital to its pursuit of strategic autonomy as it aids situational awareness, decision-making, connectivity of technological systems and to its diplomacy toolbox, however, the EU’s space policy currently stands fixed at a crossroads as it needs to ensure it can enhance its space presence and push technological frontiers without disrupting its industrial supply chains and strategic autonomy (EU Directorate General for External Polices of the Union 2020).
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           Space is a strategic domain and therefore there exists an inherent political ambition to enhance the EU’s autonomy in space to ensure the EU’s economic and defense prosperity, as affirmed by the European Council (Grevi 2019). The reason why the EU is so fixed on building its strategic autonomy in space is due to the rise of geopolitical competition in space, as global competitors invest heavily in space defense technologies given that the EU is unfortunately lacking in this area. The EU does not have its own space-based space surveillance and tracking (SST) capabilities or collective ASAT warning capabilities (Fiott 2021). Even the EU and its member states’ military systems are highly dependent on functional satellites, for example, the Future Combat Aircraft System (FCAS) depends on space assets for communications and positioning.
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           Satellites, being vulnerable to hacking, jamming, or even weaponization, need resilient defense systems to withstand the plethora of risks in space, security on the ground demands it. Between the US-China standoff, the mounting deadlocks on international treaties, and emboldened private entities, the EU will have a unique part to play as a shaping, mediating power. As it currently stands, the neither the US nor China consider the rules-based order to be a central focus to their respective strategies (Grevi 2019). Strategic autonomy is space means resilience for the EU and its member states in space and on Earth, which cannot occur without engaging with China (Foust 2019). 
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           Multilateral Cooperation with China
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           China’s Perspective on Space
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            China’s objectives for its space program are rooted in its nationalistic Chinese Dream which will give it the opportunity to gin more economic and political, domestic legitimacy, and international prestige. China has outspent every country in 2020 regarding space activities, but in comparison to the US, Beijing’s $ 8.9 billion simply cannot compare to the US’ $48 billion budget (CSIS 2021). China’s ambitions for space power are similar to nuclear power as space capabilities are used for deterrence, however, these they are distinguished by the threshold for space power is lower than for nuclear weapons.
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            Chinese scholars refer to space war or
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           tian zhan
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            (天站), as military confrontations occurring in space, integrating military defensive and offensive operations in space, and engaging with targets from space and air space (Bowe 2019). The Chinese perspective on space power sees the domain as having two uses: for deterrence and real war fighting capabilities. Space from the Chinese perspective is the ultimate high ground as American military capabilities are hugely contingent on the sophisticated yet exposed networks of communications, command, control, surveillance, and computer intelligence through space assets (Tellis 2007). Incidentally, in the face of US obstruction China set to build its very own space station,
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           Tianhe
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           , after its request to join the ISS was rejected by the US.
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           China and the ESA see eye to eye on Space
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           China formally launched its manned space program called Project 921 in 1992, the critical component of which was the development of Tiangong space labs which were critical testbeds for configuring the CSS. Chinese engineers, building on the successes of Tiangong-1/-2, were able to build the core module of the CSS (CSIS 2019). While smaller in size, Chinese engineers stipulate that Tianhe could be expanded through international cooperation. The ESA and the National Remote Sensing Centre of China (NRSCC) launched the fourth phase of their collaborative Dragon programme in Wuhan which identified the overall drop in water levels in the Poyang Lake over a decade (ESA 2016).
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           ESA astronauts also trained with their Chinese colleagues in 2017 to prepare to fly on the CSS. The collaboration represented a decent milestone in establishing the ESA as a partner in space (ESA 2017). The ESA have also collaborated on the Double Star project which was signed in 2001 and marked the first time the ESA board its own experiments on Chinese satellites (ESA 2021). More recently, in 2019, the Solar wind-magnetosphere-Ionosphere Link Explorer (Smile), unlike Double Star, was envisaged as being a joint ESA-China mission from the very start (ESA 2019). In addition, the ESA has also assisted the recent Chang’e-5 and ongoing Mars Tianwen-1 missions. 
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           Sino-Russian cooperation in Space 
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           Russia has been a long-time collaborator in space alongside its US colleagues, though in the last decade China and Russia have criticised US’ weaponization of space by preparing to place weapons in orbit. Beijing and Moscow linked arms to draft the PPWT which invoked criticism from the US for the treaty’s lack of clarity on space weapons.
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           More recently, Russia and China have signed on to build a work on an International Scientific Lunar Station orbiting the Moon which will rival NASA’s Gateway program, moreover, Russia declined the offer to partner with the US on Gateway. This strategic partnership means that the two nations will be able to pool together their resources and signals that both parties do not perceive the US plight to be the only means of cooperating in space (Goswami 2021).
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           Not to mention, the US did not extend an invitation to Russian counterparts to join in on the Artemis Accords, an agreement that includes the ESA and several other nations (Australia, Japan, Canada, Luxembourg, Italy, Ukraine, the UK, and the United Arab Emirates). The agreement seeks to establish norms for exploration and behaviours in space however Russia and China find the accords to be too ‘US-centric’. A new geopolitical divide appears to be emerging in space: the Russia-China axis against the rest, a dynamic that will make multilateral cooperation to address space security even more difficult.
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           Recommendations for facilitating engagement with China
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           Space debris removal and regulatory frameworks
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             There are no current international laws that ban the proliferation of space debris in orbit, and in accordance with the
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           Kessler Effect
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            (cascading effect of debris) that occurs when debris is emitted: the more debris is created, the higher risks of collisions, and the higher number of debris remains in orbit. This is dangerous for the safety and wellbeing of all space assets, future missions, astronauts, and poses risks to the critical infrastructure on Earth that is reliant on satellites. This global wicked problem could motivate not just the space faring powers, but the non-state actors in China, the US, Russia, Europe, to mobilize space debris removal programs, and build norms that deter the proliferation of such debris. 
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           Cybersecurity vulnerabilities: information sharing between space industry and researchers
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           Public and private actors in China and the US should learn to collaborate and hold each other accountable to an agreed set of cybersecurity standards, policy makers should endeavour to establish a separate body, facilitated by a state agency, that can mediate between public and private entities. To reiterate, there needs to be more communication and information sharing between the private and public sector in space as private sector entities like SpaceX begin to take on a bigger role in the industry.
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           Regulating the quantity of space objects in orbit
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           There is currently no legal framework regulating who and how many satellites can be launched into space, and unfortunately, the current environment in orbit is getting busy and messy. Policy makers need to establish rules for all actors involved, both in the private and public sectors, whether in the form of soft law like a TCBM, or even through an extensive from the Artemis Accords. More traffic means more risk of collisions between space objects. 
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           Repeal the Wolf Amendment
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           Any cooperation between NASA and the CNSA is deadlocked by this amendment. While not directly prohibitive, the amendment first requires certification from the FBI. To that effect, collaboration is prohibited. The purpose of the Wolf Amendment initially was to shape Chinese behavior in space and has been largely ineffective in this regard. This step is essential to take if the US decides to undertake joint civil missions with their Chinese counterparts.
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           Conclusion
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           The stakes in space could not be any higher, the implications of utilizing weapons or weaponizing space could not be more catastrophic for the viability of future operations and for critical infrastructure on earth dependent on dual-use satellites. Space infrastructure has also become highly exposed to cyber and physical vulnerabilities from malicious or violent non-state actors. China is extremely motivated to tackle the issue of space debris, though the recent wreckage of the Chinese rocket that plummeted to Earth on April 8th led to the pointing of fingers and has exacerbated the geopolitical rift between China and the US (South China Morning Post 2021). It should be noted that the uncontrolled deorbit of the SkyLab space station partially hit Australia, despite the US’ assertions that the debris had fallen into the Indian Ocean.
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           Nevertheless, the impetus for multilateral action in the sphere of space security and sustainability necessitates all space faring powers and actors in establishing responsible uses of space. International treaties may be too slow moving to keep up with the rapid changes occurring in space, it may be more prudent to look to private entities to begin establishing acceptable norms and rules of behavior to build safer and more sustainable space exploration.
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           References
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           Reports
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            [1] Bowe, Alexander.
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           China’s pursuit of space power status and implications for the United States.
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            US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 2019.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/USCC_China's%20Space%20Power%20Goals.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/USCC_China's%20Space%20Power%20Goals.pdf
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [2] Fiott, Daniel.
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           The European space sector as an enabler of EU strategic autonomy
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            . European Parliament, 2020.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/EXPO_IDA%282020%29653620_EN.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/EXPO_IDA%282020%29653620_EN.pdf
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            [3] Fiott, Daniel.
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           Securing the heavens: How can space support the EU’s strategic compass?
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            European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2021.
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/Brief_9_2021_0.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/Brief_9_2021_0.pdf
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            [4] Grevi, Giovanni.
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           Strategic autonomy for European choices: The key to Europe’s shaping power.
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            European Policy Centre, 2019.
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://wms.flexious.be/editor/plugins/imagemanager/content/2140/PDF/2019/190719_Strategicautonomy_GG.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://wms.flexious.be/editor/plugins/imagemanager/content/2140/PDF/2019/190719_Strategicautonomy_GG.pdf
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            [5] Harrison, Todd, Johnson, Kaitlyn, Roberts, Thomas G.
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           Space Threat Assessment 2018
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            . Washington D.C: Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 2018.
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    &lt;a href="https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/180823_Harrison_SpaceThreatAssessment_FULL_WEB.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/180823_Harrison_SpaceThreatAssessment_FULL_WEB.pdf
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            [6] Harrison, Todd, Johnson, Kaitlyn, Young, Makena,
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           Defense Against the Dark Arts in Space
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            . Centre for Strategic and International Studies, 2021.
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/210225_Harrison_Defense_Space.pdf?N2KWelzCz3hE3AaUUptSGMprDtBlBSQG" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://csis-website-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/210225_Harrison_Defense_Space.pdf?N2KWelzCz3hE3AaUUptSGMprDtBlBSQG
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            [7] Pollpeter, Kevin, Anderson, Eric, Wilson, Jordan, Yang, Fan.
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           China Dream, Space Dream: China’s progress in space technologies and implications for the United States
          &#xD;
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            . US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 2015.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/China%20Dream%20Space%20Dream_Report.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/China%20Dream%20Space%20Dream_Report.pdf
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            [8] Porras, Daniel,
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           Eyes on the Sky: Rethinking Verification in the Sky
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            . UNIDIR, 2019.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.unidir.org/sites/default/files/2019-10/Eyes%20on%20the%20Sky%20%7C%20Rethinking%20Verification%20in%20Space_1.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.unidir.org/sites/default/files/2019-10/Eyes%20on%20the%20Sky%20%7C%20Rethinking%20Verification%20in%20Space_1.pdf
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            [9]
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           UCS Satellite Database
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            . The Union of Concerned Scientists. Union of Concerned Scientists, 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://ucsusa.org/resources/satellite-database?_ga=2.206523283.1848871521.1598077135-464362950.1598077135" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://ucsusa.org/resources/satellite-database?_ga=2.206523283.1848871521.1598077135-464362950.1598077135
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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            [10] UNIDIR. “Prevention of Outer Space Arms Race, Ratification of Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Among Issues Addressed by Texts Introduced in First Committee.” Published October 15 2002.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2002/gadis3233.doc.htm" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.un.org/press/en/2002/gadis3233.doc.htm
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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            [11] US Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Annual Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            . Published April 9, 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.odni.gov/index.php/newsroom/reports-publications/reports-publications-2021/item/2204-2021-annual-threat-assessment-of-the-u-s-intelligence-community" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.odni.gov/index.php/newsroom/reports-publications/reports-publications-2021/item/2204-2021-annual-threat-assessment-of-the-u-s-intelligence-community
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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            [12] Weeden, Brian, “Current and Future Trends in Chinese Counterspace Capabilities”,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Proliferation Papers
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            , IFRI, November 2020,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/current_and_future_trends.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/current_and_future_trends.pdf
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
            
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           Webpages
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            [13] Barbosa, Rui. 2021. “China preparing to build Tiangong station in 2021, complete by 2022.” NASA Spaceflight. March 1 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/2021/03/china-preparing-to-build-tiangong-station-in-2021-complete-by-2022/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/2021/03/china-preparing-to-build-tiangong-station-in-2021-complete-by-2022/
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [14] Brzozowksi, Alexandra.  “Europe aims to clean up the space graveyard.” September 3 2019.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/europes-aims-to-clean-up-the-space-graveyard/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/europes-aims-to-clean-up-the-space-graveyard/
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            [15] Chen, Stephen. 2021. “China-SU tensions move to space as rocket debris heads for Earth.” South China Morning Post. May 8 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/china/science/article/3132702/china-us-tensions-move-space-rocket-debris-heads-earth" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.scmp.com/news/china/science/article/3132702/china-us-tensions-move-space-rocket-debris-heads-earth
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            [16] ESA. 2016. “ESA’s cooperation with China extended  to 2020.” ESA. July 8 2016.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esa.int/Applications/Observing_the_Earth/ESA_s_Dragon_cooperation_with_China_extended_to_2020" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.esa.int/Applications/Observing_the_Earth/ESA_s_Dragon_cooperation_with_China_extended_to_2020
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [17] ESA. 2017. “ESA and Chinese astronauts train together.” ESA. July 8 2017.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Human_and_Robotic_Exploration/Astronauts/ESA_and_Chinese_astronauts_train_together" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Human_and_Robotic_Exploration/Astronauts/ESA_and_Chinese_astronauts_train_together
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [18] ESA. 2021. “Double Star Overview ESA.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/Double_Star_overview2" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/Double_Star_overview2
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [19] ESA. 2019. “ESA gives go-ahead for Smile mission with China.” ESA. March 5 2019.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/ESA_gives_go-ahead_for_Smile_mission_with_China" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.esa.int/Science_Exploration/Space_Science/ESA_gives_go-ahead_for_Smile_mission_with_China
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [18] Erwin, Sandra. 2021. “Analysts: China’s space programs are a security concern to the US but not all are nefarious.” Space News. April 16 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://spacenews.com/analysts-chinas-space-programs-are-a-security-concern-to-the-u-s-but-not-all-are-nefarious/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://spacenews.com/analysts-chinas-space-programs-are-a-security-concern-to-the-u-s-but-not-all-are-nefarious/
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            [19] Gehrke, Joel. 2021. “Intel chief : China to put space station in orbit during Biden presidency.” Washington Examiner. April 14 2021. 
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/policy/defense-national-security/intel-chief-china-to-put-space-station-orbit-during-biden-presidency" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/policy/defense-national-security/intel-chief-china-to-put-space-station-orbit-during-biden-presidency
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            [20] Goswami, Namrata. 2021. “The strategic implications of the China-Russian Lunar Base Cooperation Agreement.” The Diplomat.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://thediplomat.com/2021/03/the-strategic-implications-of-the-china-russia-lunar-base-cooperation-agreement/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://thediplomat.com/2021/03/the-strategic-implications-of-the-china-russia-lunar-base-cooperation-agreement/
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            [21] Ni, Adam. 2019. “Yearbook 2019: China Dreams, Dreams in Space.” The China Story.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.thechinastory.org/yearbooks/yearbook-2019-china-dreams/forum-projecting-the-dream/dreams-in-space/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.thechinastory.org/yearbooks/yearbook-2019-china-dreams/forum-projecting-the-dream/dreams-in-space/
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            [22] Roulette, Joey. 2021. “OneWeb, SpaceX satellites dodged a potential collision in orbit.” The Verge. April 9 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/4/9/22374262/oneweb-spacex-satellites-dodged-potential-collision-orbit-space-force" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://www.theverge.com/2021/4/9/22374262/oneweb-spacex-satellites-dodged-potential-collision-orbit-space-force
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            [23] Samson, Victoria &amp;amp; Weeden, Brian. 2020. “US should start space security talks with Russia, China.” Breaking Defense. May 21 2020.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://breakingdefense.com/2020/05/us-should-start-space-security-talks-with-russia-china/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://breakingdefense.com/2020/05/us-should-start-space-security-talks-with-russia-china/
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            [24] Samson, Victoria. 2021 “Threats to space aren’t just weapons.” Trends Research. February 24 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://trendsresearch.org/insight/threats-to-space-arent-just-weapons/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://trendsresearch.org/insight/threats-to-space-arent-just-weapons/
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           Journal articles
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            [25] Tellis, Ashley. 2007. “China’s military space strategy.”
           &#xD;
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           Global Politics and Strategy
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            , vol. 49, issue 3: pp. 41-72.
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    &lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00396330701564752" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           https://doi.org/10.1080/00396330701564752
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           Eiza is an international security specialist and is very passionate about researching current trends regarding space security. She believes it is essential that we maintain that space is indeed used for peaceful purposes. She is also a Star Wars fan.
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:54:57 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmonaut/how-to-facilitate-international-space-cooperation-with-china</guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Are Dystopian Novels a Cautionary Warning?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/are-dystopian-novels-a-cautionary-warning</link>
      <description>During the Covid-19 pandemic, we have witnessed how our life passed under the watchful eye of the state and how easily our rights could disappear in a crisis. In this respect, dystopian novels constantly remind us of the impermanence of reality where nothing is as secure as we think.</description>
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           SURVEILLANCE
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           Are Dystopian Novels a Cautionary Warning?
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           During the Covid-19 pandemic, we have witnessed how our life passed under the watchful eye of the state and how easily our rights could disappear in a crisis. In this respect, dystopian novels constantly remind us of the impermanence of reality where nothing is as secure as we think.
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           By Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli
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           August 9, 2021
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           In dystopian novels, authors describe a world where certain trends in contemporary societies are taken to extremes exposing their underlying flaws, and sometimes, we can draw a parallel between the threats that our society is facing and the fictitious world described in these novels. Nowadays, the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the precarity of our systems of government and the contrast between the privileged classes and the working class. As citizens, we have witnessed how our life passed under the watchful eye of the state and how easily our rights could disappear in a crisis. In this respect, dystopian novels constantly remind us of the impermanence of reality where nothing is as secure as we think.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/dystopia" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           Dystopia
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            refers to an imaginary place or state in which everything is extremely bad or unpleasant. The dystopian fiction is arguably defined as a subgenre of science fiction that employs a negative portrayal of an alternative society as a way to generate a new perspective of real-word societies. In the dystopian novels, hegemonic ideologies imposed by totalitarian regimes are described as an attempt to create docile, conformed bodies that further allow the regime to sustain and maintain its power over society. The notion of societies controlled by constant surveillance and monitoring raises several political and ethical questions related to privacy and data protection. Many dystopian novels such as 1984, A Scanner Darkly and The Circle all portray an imaginary futuristic surveillance society, which  could be seen as foreshadowing a future where surveillance is not limited and citizens are controlled by their governments. Nowadays, we can see a parallel that exists in relation to contemporary surveillance societies and their application of technological devices through which the government interferes and limits the private life of its citizens.
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            Seventy years ago, the classic novel 1984 by English author George Orwell was published, and from that moment onwards the famous line “Big Brother is watching you!” became an integral part of popular culture. However, the trends of surveillance, power, and control present in the novel are still relatable themes in our society today. Today, during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is almost impossible not to draw a connection between the world portrayed in dystopian novels and the new surveillance methods enacted to limit the spread of the virus.
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            After the first news about a virus that originated in China spread around the world, new laws to contain the infection rate appeared from every government. From the implementation of social distance rules and the mandatory requirement of wearing face masks to the border closures, the virus changed our society. The fear of being infected forced people to obey authority and get used to this situation in a really short time, also when it involved the restriction of fundamental rights. For these reasons, our current situation is proof that the world that dystopias offer us is not far from reality. In particular, many governments are considering the use of facial recognition or tracking devices to slow the spread of the virus, for example,
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           Italy and Germany
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            have opted for a phone storage-centric model which forgoes the use of GPS charting. However, these measures could lead to the creation of a surveillance society that will strip away people’s personal liberties.
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            In the case of the pandemic, what is controversial is the fact that surveillance is enacted towards a specific purpose which is to prevent worldwide disease. During the pandemic, governments around the world have employed different surveilling tactics in an attempt to restrict and manage the virus. By implementing social monitoring, governments around the world can track the coronavirus and further uphold the state-induced quarantine.
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            For example, China has increased its use of surveillance, by installing cameras that point directly to the front door of people’s homes or even within their homes. Following the lift of the coronavirus lockdown, China created a
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           color-coded health system
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            that identifies the health status of people through a questionnaire with details such as health and body temperature. Based on the information provided, people get assigned a color. People with a green code are permitted to move unrestrictedly, people with a yellow code may be asked to stay at home for seven days, while people with a red code are required to self-quarantine for two weeks.
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           city authorities in Moscow
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            ordered  its 12 million citizens to remain indoors with only a few exceptions. To enforce this measure, the government provided its citizens with an app that tracks their movements outside their homes, as well as a QR-code containing personal data which must be presented to the police upon request.
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            The increased surveillance and data collection have contributed to people’s concerns on the growing digital arsenal which the governments are acquiring and likely will continue to have also when the pandemic finally ends. According to
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           UN Special Rapporteur Joseph Cannataci
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           : “Dictatorships and authoritarian societies often start in face of a threat […] that is why it is important to be vigilant today and not give away all our freedoms”. This does not necessarily mean that people have to fight any kind of surveillance during this pandemic, but instead that society should ensure that once the pandemic has passed, the data collected and the surveillance techniques are erased and abolished. If governments will be able to honor these promises, the surveillance needed during this pandemic won’t be considered wrong and that will make our reality different from all the dystopian novels.
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           Nathalie is completing her Master's degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. As an undergraduate, she studied European Law at Maastricht University. During her studies, she lived in London for a semester and attended Westminster University. She worked as an intern in a law firm in Italy, and she is currently working at Alber &amp;amp; Geiger in the EU Governmental Relations team. She is fluent in Italian and English and can communicate in Dutch, French and Chinese.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:54:31 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/are-dystopian-novels-a-cautionary-warning</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,binoculars,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Emojis and Digital Communication</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/emojis-and-digital-communication</link>
      <description>Digital communication has changed rapidly since the onset of the digital age but emojis have only gone from strength to strength since their inception in the late 1990s. This article will cover the impact emojis have had on language and culture. It will conclude with a comparison of hieroglyphics and emojis and what this development tells us about in culture and language in the digital age.</description>
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           DIGITAL CULTURE
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           Emojis and Digital Communication
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           Digital communication has changed rapidly since the onset of the digital age but emojis have only gone from strength to strength since their inception in the late 1990s. This article will cover the impact emojis have had on language and culture. It will conclude with a comparison of hieroglyphics and emojis and what this development tells us about in culture and language in the digital age. 
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           By Suzanne Flynn
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           August 9, 2021
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           The &amp;#55357;&amp;#56581;  goes &amp;#55357;&amp;#56391;  in &amp;#55356;&amp;#56814;&amp;#55356;&amp;#56810;  and it's &amp;#55356;&amp;#57127;️  in &amp;#55356;&amp;#56810;&amp;#55356;&amp;#56824;.. If you can understand this sentence, you might be fluent in the world's fastest growing language (1). Emojis  have become commonplace in our communication over text and social media in particular. It is arguably an unsurprising development given the universal nature of the emoticons, which have spawned merchandise and memes, resulting in a simplified form of pictorial communication. The first emojis were created by Japanese artist Shigetaka Kurita in 1999. These rigid gameboy-esque symbols would become the blueprints for the nearly 3,000 emojis that exist today. 
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           Double Meanings in Emojis
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           According to the documentary “
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           The Emoji Story
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            ” released in 2019, emojis are often associated with positive use, with the most popular emoji being the “face with tears of joy” &amp;#55357;&amp;#56834;. What this indicates emotionally and linguistically is significant. Is it the case that if someone is expressing negative sentiment that they feel an emoji desensitises or devalues their human emotions? Are words better equipped than emojis to convey sadness, rage, jealousy and so on? It could certainly be argued that if someone sends the “angry face” emoji &amp;#55357;&amp;#56864; , this is not taken as seriously as someone typing “I am angry with you”.
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            Societal interpretation of what emojis mean also intersects with emojis and culture. While most people can agree that the smiley face emoji invokes positive connotations, there are some emojis which carry double meanings. The most obvious examples being the association of the eggplant/aubergine emoji with male genitalia and the nail painting emoji carrying the implicit meaning of “sass, fanciness, nonchalance, or self-confidence across a variety of digital contexts.” according to
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           Status as a language
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            The aforementioned quote regarding emojis as the world's fastest growing language may not hold firm in the eyes of linguists. Verbs cannot be conjugated, adjectives are difficult to convey and it is nearly impossible  to come up with a full sentence using only emojis, as I illustrated in my introductory statement above. In addition to these concerns, there has been doubt
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            as to the permanence of emojis as a tool for communication in the digital age. If their status as a language fails, one could argue that they are certainly aids that can be used to break down language barriers, as emojis are universal symbols which the majority of the population will understand almost immediately. Much of what makes up a culture revolves around language.
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           Ireland for example retains its native language “Gaeilge” on all national road signs, public transport infrastructure and official state documentation, and is still considered an integral part of Irish culture, despite the fact English is the primary language spoken by the majority of citizens. Many cultures also hold their language and often dialects as a particularly proud element of their identity, so where do emojis fit into our culture? In addition to our nationality, our friends and family and how we communicate in our social groups, do emojis belong to our digital culture and identity? 
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           Unicode - Emoji Approval Process
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           In considering the meaning and interpretation of emojis in culture, Unicode plays an essential role. Bringing the human element back to digital communication is at the forefront of Unicode's work. The organisation serves as the  “World Standard for Text and Emoji “with the aim of modifying text to create a “universal code” which all users, whether they operate on Apple or Android software, are looking at the same content when data transmission occurs.
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            Unicode also oversees the approval of new emojis. The aforementioned documentary “The Emoji Story” looked particularly at the approval process surrounding submissions for argentinian mate,
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              &amp;#55358;&amp;#56789; and period emojis. All of these submissions were ultimately successful, having met the criteria to produce an emoji that was globally relevant, but these submissions are exceptional. The emoji creation process takes around 2 years according to the new chair of Unicode
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            . A particularly positive development in the emoji vocabulary in the last 5 years was the introduction of female emojis.  The
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            that it did take until 2016 for the female option to be included despite the fact that women are heavier emoji users than men [1] could arguably say a lot about our culture and how the lack of representative emojis speaks volumes about how women are perceived in particular.
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           Regression from words to pictures - High Speech to Hieroglyphics?
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            In regard to whether emojis can be considered as elevating modern language and communication, we have to look at an average conversation online. Much of today's conversations online consist of pictures and even text speak which rose in popularity in the early 2000s and still remains a common element of a lot of people’s communication today, with acronyms such as LOL, BTW and TTYL still very much in use.
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            When we look at ancient Egypt for example, one of the most advanced societies of its time, hieroglyphics were the main form of language and can be described as similar to emojis in their aesthetic. Will we regress back to pure hieroglyphic-like communication, purely through symbol and picture, or are we seeing something more akin to the Book of Kells? The ancient writings originating from 800 AD intriguingly depict intricate drawings in the middle of sentences throughout the transcription of the New Testament, not dissimilar to how emojis are used today.
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           What is interesting to consider is to contrast the fact that emojis are generated by just one tap on a phone screen or keyboard, while hieroglyphics require hours of transcribing. In the modern world when there is an emphasis on speed, progression, user friendly interfaces, it is interesting to consider the appeal of emojis. What better way to communicate than just by sending a small byte sized picture of exactly what we want to say? 
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           References
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           1.Caroline Criado-Perez (2019), Invisible Women: Exposing Data Bias in a World Designed for Men, Vintage Publishing.
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            ﻿
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            Suzanne Flynn graduated with a joint honours degree in Law and German from Trinity College Dublin in 2020. She is currently working in the insurance sector but will be pursuing an LLM in Law and Technology at Utrecht University in September 2021. Suzanne is researching for Kittiwake with the Institute.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Aug 2021 20:54:28 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/emojis-and-digital-communication</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">editorspicks,binoculars,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Data Feminism</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/data-feminism-what-is-it-and-why-is-needed</link>
      <description>In my previous post, I introduced the concept of big data, the importance of big data, the relationship of big data with statistics and the concept of GDPR. In this article, I will talk about the relationship between the concept of data, which is a broad topic, and feminism, that is, the concept of data feminism, and the purpose and importance of data feminism.</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Data Feminism: What is it and why is needed?
          
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           In my previous post, I introduced the concept of big data, the importance of big data, the relationship of big data with statistics and the concept of GDPR. In this article, I will talk about the relationship between the concept of data, which is a broad topic, and feminism, that is, the concept of data feminism, and the purpose and importance of data feminism.
          
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           By Sibel Dinç
          
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           Tiny Intro: In my previous post, I introduced the concept of big data, the importance of big data, the relationship of big data with statistics and the concept of GDPR. In this article, I will talk about the relationship between the concept of data, which is a broad topic, and feminism, that is, the concept of data feminism, and the purpose and importance of data feminism.
          
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           Feminism: Starting with a smooth transition! 
          
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           Feminism
          
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            is essentially based on the principle that each individual has equal access to equal social, political, legal, and economic rights regardless of gender. It advocates the idea of ​​equally distributing the available public power not only to male individuals but to all individuals. In order to achieve this, this awareness must be present in every field. In the field of "data science", which is considered to be the most valuable object of our age, studies on behalf of feminism should be done to reduce discrimination.
           
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            When we look at the history of feminism, we see that feminism has reached the present day in
           
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           three periods
          
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           . The first period is the early period covering the struggle for votes in the 19th century. In the second period, women struggled for equal rights, after the suffrage struggle started to be a win in certain countries. After the last quarter of the 20th century, which was accepted as the last period, it was understood that the occupations of feminism included only certain women's groups and efforts were started to spread it over a wide area. When we came to 2017, with the Harvey Weinstein scandal, the eyes turned more intensely to the feminism movement again. However, as can be seen from this brief summary, there is still a long way to go. 
          
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           Innocent Data! Who said data could not be feminist! 
          
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            Speaking of the history of feminism, there are a lot of reason to move on. While human studies have been transferred to the digital environment, they have dragged people's bias and perceptions with them. From the sexist translations of
           
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           Google Translate
          
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            to sexist responses in voice command services (
           
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           Siri, Alexa,
          
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            etc.), many discriminations in the digital environment have entered our lives with the digital age. Considering that existing technologies are man-made, it is clear that technologies are also shaped by the perceptions and biases of the people who design the technologies. 
           
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           Trust me, as a senior statistician, I tell you that the data are used, and they are extremely innocent ☺
          
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           Data Feminism: Who is it for? Why is it necessary?
          
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            When I do research on Data Feminism, I would like to introduce you to two prominent researchers on this subject. Catherine D'lgnazio and Lauren F. Klein wrote the book "Data Feminism" in 2020, and after this highly attention-grabbing book, they have been the guest of many events and podcasts. The authors draw attention to the issue of manipulation of data with the statement “Data does not speak for themself”
           
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           in the book introduction article
          
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           . In addition, they point out that the book can contribute to a fairer environment for feminism, and in this respect, they will offer important strategies to both feminists and data scientists who direct their focus to this field. In the book, the authors also focus on what data feminism does with power, who has that power, and what power is possessed. At this point, data science is seen as a tool, and both reveal the current situation and helps to plan the actions to be taken.
          
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            “Data Feminism is for everyone” is the strongest statement in the
           
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           authors' manifesto
          
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            of Data Feminism, here the writers clarify that this movement is not linked to one gender. Data feminism is for anyone at a disadvantage. As is known, all discrimination feeds on each other and it is a big mistake to handle and evaluate them separately. 
           
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            Systematic discrimination occurs between groups when
           
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           power
          
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            is not evenly distributed. In this context, the segment holding power in the field of digital technologies is an elite, typically portrayed by heterosexual, straight, white, able-bodied, cisgender men. The essence of the matter, and the means to resolve these problems, is the even distribution of power. The underlying reason for each type of discrimination is that the side that is in power wants to withhold their position and then intimidates the side that has no access to power with various pressure factors. 
           
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           The fact that data can be used for certain purposes in line with the interests of the government shows that the data should be processed and controlled in the right hands, otherwise it is quite open to manipulation. For this reason, data feminism is necessary for a more just, free, strong and healthy society.
           
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           Last News: Events, Podcasts and Books in the Data Feminism Field 
          
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           On this topic, many events have been held. You can find the next event from this link &amp;#55358;&amp;#56426; Data Feminism by Spread the Word, June 2021 (Free) (
          
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           Eventbrite
          
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           ) 
          
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           Podcasts on data feminism and related topics &amp;#55358;&amp;#56426; Data Feminism Podcasts by Lauren F. Klein and Catherine D’Ignazio (
          
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           link
          
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           ) 
          
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           Data Feminism Reading Group Videos (
          
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           Former
          
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           ) (
          
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           link
          
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           )
          
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           In addition, these books can get your attention: 
          
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            Data Feminism by Catherine D’Ignazio and Lauren F. Klein, 2020 (
           
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      &lt;a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B08BT3SY5N/ref=dp-kindle-redirect?_encoding=UTF8&amp;amp;btkr=1" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            amazon
           
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            )
           
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            Invisible Women: Exposing Data Bias in a World Designed for Men by Caroline Criado Perez, 2020 (
           
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            amazon
           
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            )
            
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           Next Post: In my next post, I will introduce the 7 principles of data feminism by touching on the concept of Data Feminism a little more. 
          
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           Sibel Dinç is ongoing at King's College London in Big Data in Culture &amp;amp; Society MA program. She worked as a research assistant in Turkey. She is interested in social media studies. She takes an active role in The Institute for Internet and Just Society as a researcher.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:21:30 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/data-feminism-what-is-it-and-why-is-needed</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake3,kittiwake</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Big Data: A New Era</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/big-data-a-new-era</link>
      <description>With the cumulative growth of data sets increasing by the  day, the classical data concept has been replaced by big data. Today, big data is an integral part of many areas of our lives. So, what is the difference between data and big data?</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Big Data: A New Era
          
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            With the cumulative growth of data sets increasing by the  day, the classical
           
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           data concept
          
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            has been replaced by big data. Today, big data is an integral part of many areas of our lives. So, what is the difference between data and big data?
           
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           By Sibel Dinç
          
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           June 6, 2021
          
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           With the concepts of computers and the Internet that came into our lives in the last quarter of the 20th century, data sets were transferred to the digital environment. This process has gained momentum since the beginning of the 21st century, and the new datasets we have increasing by the day have become impossible to analyse with classical analysis tools. In this respect, what differentiates big data from data is its enormous data set which exceeds computability limits.
          
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           From Data to Knowledge or Vice Versa? 
          
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           Well, have you ever thought about why we give so much importance to data? Why should data, which is usually made up of numbers but mostly from texts, pictures, videos and so many different sources, make sense to us? Because these data sets lead us to the concept of "Knowledge", and as Thomas Hobbes said already in the 17th century: "
          
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           Knowledge is Power
          
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           ". Based on this concept, having power in an area means domination in that area, and power is derived from knowledge and vice versa.
          
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           It is a fact that we acquire information from the data. What about the opposite? In order to test our competence in a subject we think we know, we need to go back to data, and as we will understand here, this is a vicious cycle. Data is hungry for knowledge, and knowledge is hungry for data. This whole philosophy gives us the subtext of the meaning attributed to the data. Because each data obtained brings us one step closer to the big picture. This means getting one step closer to seeing the original. 
          
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           Let's Get to Know Big Data a Little 
          
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           Big Data Types
          
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            are divided into three categories: structured, semi-structured and unstructured. When it comes to data, most people think of a quantitative data set; in other words, numeric data sets consisting of numbers. However, when we say big data, most of them consist of unstructured data sets. There are many sources of unstructured datasets ranging from text files to image files. The analysis of these data sets cannot be done with classical data analysis methods. First of all, powerful analysis tools should be used in order to introduce these data sets to big data analysis tools, and often even to be subjected to coding and analysis. As of 2021, 15 of the big data analysis tools are listed
           
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           here
          
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           . The most famous of these are undoubtedly Hadoop, Knime, RapidMiner, Tableau and R. Especially in recent years, it has been seen that the Tableau program is frequently preferred for data visualization. 
          
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            Mini TIP! If you need a data set for your study or if you want to contribute to the dissemination of information by sharing your data set with other researchers, you can use the
           
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           Kaggle
          
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            website, which many researchers frequently use. 
           
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           Big Data is Killing Statistics Science! 
          
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            In fact, it would not be wrong to say that big data surpasses statistics in a way. Data analysis has been conducted through the methods employed in statistics science for years. However, as it is known, statistics do not work with the whole data set and analyses are made with the fittest sample obtained from the population. Of course, since statistics does not work with the entire data set, a margin of error should always be included. At this point, instead of choosing a sampling from the big data population, use the population directly and actually resets the concept of margin of error if there is no
           
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           systematic error
          
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           . 
          
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           Areas of Use
          
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           We know that big data is used in many areas. However, we can say that the greatest momentum in terms of digital society has been achieved with the increase in the use of social media platforms. Recognizing the importance of people's behaviour and preferences is essential for many companies that try to increase their consumer base and gain loyal consumers through social media tools.
          
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            The most striking example in this regard is Facebook. As a result of the research conducted by Cambridge and Stanford University's researchers in the news published by
           
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           The New York Times
          
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           , it has been concluded that Facebook knows us better than ourselves because of the data it has. Here's a spooky part of big data! On the bright side, while social platforms such as Spotify and Netflix also gather user data, the use of such data is intended exclusively for recommendation purposes. This is the good news for us!
          
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           What About the Data Privacy? 
          
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            If an application knows us better than ourselves, it means that there is a lot of data about us. So how much of this data was taken with our permission? Also, are we sure that this data is not shared with other companies or third parties? Lots of problems are pending in this regard. Data privacy is a very important concept. Although the
           
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           General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)
          
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            regulation of the European Union aims at tackling certain issues, this data protection framework has validity for limited countries and still has deficits in many areas.
           
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            The concept of data privacy in the digital medium is an issue that should be given utmost importance and still maintains its warmth. On the other hand, if we do not go far enough in data protection, it will lead to the exploitation of the data of each individual using the internet, not only in a specific area but also in many areas to be used for malicious purposes. For an up-to-date article on this topic, see
           
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           here
          
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           .
          
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           Finally, to take a broad perspective on the concept of Big Data, I recommend you take a look at the following watch list: 
          
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            ﻿
           
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            What is the Big Data?
           
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            Big Data
           
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            Big Data Needs Big Privacy
           
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            Big Data is Better Data
           
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            More Than a Number: How Big Data Can Predict Our Future But Never Understand Our Story
           
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           Sibel Dinç is ongoing at King's College London in Big Data in Culture &amp;amp; Society MA program. She worked as a research assistant in Turkey. She is interested in social media studies. She takes an active role in The Institute for Internet and Just Society as a researcher.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:21:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/big-data-a-new-era</guid>
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      <title>Art Fruition &amp; Digital Space</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/art-fruition-digital-space</link>
      <description>Global art world’s response to the pandemic was astonishing. By changing their business model and fruition, and by engaging with new audiences over the digital space, their response beautifully reflected a sense of kinship and willingness to engage during lockdown. It remains to be seen whether the digital experience will completely replace the direct experience or not.</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Art Fruition &amp;amp; Digital Space
          
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           Finding a larger audience.
          
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           By Sofia Ghezzi
          
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           June 6, 2021
          
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           Since the beginning of the pandemic,  the majority of places of culture, such as national theatres, museums and cinemas have been closed, in order to keep the infection curve under control and limit the spread of the disease. In doing so, artistic and cultural organizations, for example, in the US, have had a total financial loss of $1,763,206,825, and a national financial cost of $15,2 billion (
          
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           Americans for the Arts Center, 2021
          
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           ).The art world found itself in a destabilizing condition of battling with the impact of travel ban, social distancing, and lockdowns. For this reason, cultural organizations, museums, and art galleries have decided to change their approach to art fruition, to generate revenue and keep engaging with an audience that was not allowed to visit those places anymore.
          
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           How did art fruition change?
          
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           Cultural activities responded to the crisis massively moving online, making use of the digital space and virtual reality more than ever. The digital media has permitted to retain the audience, engage actively with them, as well as expand to new audiences. On the concept of art and the digital space, some people are convinced that the availability and use of the virtual will replace all visits to physical places; other people think the digital space brings about new experiences that cannot replace direct experience, thus the interaction of both spaces complete the understanding of art (
          
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           Grandi, 2020
          
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           ). In particular, the chief curator of the Kiran Nadar Museum of Arts (NDMA), Roobina Karode believes that “the physical and the digital space cannot substitute each other” but online resources permit a democratization of the art by finding a new and possibly larger audience (
          
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           Datta, 2020
          
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           ).
          
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           Theatres
          
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            Several theatres’ business models have changed significantly since the start of the pandemic. An example of this is the increased availability of theatrical performances on video streaming. Even though theatres may be closed, several national theatres have decided to produce performances live on streaming or make registrations available on their websites. This is the example of the
           
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           National Theatre in London
          
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            which offered a streaming service for British theatre available to watch from home. The service is offered after the payment of a fee, but they have also uploaded certain plays for free on their
           
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           YouTube channel
          
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            , filmed by the National Theatre Live. Similarly, other national theatres such as
           
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           ITALive
          
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            , the International Theatre of Amsterdam, have offered the option of watching performances from home, in their case they offer live streaming instead of registrations.
           
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            Those business ideas have been very successful during lockdown, and to some extent they have secured a place for the industry as well as they have expanded it. Moreover, often theatrical performances, in addition to providing the performance via streaming as a way of reaching its audience, have also incorporated the issues of the pandemic in their art. This is the example of the
           
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           Gate Theatre and the performance ‘Letters’
          
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            , where two artists read to each other letters written during the lockdown live via Zoom.The performance is a funny and attentive reflection of the pandemic we find ourselves in, and it deals with different themes connected to self-isolation. 
           
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           Artists and Art Galleries
          
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            Certain art galleries also transferred into the digital space. La
           
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           Galleria Degli Uffizi
          
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            in Florence, uploaded videos available for free on their website explaining some of their artworks, and produced
           
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           storytelling audio-videos
          
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            for twelve Uffizi’s masterpieces available on their website.
           
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           Moreover, other art galleries in addition to transfer into the digital space focused specifically on the pandemic themes: for example, the Sunaparanta Centre of Arts in Goa launched a surviving self-quarantine programme calling out to its artists to share their strategy of surviving lockdown (
          
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           Khanna, 2020
          
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            ). One of their artists, Pallavi Paul answered the call and produced a video series named
           
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           share you quiet series
          
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            This series is now available in the YouTube channel of Sunaparanta.
           
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           The artist asked people to share with her 10 seconds of their quiet during the pandemic, and composed a series of videos. With her work, she engaged with her audience via media and incorporated the audience itself in the artwork. Her artwork helped people feel engaged and cope with the quarantine, as well as it represented the “new everyday” of people.
          
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            Global art world’s response to the pandemic was astonishing. By changing their business model and fruition, and by engaging with new audiences over the digital space, their response beautifully reflected a sense of kinship and willingness to engage during lockdown. It remains to be seen whether the digital experience will completely replace the direct experience or not.
           
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           References
          
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             Americans for the Arts. The Economic Impact of Coronavirus on the Arts and Culture Sector. Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://www.americansforthearts.org/by-topic/disaster-preparedness/the-economic-impact-of-coronavirus-on-the-arts-and-culture-sector" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://www.americansforthearts.org/by-topic/disaster-preparedness/the-economic-impact-of-coronavirus-on-the-arts-and-culture-sector
           
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             Grandi, R. (2020). The fruition of culture in the post pandemic, between new challenges and cultural hubs.
            
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            BBS Center for Sustainability and Climate Change
           
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             . Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://www.bbs.unibo.eu/the-fruition-of-culture-in-the-post-pandemic-between-new-challenges-and-cultural-hubs/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://www.bbs.unibo.eu/the-fruition-of-culture-in-the-post-pandemic-between-new-challenges-and-cultural-hubs/
           
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             Datta, E. (2020). How the art industry is responding to the Covid-19 pandemic.
            
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            The Hindu Business Line
           
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            https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/blink/watch/how-the-art-world-is-responding-to-the-covid-19-crisis/article31702299.ece
           
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             Khanna, J. M. (2020). How the global art world is responding to the Covid-19 lockdown.
            
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             Architectural Digest.
            
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             Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://www.architecturaldigest.in/content/how-the-global-art-world-is-responding-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://www.architecturaldigest.in/content/how-the-global-art-world-is-responding-to-the-covid-19-pandemic/
           
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           Sofia Ghezzi holds a Bachelor’s degree in European Law from Maastricht University, and she is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. Sofia is passionate about the intersection of law and culture, and the underlying influences of society in law. At the Institute, she is a researcher for the Kittiwake project.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:21:19 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/art-fruition-digital-space</guid>
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      <title>Protecting democratic content and the UK Online Safety Bill</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/protecting-democratic-content-and-the-uk-online-safety-bill</link>
      <description>The idea behind protecting ‘democratic content’ within social media providers is a thought-provoking one and shows how the UK is committed to protecting diversity of political opinion within democratic debate. It may be proven unworkable, though.</description>
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           ONLINE SPEECH
          
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           Protecting Democratic Content and the UK Online Safety Bill
          
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           The idea behind protecting ‘democratic content’ within social media providers is a thought-provoking one and shows how the UK is committed to protecting diversity of political opinion within democratic debate. It may be proven unworkable, though.
          
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           By Lucas Pinho Martins Nacif
          
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           June 6, 2021
          
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            For better or worse, social media companies such as Facebook possess a lot of control over our access to information. This can be illustrated by the proliferation of fake Covid-19 information spread through platforms such as
           
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           Whatsapp
          
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            to Facebook even taking the drastic measures of
           
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           temporarily blocking news
          
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            to Australians on its platform amid a dispute over a proposed law in Australia which would force it and Google to pay news publishers for content. In addition, social media companies are able to cut off a politician’s platform – for example,
           
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           Donald Trump
          
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            being banned by Twitter and suspended by Facebook and YouTube following the US Capitol riots in January. 
           
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            The UK recently unveiled the Online Safety Bill (“the Bill”), which proposes
           
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           tough measures
          
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            requiring social media companies and technology companies, among others, to protect online users. The Bill intends to combat illegal and harmful practices online, whilst also protecting freedom of expression and democratic debate. The Bill aims to address
           
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           various aspects of ‘online safety’ and freedom of expression
          
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           , though the purpose of this article will be to focus specifically on the Bill’s proposal to protect ‘democratic content’ on social media websites such as Facebook. This article will argue that although the proposed Bill presents potentially ground-breaking regulation over social media content moderation, it might prove to be highly unworkable and uncertain for the digital economy sector in the UK. 
          
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           Scope of the Bill
          
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            The Bill is broad in scope, having extra-territorial reach to services that have “links” with the UK (i.e. significant number of users based in the UK) and applying to internet services that allow users to share user generated content and providers of search engines. It also incorporates a tiered approach to the obligations placed on online platforms and services. The Bill envisages a three-tiered approach to regulation, with
           
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           ‘Category 1’ services
          
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            (user-to-user services, expected to cover popular social media sets such as Facebook) subject to greater regulation than service providers that fall under the other two categories. 
           
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            Despite the seemingly broad scope, however, the Government maintains that the proposed regulatory framework is proportionate, with fewer than
           
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           3% of UK companies
          
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            falling within the scope of the Bill, as the Bill provides for a list of
           
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           exemptions
          
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           , such as email and telephony providers, and services managed by educational institutions that are already subject to regulatory frameworks that addresses online harm. 
          
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           Protecting democratic content and its shortcomings 
          
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            One of the various objectives of this proposed legislation is to uphold freedom of speech and expression by imposing a duty on ‘Category 1’ services to protect content of ‘democratic importance’. Clause 13(6) of
           
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           the Bill
          
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            defines ‘content of democratic importance’ in relation to Category 1 services as “regulated content” or “news publisher content” (as defined in clause 39 of the Bill) that “is or appears to be specifically intended to contribute to democratic political debate in the United Kingdom or a part or area of the United Kingdom”. 
           
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           Specifically, clause 13 imposes a duty for ‘Category 1’ services to have systems and processes in place which considers the importance of upholding “the free expression of content of democratic importance” when making decisions related to content moderation, such as taking down such content or suspending/banning a user for generating, uploading, or sharing such content. 
          
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            The
           
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           Explanatory Notes
          
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            of the Bill states that examples of “content of democratic importance” includes “content promoting or opposing government policy and content promoting or opposing a political party”. The Government’s
           
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           press release
          
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            shows that clause 13 of the Bill might have a significant impact for social media providers’ content moderation policies – for example, if a “campaign group…release[s] violent footage to raise awareness about violence against a specific group…[T]he [social media] company might choose to keep that content up, subject to warnings, but it would need to be upfront about the policy and ensure it is applied consistently”. 
           
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            Although the concept of protecting “content of democratic importance” might seem like a compelling solution to counter the ever-growing influence that social media companies have on political debate, this idea is subject to
           
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           criticisms
          
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            . Protecting political speech (whilst also being required to protect users against
           
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           lawful but harmful content
          
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            ) will complicate how social media services shape their content moderation policies, as extremist groups could seek to “launder” their hate speech and abuse as “political opinion”, so that their hateful or abusive speech becomes “content of democratic importance”.
           
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            In addition, if the proposed Bill subsequently becomes legislation, and the duties imposed are either too uncertain or unworkable, this might backfire against the
           
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           Government’s “unashamedly pro-tech”
          
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            ambitions of creating an “inclusive, competitive and innovative digital economy for the future”, especially since the Bill intends on granting the Government’s telecommunications regulatory body, Ofcom, with a
           
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           new enforcement
          
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            powers to fine companies that fail to fulfil their duties of care – of up to 10% of a company’s annual turnover or £18 million (whichever is higher); see clause 85(4) of the Bill. 
           
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           Concluding remarks
          
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            The idea behind protecting ‘democratic content’ within social media providers is a thought provoking one and shows how the UK is committed to protecting diversity of political opinion within democratic debate (even if, it seems, the political opinion is “extreme”). However, there is a possibility that the duties imposed in the Bill might prove to be unworkable, which, combined with proposed enforcement powers to Ofcom, might be detrimental to the Government’s ambition of developing an innovative digital economy in the UK.
           
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            Given that this Bill was only recently introduced in draft form, much will depend on what happens when the Bill becomes subject to pre-legislative scrutiny by a joint committee of Members of Parliament, as well as the content of
           
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           future Codes of Practice
          
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            that Ofcom must publish to assist companies in complying with their obligations (see clause 29 of the Bill). 
           
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           Lucas Nacif is a Bar Vocational Studies candidate at City Law School and has recently completed his LLM at St Edmund’s College, University of Cambridge. He also holds a LLB degree from King’s College London. During his legal studies, Lucas has done internships in various commercial barrister chambers in London.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:21:10 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/protecting-democratic-content-and-the-uk-online-safety-bill</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Challenges of mHealth</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-mhealth</link>
      <description>Mobile health is rapidly transforming the healthcare sector holding invaluable potential for global health. With big players entering the arena, ethical, social and political challenges inevitably arise.</description>
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           DIGITAL HEALTH
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           Challenges of mHealth
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           Mobile health is rapidly transforming the healthcare sector holding invaluable potential for global health. With big players entering the arena, ethical, social and political challenges inevitably arise.
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            By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
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           June 6, 2021
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           Back in 2011, WHO defined mHealth[1] as medical and public health practice supported by mobile devices, such as mobile phones, patient monitoring devices and other wireless devices (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/44607" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           WHO 2011
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ). At present, mHealth accounts for a global market size valued at USD 45.7 billion in 2020 with projected annual growth rate of 17.6 % from 2021 to 2028 (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.grandviewresearch.com/industry-analysis/mhealth-app-market" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           G.V. Research 2014
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           ). It involves a plethora of “mobile devices with digital sensors, including clothes, sports shoes, wristbands, adhesive patches or bathroom weight scales or mHealth software, such as mobile phone apps” (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-476-04967-4_5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Hendl et al. 2020
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           ). Approximately, over 320.000 health apps are available on all major app stores (
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://research.rug.nl/en/publications/processing-purposes-2" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mulder 2019
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           ).
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           mHealth as a force for good
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           By lifting geographical barriers, enabling global scientific collaboration based on health-related data analysis and scaling health care services at a lower cost reaching rural areas -where physical medical access is a scarce commodity- mHealth exerts a transformative force for global healthcare and medicine (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA71/A71_20-en.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Free et al. 2013
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            ).
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           According to WHO (
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA71/A71_20-en.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           2018
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           ), mHealth applications can inter alia increase access to quality health services thus reducing maternal, child, and neonatal mortality, and decrease premature mortality from noncommunicable diseases (e.g. obesity). Apart from its health-related impact, scholars observe that mHealth consolidates a shift to a rather preventive and more 'patient-centric' focus by empowering individuals with stronger self-awareness or 'self-determination' rendering healthcare egalitarian, participatory and democratic (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11948-020-00175-8.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burr et al. 2020
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            ;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-476-04967-4_5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Hendl et al. 2020
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           ).
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           'Googlization' of Healthcare
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           Many key market players have strategically entered the arena of mHealth and biomedical industry benefiting either from massive data processing generated insights or their healthcare and insurance expertise. Apple maintains since 2015 '
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://developer.apple.com/researchkit/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           ResearchKit
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ', an open source platform allowing scientists to analyze health-related data collected by iPhone Apps. In February 2020, Apple and Johnson &amp;amp; Johnson announced a joint study called 'Heartline' to research whether Apple Watch can detect atrial fibrilation (AFib) thus reducing the risk of stroke (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2020/02/25/apple-and-johnson-johnson-launch-study-to-predict-stroke-risk-with-apple-watch.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Haselton 2020
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           ).
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Earlier in 2021, Google completed its acquisition of Fitbit, a health/fitness smartwatch provider, after it was approved by the European Commission contingent on commitments on Google’s part including not to use health data for ad targeting, ensuring the right for EEA users to opt-out from the processing of their data shared with other Google services and fairly handling third-party competition within Android (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/1/14/22188428/google-fitbit-acquisition-completed-approved" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Porter &amp;amp; Statt 2021
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            ;
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_20_2484" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Commission 2020
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           ).
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           In April 2021, AXA, an insurance provider, partnered with Microsoft to provide a digital healthcare platform including in its pilot phase 'a self-assessment tool, teleconsultation and a medical concierge' (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.axa.com/en/press/press-releases/axa-collaborates-with-microsoft-to-create-next-gen-health-well-being-services" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           AXA 2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ). Only just recently, Google announced its partnership with US national hospital chain HCA operating across 2.000 locations in 21 states to develop healthcare algorithms using patient data (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/google-strikes-deal-with-hospital-chain-to-develop-healthcare-algorithms-11622030401" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Evans 2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ). Amazon is also exploring opening pharmacy stores in U.S. (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/amazon-weighing-entry-into-physical-pharmacy-stores-insider-2021-05-26/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Reuters 2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ). Apple CEO Tim Cook emphasized back in 2019 Apple’s societal contribution via eHealth: “If you zoom out into the future, and you look back, and you ask the question, ‘What was Apple’s greatest contribution to mankind?’ It will be about health” (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2019/01/08/tim-cook-teases-new-apple-services-tied-to-health-care.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Gurdus 2019
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           ).
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           Their market position renders these actors not only essential facilitators of health research but rather agenda setters with scholars accordingly describing the phenomenon as 'Googlization of Health Research' (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2053951718819032" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Sharon 2018
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ). Characteristically for a disruptive force, mHealth applications also raise ethical, social and political questions at the interface of technology and society. How each issue is framed can influence its scientific analysis reflecting preferences, embedding biases and -inevitably- blindspots (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3535735" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Djeffal 2019
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            ).[3]
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           Still these questions should not be approached from limiting dichotomy of public interest versus corporate gain (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2053951718819032" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Sharon 2018
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ). Sharon (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2053951718819032" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           2018
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ) draws five different moral repertoires based on constructivist tradition as justifications for the variable vision of the common good (Table I): the civic which approaches the common good as the collective wellbeing connoting notions of solidarity and equality; the market focusing on economic growth and competition, the industrial highlighting efficiency; the project that considers mhealth as an innovative/ disruptive necessary force; and the vitality summarizing narratives propagating the inherent advantages of mhealth as it allows for a healthier population.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Friction between moral repertoires results in ethical, social, political questions (and answers respectively) regarding applications of mhealth.
          &#xD;
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        &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;img src="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/moral+repertoires.JPG" alt=""/&gt;&#xD;
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           Ethical challenges
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           Throughout the evolution of literature regarding ethical aspects of ehealth (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.escardio.org/Journals/E-Journal-of-Cardiology-Practice/Volume-18/ethics-of-digital-health-tools" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Caiani 2021
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ), data protection has unsurprisingly gathered special attention. Due to the sensitive nature of health data collected in private/intimate settings, ethical issues around data ownership, security and consent arise (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11948-020-00175-8.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burr et al. 2020
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ). Do governments and the private sector comply with data protection rules?[4] How anonymous are anonymized data sets?
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           Bächle (
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    &lt;a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3296931#.YLzIrvkzY2w" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           2019
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           ) observes that even in non-profit research environments anonymized data can be re-identified and data security breaches cannot be excluded despite any precautionary measures.
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           To better understand the challenges around data protection one needs to take a closer look at the concept of purpose limitation. Accordingly, personal data can only be processed for the purpose they were originally collected. Data protection regulations such as the GDPR (Article 9, Recital 35) require a higher threshold for the processing of health-related data. However, all personal data are potentially health-related (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3296931#.YLzIrvkzY2w" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bächle 2019
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ).[5] Especially data transfers have a higher potential for illegal context transgressions, whereby data transcend different contexts and are processed against their original purpose (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/2053951718819032" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Sharon 2018
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ).
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Against this background, it is reasonable to ask whether data subjects are duly informed when consenting to data processing since at this preliminary stage it is not yet clear what purpose exactly their data will be processed for (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3296931#.YLzIrvkzY2w" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bächle 2019
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ;
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://research.rug.nl/en/publications/processing-purposes-2" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mulder 2019
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ;
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3296853#.YLzKPfkzY2w" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Wild et al. 2019
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ). mHealth also enables the 'transfer of care' from professional healthcare providers to self-monitoring patients with disruptive implications for the traditional doctor-patient relationship. This raises questions of accountability -meaning who should be held accountable for mHealth errors since patients’ autonomous decisions exert a strong influence on any possible outcome?- and of accessibility to digital illiterate populations (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s11948-020-00175-8.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burr et al. 2020
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           ).
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Scholars also draw attention to possible depersonalizing effects of self-monitoring applications in contrast to their praised potential for stronger patient’s empowerment. The mHealth-promoted constant self-tracking can create unrealistic body, health and lifestyle images that lead to 'higher social pressures, disempowerment, exclusion or decreasing solidarity' among already disenfranchised groups (Ibid.) Intrusive effects in highly personal choices related with nutrition and sexuality can have a harmful impact on mental health, causing 'feelings of bad conscience, guilt, shame', while increasing the risk of depression (Ibid.) Constant performance updates can also be addictive (Ibid.). An increasingly 'quantified' self-perception can create 'data doubles' causing a chasm between our physical and digitally simulated self (
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-476-04967-4_5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Hendl et al. 2020
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ).
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Still, disadvantaged groups do not fulfill the socioeconomic conditions (e.g. free time, money) necessary for self-tracking and least self-optimization raising ethical and social questions regarding accessibility (Ibid.). The same problem applies to scoring systems: intuitively a healthy person should get a better insurance deal, but exactly this contradicts the social character of insurance systems based on solidarity (Ibid.).
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Surveillance capitalism &amp;amp; digital health
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           Social challenges also arise out of the discordance between patients’ altruistic motives to provide their health data and companies’ monetization thereof (
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           Sharon 2018
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           ). Remunerating patients for their data will lead to a rigid commercialization of eHealth (
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           Bächle 2019
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           ). This economic model of 'unexpected and often illegible mechanisms of extraction, commodification, and control that effectively exile persons from their own behavior while producing new markets of behavioral prediction and modification' is defined by Zuboff (2015) as surveillance capitalism.
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           Algorithms are value-laden embedding discriminatory biases (
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    &lt;a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-476-04967-4_5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Hendl et al. 2020
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           ;
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    &lt;a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3296931#.YLzIrvkzY2w" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bächle 2019
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           ;
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           Sharon 2018
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           ). Thus, gender and racial disparities in the ICT sector are inevitably reflected in the design and content of mHealth applications, e.g., when male developers design woman-focused apps like period trackers or when dating and sex monitoring apps propagate gender stereotypes excluding transgender persons (
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           Hendl et al. 2020
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           ).
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           Disparities in global health policy
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           Whereas social challenges extend to the political realm, this part only focuses on the political challenges of mHealth on the interface of international relations regarding global health policy with an eye at disparities between developed and developing countries. Germany passed in late 2019 the Digital Health Care Act (Digitale-Versorgung-Gesetz) which -unprecedently for digital health policy- provides for cost reimbursement of approved apps by German statutory health insurance providers (
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    &lt;a href="https://hbr.org/2020/12/want-to-see-the-future-of-digital-health-tools-look-to-germany" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Stern et al. 2020
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           ;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41746-020-0306-7.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Gerke et al. 2020
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           ).
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           While mHealth holds great promise for transforming the healthcare sector especially in developing countries, it is exactly these countries that struggle the most to implement global health initiatives due to lack of resources and expertise (
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    &lt;a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/29184893/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Malvey and Slovensky 2017
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           ). Health policy makers face critical policy dilemmas 'for such basic life needs as adequate drinkable water and food, and education' that a startup incubator for mhealth may sound luxurious, whereby ICT access is a definitive factor for mHealth potential (Ibid.).
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           As a result, e-health silos are established between countries that further decelerate the implementation of cross-border mHealth initiatives (Ibid.). Another political challenge is rooted in global competition. Actors like the EU are concerned about policy risks due to the dominant market position of foreign big data corporations (see
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           Madiega 2020
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           ) and increasingly weaponize competition rules on grounds of digital sovereignty[6] to assess mergers and acquisitions related with data transfers thereby risking to further demarcate global health policy.
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           As a disruptive force for good, mhealth holds great promise for global health. However, to stay afloat, we should cautiously navigate around the ethical, social and political challenges in the horizon.
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           Footnotes
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           [1] Digital health or ehealth is an umbrella-term referring to the employment of information and communication technologies to deliver health-related[1] information, resources, and services (Bächle and Wernik 2019). Applications of digital health cover a wide spectrum of practice: from telehealth services, health records processing software, interoperability enabling technologies, the most topical tracking of disease and epidemic outbreaks to mobile health (mHealth) including self-tracking devices (WHO 2016).
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           [2] In the following, I frame arising conflicts according to their addressees and their normative proximity to individual human dignity. Ethical questions aspire to set a moral code for the individual. Under this category fall questions regarding privacy, autonomy, de- or personalization and others related to the “transfer of care” based on the doctor-patient relationship. Questions inherent in the social phenomena framed as surveillance capitalism like data valorization, universal datafication and discriminatory biases fall into the social basket. Issues on the interface of digital sovereignty, international relations, national and global health policy are considered political since they primarily address governance actors.
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           [3] A 2017 controversy around the data transfer between NHS and Deepmind of 1.6 million patients for the purpose of developing an app that identifies patients at risk of acute kidney injury (AKI) indeed raised data protection concerns, after the Information Commissioner’s Office established a data protection breach due to lack of proper legal basis (Sharon 2018).
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           [4] Recital 35 GDPR: Personal data concerning health should include all data pertaining to the health status of a data subject which reveal information relating to the past, current or future physical or mental health status of the data subject. This includes information about the natural person collected in the course of the registration for, or the provision of, health care services as referred to in Directive 2011/24/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council¹ to that natural person; a number, symbol or particular assigned to a natural person to uniquely identify the natural person for health purposes; information derived from the testing or examination of a body part or bodily substance, including from genetic data and biological samples; and any information on, for example, a disease, disability, disease risk, medical history, clinical treatment or the physiological or biomedical state of the data subject independent of its source, for example from a physician or other health professional, a hospital, a medical device or an in vitro diagnostic test.
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           [5] Floridi (2020) identifies various levels of sovereignty: between states; citizens and the state; citizens and corporations; states and corporations. On the latter level he distinguishes the cybernetic sovereignty of state actors and the poietic sovereignty of corporations. On the EU level, there is a conflict between national and European sovereignty. 
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           References
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            Evans, M., 2021. WSJ News Exclusive | Google Strikes Deal With Hospital Chain to Develop Healthcare Algorithms. The Wall Street Journal. Available at: https://www.wsj.com/articles/google-strikes-deal-with-hospital-chain-to-develop-healthcare-algorithms-11622030401 [Accessed May 28, 2021].
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            Free, C., et al., 2013. The effectiveness of mobile-health technology-based health behaviour change or disease management interventions for health care consumers: a systematic review. PLoS medicine, 10 (1), e1001362. Available from: https://apps.who.int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA71/A71_20-en.pdf [Accessed 27 May 2021].
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            Floridi, L., 2020. The Fight for Digital Sovereignty: What It Is, and Why It Matters, Especially for the EU. Philosophy &amp;amp; Technology, 33 (3), 369–378.
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            GV. Research 2014. MHealth Market Analysis and Segment Forecasts to 2020. San Francisco. Grand View Research.
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            Hendl, T., Jansky, B., and Wild, V., 2020. From Design to Data Handling. Why mHealth Needs a Feminist Perspective. In: J. Loh and M. Coeckelbergh, eds. Feminist Philosophy of Technology. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 77–103.
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            Reuters, 2021. Amazon looking at opening pharmacy stores in U.S. - Insider [online]. Available from: https://www.reuters.com/business/amazon-weighing-entry-into-physical-pharmacy-stores-insider-2021-05-26/ [Accessed 28 May 2021].
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            Sharon, T., 2018. When digital health meets digital capitalism, how many common goods are at stake? Big Data &amp;amp; Society, 5 (2), 205395171881903 [Accessed 27 May 2021].
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            World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe, op. 2016. From innovation to implementation. EHealth in the WHO European region. Copenhagen: World Health Organization. Regional Office for Europe.
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            World Health Organization 2011. mHealth. Second Global Survey on eHealth. Geneva: World Health Organization.
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            Zuboff, S. 2015. The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power. New York: PublicAffairs.
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           Konstantinos Tsakiliotis specialized in Law &amp;amp; Technology at the Humboldt University of Berlin. He provided pro bono service at the Humboldt Internet Law Clinic. He is an alumnus of Harvard CopyrightX and was a judge at the Price Media Law Moot Court in Oxford. He worked at Bundestag and interned at Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP. At the Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society, he researched on Global Constitutionalism and the Internet. He founded and currently presides over the Institute for Internet and the Just Society. Konstantinos is interested in digital constitutionalism, deliberative democracy and behavioral game theory especially analyzing irrational actors.
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:21:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-mhealth</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,binoculars,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Fighting Against Revenge Porn</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/fighting-against-revenge-porn</link>
      <description>An Italian case study of online content moderation, regulations and women’s rights.</description>
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           PRIVACY
          
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           Fighting Against Revenge Porn
          
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           An Italian case study of online content moderation, regulations and women’s rights.
          
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            By Sonia Sangiovanni
           
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           June 6, 2021
          
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           The conversation over online content moderation often focuses on issues like freedom of expression and misinformation. Yet, another type of harmful content that deserves attention from regulators and platforms worldwide is "Revenge porn". This growing phenomenon exploits the internet's lack of moderation to produce harm and perpetuate a culture rooted in misogyny and slut-shaming. This article will look at the Italian case to present the difficulties of fighting against this crime.
          
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           What is revenge porn? And why is it a pressing issue in Italy?
          
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           The term "
          
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           revenge porn
          
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            " is an informal expression used by the media to describe the act of sharing intimate and sexual content of someone without their consent. This offence often takes form in posting photos, videos or deepfakes of someone to harm them. The offender could be anyone who got access (whether directly or through hacking) to the victim's material. However, the vindictive nature of the term stems from the fact that most perpetrators are ex-partners, trying to shame and digitally abuse their victims. As María Rún Bjarnadóttir explains in her article
           
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           "Does the Internet Limit Human Rights Protection? The Case of Revenge Porn"
          
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            , this type of phenomenon is unfortunately not new, as there have been instances of non-consensual pornography shared before. Yet, as the author further argues, "although the internet did not alter the concept, it has affected the amount".
           
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           While victims of revenge porn could be anyone, it's important to point out that it is a highly gendered crime. In the study "Dismantling 'You Get What You Deserve': Towards a Feminist Sociology of Revenge Porn", Emilee Eikren and Mary Ingram-Waters explain that revenge porn should not be seen "as isolated, individual acts against a woman", but rather as part of "a broader culture of violence against women" and as a reflection of "cultures of hegemonic masculinity on the internet and social media". This type of crime targets women as a way "to prevent them from enjoying full access to the opportunities, increasingly linked to their online reputations, necessary to live productive lives". 
          
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            By looking at data on the Italian context, it is clear that revenge porn is both widespread and gendered. According to a recent study,
           
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           13% of Italians knew a victim of revenge porn directly
          
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            . Moreover, among the victims of abuse in Italy,
           
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           83.19% of the victims of non-consensual pornography were women
          
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            . The press has also covered in-depth the growth of this phenomenon across the country. In 2020,
           
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           Wired Italia
          
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            investigated revenge porn groups chats of 40.000 members on Telegram, sharing imagery and contact information of women and minors. According to a police report released in November 2020,
           
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           almost two episodes of revenge porn are reported each day
          
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            . 
           
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           The Italian legislation against revenge porn: the first step to serve justice and protect victims
          
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            While the spread of revenge porn has increased during the past year, the Italian government already adopted
           
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           a law against it
          
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           , officially labelling it as an offence. The 2019 regulation against non-consensual pornography pushes for two types of actions. First, it triggers the so-called "code red", which expedites the procedures to protect the victims, remove the harmful content and serve justice. Secondly, it calls for fines and imprisonment of "anyone who sends, delivers, gives, publishes or disseminates images or videos of sexual organs or sexually explicit content, intended to remain private, without the consent of the persons represented." Depending on the circumstances, incarceration can range from one to six years and fines between 5,000 to 15,000 euros. 
          
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            This regulation is an essential first step in the fight against revenge porn. However, the Italian approval of this law remains a rare case in Europe.
           
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           As Politico reported
          
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            , the European Union has not yet passed a law that directly tackles the crime of revenge porn.
           
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           In other countries like Germany, France and the UK, governments have already implemented measures and legislation to fight against this crime
          
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           . Yet, the legal fragmentation across Europe can lead to further roadblocks in removing harmful content due to cyberspace's transnational nature. 
           
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           The challenges of enforcing online content moderation: should we trust online platforms?
          
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           The adoption of laws against revenge porn is necessary to tackle the problem and denounce the perpetrators. However, the enforcement of such regulations and the removal of harmful content online is unfortunately not as straightforward as it should be. The limitations in dealing with this issue are inherently linked to the dynamics of the internet. The lack of clear jurisdictional borders, the ambiguity of platform liability, and users' anonymity allow offenders to spread harmful material at a large scale and across multiple communication channels.
          
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           As Bjarnadóttir explains
          
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           , governments, despite being responsible for protecting human rights both online and offline, cannot interfere directly with the moderation of content on online platforms. This lack of room for action is mainly due to the lack of platform liability and users' right to freedom of expression. Yet, in the case of revenge porn, the harm created by the content excludes it from falling under the category of free speech, as "the rights of others (the person depicted) weighs heavily against the disseminator's freedom of expression". Due to this loophole, democratic governments have limited power in moderating online content, leaving most of the responsibility to online platforms, which work as "de-facto" regulators of the internet. 
          
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            Private companies set and enforce digital rights through their guidelines, allowing users to report and automatically remove non-consensual pornographic content. The website of C.A. Goldberg, a victims' rights law firm,
           
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           summarized how victims could ask to remove revenge porn content on multiple mainstream websites and platforms
          
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           , ranging from TikTok to Pornhub. By looking at it, it's possible to notice that social networks generally provide directions to protect oneself. However, these procedures are far from being harmonized across platforms.
          
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            Much of content moderation on online platforms depends on their willingness and scale to remove harmful content. For example, while Google deletes image and site results linked to revenge porn, another website might refuse to do so without the right incentives. To some extent, this was the case for Pornhub. Only after a
           
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            In Italy, the major roadblock in the fight against revenge porn has been
           
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           Telegram's policy
          
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           . The terms and conditions of the app only punish illegal pornography posting in public groups. For this reason, many of the chats discovered by the Wired Italia investigation and the police often link to other private groups, where the content can't be moderated. Law enforcement agencies can nonetheless infiltrate such groups to try to identify the perpetrators. This type of operations, however, takes way more time without platform cooperation. 
           
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           How can we go forward in the fight against revenge porn?
          
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            As the director of the Postal Police, Alessandra Belardini, explained in an
           
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           , the best way to tackle revenge porn is before it is shared online.
          
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           The recent cooperation between the Italian Privacy supervisor and Facebook
          
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            goes in this direction. By contacting the Privacy supervisor, users can preemptively block their intimate content on Facebook and Instagram from being shared. Through an "emergency" channel of communication, the Privacy Supervisor shares it with Facebook, which encrypts the imagery with a secure hash code and blocks any publication attempt.
           
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            This technological solution allows victims to regain control over their images. However, preventing revenge porn from happening requires more than that. Regulators need to fight against gender inequality and discrimination online and offline. This is also the case for Italy, where women are the primary victims of revenge porn and other domestic crimes. To better protect its citizens, the Italian government should quickly adopt
           
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           the bill against misogyny, trans-homophobia and ableism
          
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           , which has been stalling since 2018. By approving this law, revenge porn will finally be recognized not only as a crime but as one against all women. 
          
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           Sonia Sangiovanni is a young professional working at the intersection between Technology and Public Affairs. She holds a master’s degree in International Security from Sciences Po, and her Master Thesis on the privatisation of the Intelligence Services in the UK covered the Cambridge Analytica scandals. Throughout her career, Sonia has worked as a consultant for Public Administrations and the European Commission.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:20:53 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/fighting-against-revenge-porn</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,privacy,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>When Technology Helps Promote Human Rights Awareness: The #MeToo Movement</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/when-technology-helps-promote-human-rights-awareness-the-metoo-movement</link>
      <description>This article is the first in a two-article series regarding the #MeToo Movement. The present text will bring forward both a brief context of the #MeToo Movement – gaining importance and reaching a wider audience through the tools of social media – as well as the relevant Human Rights provisions and context in which it is inserted.</description>
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           DIGITAL ACTIVISM
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           When Technology Helps Promote Human Rights Awareness: The #MeToo Movement
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           This article is the first in a two-article series regarding the #MeToo Movement. The present text will bring forward both a brief context of the #MeToo Movement – gaining importance and reaching a wider audience through the tools of social media – as well as the relevant Human Rights provisions and context in which it is inserted.
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           By Julia Cirne Lima Weston
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           June 6, 2021
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            Usama Razzaq
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           The #MeToo Movement in Context
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           According to its official website, while the #MeToo Movement was actually founded in 2006, it was when the #MeToo hashtag went viral in 2017 that the issue and the movement spread worldwide
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           “seemingly overnight”
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           . This means that the internet and the use of hashtags within social media helped promote awareness of the theme to a much wider audience.
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           The #MeToo Movement was founded by Tarana Burke, an activist, who used the expression
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           ‘Me Too’
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           in reference to
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           sexual violence and harassment suffered by women
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           , specifically, by women of colour. The movement was Burke’s way to
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           help women
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           who had experienced the same violence as she did. With the global phenomenon of the #metoo hashtag, the movement was able to contact and connect a
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           worldwide network
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           of survivors within about six months. The movement continues to focus its work helping violence survivors of
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           diverse backgrounds
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           . The movement has even contributed to a
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           change in legislation
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           within the United States.
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           The #MeToo Movement and International Law
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           This analysis starts from the standpoint that the movement did not originate in a vacuum and, indeed, interacts with other issues, such as International Law and International Affairs. The #MeToo Movement came into the global spotlight in a favourable international context: it clearly connects with the
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           Sustainable Development Goals
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           (SDGs)
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           . This United Nations-sponsored initiative seeks to promote 17 goals for development
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           until 2030
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           , one is of
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           achieving gender equality
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           (Goal Number 5). SDG 5, amongst other targets, includes a target to end discrimination against women and girls, as well as to
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           eliminate all forms of violence
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           against women and girls, both of which seem to be within the scope of the #MeToo Movement.
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           It is no surprise, equality amongst
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           all
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           human beings and non-discrimination are within the International Human Rights Law framework, which this article now moves on to analyse. The equality amongst human beings in dignity and rights is enshrined in the
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           Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
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           , and is followed by a provision of non-discrimination, which includes in its reasons, among others, that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex. 
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           A similar provision to that of the UDHR is also included within the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights
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           (ICCPR)
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           . Within the ICCPR, there is a specific non-discrimination provision, which applies Covenant rights regardless of one’s sex. This is emphasised in the Human Rights Committee’s
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           General Comment No. 28
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           - on the equality of rights between men and women, which recognises the issue of discrimination of women internationally. The same
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           General Comment
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           recalls the need for States to provide reports on violence against women, in order to assess compliance with prevention of inhuman treatment obligations. 
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           Non-discrimination and the prevention of inhuman or degrading treatment are only some of the obligations imposed on States by international legal instruments, which would address the issue of violence against women. Another important one is that of the need to preserve the right to life. The
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           ICCPR
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           safeguards the right to life of all human beings. In this sense,
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           General Comment No. 36
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           deepens the meaning of the right to life by saying: 
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           “Femicide, which constitutes an extreme form of gender-based violence that is directed against girls and women, is a particularly grave form of assault on the right to life”. 
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           The choice of this author of a wider focus on the ICCPR is due to its great number of State parties, with a current total of
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           173
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           signatories. This makes it a more widespread framework, due to which clearly the majority of States worldwide are obliged to safeguard certain rights, such as the prevention against inhuman treatment and safeguarding of the right to life without discrimination of any kind. 
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           Additionally, there are soft law instruments which are also relevant for our discussion on the #MeToo Movement. The
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           Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women
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           , within the General Assembly’s Resolution 48/104 of 20 December 1993, is a prime example of international recognition of the situation of women worldwide. The
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           Declaration
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           encompasses all kinds of violence against women and emphasises the need for States to condemn all of these forms of violence by,
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           inter alia
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           developing adequate legal sanctions, refraining from conducting such violence, among others. While
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           soft law
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           documents lack the binding force of treaties within International Law, they are important when it comes to the development and evolution of International Law.
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           As such, the #MeToo Movement, brought forward and expanded through the use of social media, is not an isolated phenomenon within the Human Rights universe. Since the UDHR, Human Rights instruments have emphasised the need for non-discrimination and the prevention of violence and inhuman treatment against individuals. With the advancement of these documents, through General Comments, we have reached a further consensus on the status of the disadvantage of women internationally and the need to preserve them from violence. 
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           As a result, we have a further emphasis on the need to assess violence against women as addendums to the ICCPR, as well as a Declaration in this sense, obtained in the last few years in international fora. The advent of the SDGs further strengthens that the goal to prevent violence against women is yet to be achieved, and that new initiatives must be taken. The spread of movements such as #MeToo, consequently, fit right within these goals, as they are able to transmit experiences and a notion of the violence suffered daily by women and girls worldwide, to a larger audience. 
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           Conclusion
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           While #MeToo has existed as a movement since 2006, it only managed to obtain the global audience that it currently has due to the spread of the #metoo hashtag. This is an undeniable contribution of technology, most specifically of social media, to the worldwide spread of awareness of the need to address violence against women and girls.
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           This article sought to address #MeToo not as an isolated phenomenon, but as something that interacts with the International Human Rights framework and can trigger important change, such as more concern from States regarding their own legislation. The subsequent article on this series will address some legal design issues within the #MeToo Movement. It will give some suggestions in order to reformulate it to best achieve its goals. Stay tuned to the Cosmonaut to see the end of this series on the #MeToo Movement! 
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           Julia Cirne Lima Weston holds an LL.M in International Law from University College London and a Bachelors degree from the Pontifical University of Rio Grande do Sul, in Brazil. She currently serves as an editor and columnist at the Brazilian Institute for the Law of the Sea.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jun 2021 15:20:50 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/when-technology-helps-promote-human-rights-awareness-the-metoo-movement</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Hacking Creativity – Authorship in the Digital Age</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/hacking-creativity-authorship-in-the-digital-age</link>
      <description>AI systems can produce literary and artistic works autonomously. This capacity raises major policy questions for the copyright system, which has always been intimately associated with the human creative spirit and with respect and reward for the expression of human creativity. The policy positions adopted in relation to the attribution of copyright to AI-generated works will go to the heart of the social purpose for which the copyright system exists.</description>
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           INTELLECTUAL CREATION
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           Hacking Creativity – Authorship in the Digital Age
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            AI systems can produce literary and artistic works autonomously. This capacity raises major policy questions for the copyright system, which has always been intimately associated with the human creative spirit and with respect and reward for the expression of human creativity. The policy positions adopted in relation to the attribution of copyright to AI-generated works will go to the heart of the social purpose for which the copyright system exists. 
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           By Irina Buzu
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           April 28, 2021
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           Shakuro
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           Keywords: artificial intelligence, creativity, copyright
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           As Artificial Intelligence (AI) seems to be gaining more ground on the human agenda day by day, it becomes increasingly difficult to ignore the implications of smart, fast and efficient algorithms being integrated in nearly every aspect of the new reality. 
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            The narrative of the human-machine competition has been part of the conversation about technology ever since the first machines were created. The flashy head-line terminology might vary over time, but the main idea that keeps being stressed remains unchanged: humans are losing the race against machines, or that they are becoming irrelevant, redundant and replaced by intelligent machines.
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            This human versus machine narrative climbed the first step on the proverbial prominence ladder during the 18th and 19th centuries, when the steam engine and the mechanised automation of agriculture and manufacturing was scaled. The narrative became more ominous, when more intelligent and precise machines began to threaten the jobs of humans with more powerful social and political representation, during the robotics revolution of the 1960s-70s. The next technological missile hit the jobs of the service and support industries, as part of the information revolution.
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           Now we have reached the next, but hardly the last, chapter in the human-machine competition, as intelligent machines have now set their ‘sight’ on after the class of people who write articles about them. This article addresses the question of copyrightability of artworks generated by AI machines, in the light of the shift from a human-machine competition, towards a human-machine collaboration.
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           Introduction
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           The first references on automated artists go as far back as the 1970s, when the painter and the University of California professor Harold Cohen has been collaborating with ‘
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           AARON
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            ’, a program capable of autonomously making pictures . The next grand artistic leap triggered by machine learning and deep learning, materialised in 2013 with ‘The Painting Fool’, the brainchild of Simon Colton, professor of computational creativity at Goldsmiths College, London. Colton redefined the ‘Turing Test’, by suggesting that
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           artificially intelligent artists
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            need to behave in skilful, appreciative and imaginative ways in order to be convincing enough so as to pass as humans. Ever since that tipping point, humanity has faced numerous artistic AI advancements. 
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           In 2015, Google’s Brain AI team unveiled ‘Deep Dream’, a program that has coined a new form of art called ‘Inceptionism’, named after the Inception algorithm. Following a training in identifying objects from visual clues and being fed photographs of skies and random-shaped objects, the program began generating digital images suggesting the combined imaginations of Walt Disney and Peter Bruegel the Elder.
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            In 2016, a joint initiative by museums and researchers from the Netherlands uncovered a portrait called ‘The New Rembrandt’, a new art piece generated by a machine that had analysed thousands of artworks of the 17th century Dutch painter, Rembrandt van Rijn.
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            A similar challenge was taken on by a Paris-based artist collective in 2018, called ‘Obvious’, who wondered whether an AI machine could generate the next original Picasso masterpiece and pass it as man-made. When it went under the hammer in the Prints &amp;amp; Multiples sale at Christie’s in October 2018, ‘Portrait of Edmond Belamy’ sold for an incredible $432,500, thus marking the arrival of AI art on the world auction stage.
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           In 2019, the world saw the announcement of ‘Ai.Da’, the first ultra-realistic drawing robot artist, whose mechanical abilities, combined with AI-based algorithms, allow her to draw, paint and even sculpt. One of Google’s latest art projects, ‘PoemPortraits’, takes a word of your suggestion and generates a unique poem (to which you can also add a selfie) using an algorithm trained via deep learning neural networks trained on 20 million words out of 19th century poetry. The ‘
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           AIVA
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           ’ music engine generates soundtracks for games, commercials, and movies, that are indistinguishable from those created by the most talented human composers . 
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           In the meantime, AI machines have taken over various other creative endeavours, from writing articles and digests to almost winning a Japanese literary essay competition; from ‘automated journalism’ to legal paperwork and contracts; from architectural blueprints to object and process design optimisation; just to name a few.
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            To drive this point home, G. Kasparov stressed that: ‘AI products tend to evolve from laughably weak to interesting but feeble, then to artificial but useful, and finally to transcendent and superior to human. There 	is always a tipping point at which they go from amusing diversions to essential tools’ [Kasparov, G &amp;amp; Greengard, M 2017,
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            Deep Thinking. Where machine intelligence ends and human creativity begins.
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           Public Affairs, New York, p.51]. 
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           Simply put, in the past half-century, machines have become increasingly good at emulating humans and laying siege to what has been a strictly human outpost: intellectual creativity.
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           (Re)defining creativity
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           The creative Anthropocene
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           Creativity has always been regarded as one of the main pillars of the anthropocentric doctrine. What else is there, besides language, values, emotions and sensations, to the equation of what makes us human, if not creativity? 
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            Edward O. Wilson’s statement comes to mind, when he addressed creativity as the ‘unique and defining trait of our species’, continuing on to call it ‘the innate quest for originality’ [Wilson, E O 2017,
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           The origins of creativity.
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            Penguin Books, Great Britain, p.3]. In fact, whenever we browse through the myriad of names and faces who have written either pages or books or volumes of our cultural evolution, from Einstein and Tesla, to Bach, van Gogh, Shakespeare, Gaudi, Tornatore, and the goes on, the most common attributes that come to mind are visionary, inventor, pioneer, insightful, creative. But what is creativity, really? Why were certain ideas deemed to be creative and innovative, while others were lost as mediocre and nonconsequential in the whirlpool of time? 
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            Leading researchers in the field, such as M. Stein, M. Csikszentmihalyi, T. Amabile, D. W. MacKinnon, H. Simon, and others have been tackling these issues for decades. They have approached them from
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           . The common ground is that there is no universally accepted definition of creativity, nor is there a clear recipe or list of attributes that a creative individual must possess.  In fact, the current consensus is that creativity results from the interaction of a system composed of three elements: (1) a culture that contains symbolic rules; (2) a person who brings novelty into the symbolic domain, and (3) a field of experts who recognize and validate the innovation.
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           Da Vinci or Elon Musk’s discoveries would be inconceivable without the prior knowledge, without the intellectual and social network that stimulated their thinking, and without the social mechanisms that recognized and spread their innovations.
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            To elaborate a bit further on the first two elements, one would agree with the words of F. Offner, a scientist and inventor, who stressed that: ‘The important thing is that you must have a good, a very solid grounding in the physical sciences, before you can make any progress in understanding’ [Csikszentmihalyi, M 1997,
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           . Harper Perennial, New York, p.47]. The same conclusions are voiced in every other discipline. Artists agree that a painter cannot make creative contributions without looking, and looking, and looking at previous art, and without knowing what other artists and critics consider good and bad art. Writers say that you have to read, and read, and read some more, and know what the critics’ criteria for good writing are, before you can write creatively yourself.
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            On account of the third element, M. Csikszentmihalyi argues that by creativity we mean ‘an idea or action that is new and available’ [Csikszentmihalyi, M 1997,
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           . Harper Perennial, New York, p.23]. However, if we follow this account, then we cannot simply accept a person’s own perception as the criterion for its existence. There is no way to know whether a thought is new except with reference to some standards, and there is no way to tell whether it is valuable until it passes social evaluation. Therefore, creativity does not happen inside people’s heads, but in interaction between a person’s thoughts and a sociocultural context. It is a systemic rather than an individual phenomenon.
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            It is also M. Csikszentmihalyi who points out that if there was one word that would distinguish creative people, one word that could express what makes their personalities different from others, it would be complexity [Csikszentmihalyi, M 1997,
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            . Harper Perennial, New York, p.57]. By this he means that they show tendencies of thought and action that in most people are segregated. They contain contradictory extremes; instead of being an ‘individual’, each of them is a ‘multitude’. Like the colour white that includes all the hues of the spectrum, creative people tend to bring together the entire range of human possibilities within themselves.
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           Following this line of reasoning, it would be reasonable to assume that, given the complexity and unpredictability of the creative process, algorithms (no matter how complex and intelligent) would not be capable of mimicking human creativity. And yet, the current state of affairs proves otherwise. It would seem like a Moravec’s paradox, if not for two elements that are part of today’s status quo, which lacked in the times of Edison or Shakespeare: big data and enormous amounts of computational power. 
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            Under usual circumstances, in order to gain enough knowledge and insight into any given field or symbolic domain, one has to spend countless hours learning, consuming and processing information. In the case of human creators, this endeavour could take an entire lifetime, and even then, there are a set of barriers that hinder the complete understanding of a domain.
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            The first and foremost is that human creators are, well, human, and as living beings their brain capacity, energy flow and attention span are limited by certain obstacles typical to humans. M. Csikszentmihalyi digests them down to the following few: ‘Some of us are exhausted by too many demands, and so have trouble getting hold of and activating ourpsychic energy in the first place. Or we get easily distracted and have trouble learning how to protect and channel whatever energy we have.
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            The next problem is laziness, or lacking discipline for controlling the flow of energy. And finally, the last obstacle is not knowing what to do with the energy one has’ [Csikszentmihalyi, M 1997,
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            . Harper Perennial, New York, p.344].
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           In addition to these, nowadays, with the incredibly huge amounts of data flows, fast paced work environments and increasing demands, professionals are indirectly encouraged to become better versions of themselves, on a daily basis, but only in a very narrow specialisation of the symbolic domain. The trouble with this is that most creative achievements depend on making connections among disparate domains. The more obscure and separate knowledge becomes, the fewer the chances that creativity can reveal itself. 
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           Outsourcing creativity
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            In his book
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           Homo Deus
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            , Yuval Noah Harari offers a very interesting perspective to the anthropocentric attributes, put forward in the beginning of this section, zooming in on them through an algorithmic lens. He argues that algorithms are ‘the single most important concept in our world’, and stresses the importance of understanding how algorithms are connected with emotions and that emotions are nothing but ‘biochemical algorithms’, and as such the humans are controlled by algorithms that ‘can work through sensations, emotions and thoughts’ [Harari, Y N 2015,
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           Homo Deus. A brief history of tomorrow.
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            Harvil Secker, Great Brintain, p.97]. To some extent, following a Darwinian approach, this could translate into the fact that natural selection has programmed every bit of human biology, and with that, every bit that makes us human. And if so, if humans ‘powered’ by biochemical algorithms can be creative, why can’t algorithmic driven machines be creative as well?
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            Algorithms and intelligent machines don’t have to overcome the obstacles faced by human creators. They are not hindered by human shortcomings and due to enormous computational power, they have no trouble processing vast amounts of data efficiently and fast. Then, being proficient in pattern recognition, and as they filter, predict, collect, evaluate and learn, they can easily build a puzzle made of inter-sectorial blocks of information coming from different symbolic domains, and thus, they manage to derive original solutions to pre-existing domain specific problems, which is a creative endeavour as such. In addition to this, the promise of the information technology revolution and computer literacy have proved, to a large extent, to be counter-productive in terms of human creativity. A vast majority of people rely nowadays on various digital tools and assistants to provide answers, search for information and offer advice, thus involuntarily outsourcing certain peripheral cognitive functions, without realising the long-term implications of their actions. This view echoes a 2007 article in
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           the
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           Wired
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            by C. Thompson, which incited a follow-up reaction from the
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           New York Times
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            columnist D. Brooks, who argued that: ‘I had thought that the magic of the information age was that it allowed us to know more, but then I realized that the magic of the information age is that it allowed us to know less.’ Continuing, ‘You may wonder if in the process of outsourcing my thinking I am losing my individuality. Not so much. It’s merely my autonomy that I’m losing.’ 
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           It is worth noting that in fact, each of us carries a device such as a phone or a tablet that can make you an instant expert on anything, thanks to Google and Wikipedia. These devices have nowadays become extensions of our arms and owning them can sometimes be incredibly useful. Doing so doesn’t make us any less intelligent than using encyclopedias, phone books or, once upon a time, the help of librarians. It is only the next stage of how our technology allows us to create and to interact with more information faster and faster – and it won’t be the last stage. The danger isn’t intellectual stagnation or an addiction to instant fact-finding missions. The real risk is substituting superficial knowledge for the type of understanding and insight that is required to create new things. 
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            It all comes down to human-machine collaboration. It can help us be more creative, or less, depending on how we use our digital tools. Unfortunately, computer literacy is more a question of consumer information rather than knowing how to generate or use the information acquired. If necessity is the mother of innovation, secure affluence seems to be its dysfunctional stepparent. A similar perspective is given by the world chess champion G. Kasparov, who notes that while using your phone isn’t cheating in real life, you might however develop a cognitive limp from an overreliance on a digital crutch. He continues to stress that if we only rely on our machines to show us how to be good imitators, we will never take the next step to becoming creative innovators [Kasparov, G &amp;amp; Greengard, M 2017,
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           Deep Thinking. Where machine intelligence ends and human creativity begins.
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            Public Affairs, New York, p.229]. Similarly to our bodies, our brains need exercise and constant training by performing demanding and challenging cognitive tasks, in order to excel and reach that proverbial ‘Aha!’ insightful spark.
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           Unfortunately, partly relinquishing our cognitive autonomy to intelligent machines proves to be far easier than getting it back, which is why, while humanity hits the brakes and enjoys the cognitive ride, algorithms and AI machines are fast-forwarding at incredible speed towards becoming a new source of creativity, blurring the lines between art and technology. Humanity is therefore arguably at a tipping point when neither renouncing digital tools in particular, nor denying the digitalisation and automation more generally, is possible. Some have a utopian while others a dystopian vision of the fully automated AI future we are heading into at rapidly increasing speed. Under these circumstances, each of us has a choice to make: to embrace these new challenges, or to resist them. Will we help shape the future and set the terms of our relationship with algorithms and intelligent machines, or do we let them to be forced on us?
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           Regulating Creativity 3.0
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           We have previously argued that AI has arisen in the realm of creativity and innovation and is expected to become an integrated part of daily life in the near future. New AI technologies present exciting opportunities for developments in the creative arts, entertainment industries, as well as life enhancing inventions. 
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           Intellectual property (IP) has always had a symbiotic relationship with the development of new technology and in turn policy has needed to adapt to keep pace with the technology and cultural changes. AI technology has the potential to shake up the IP system, raising fundamental questions from originality to authorship to ownership and infringement.
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            There is a current ongoing debate on whether policymakers should create a new
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            sui generis
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            regime extension to the existing copyright framework, which would be applicable to the new 3A era of advanced, automated, autonomous AI systems. The argument of whether to afford copyright protection to AI systems and the creative AI generated output is, in fact, part of a larger, more controversial debate on whether AI should be granted legal personality. This was initially proposed, albeit with limited effects, by the European Parliament in its
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           Resolution of 16 February 2017
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            with recommendations to the Commission on Civil Law Rules on Robotics through the concept of electronic personality.
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           So far, national and regional legislations do not acknowledge the AI systems can hold rights or be subject to obligations similarly to a natural person or legal entity, as this rests on profound ethical implications and consideration should be given to the possible impactful ramifications. At the same time, some have also voiced opinions that any attempt to articulate an IP framework around AI is premature at best, if not flawed altogether. There is a pressing need for AI to be understood and defined first, then (if necessary) regulated. In this line of reasoning, it also remains unclear whether copyright is the appropriate, let alone ideal, vehicle for regulating AI, as it is fundamentally centered on human creativity. 
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           We believe that an appropriate analysis of these issues needs to follow a few considerations. Firstly, one needs to distinguish between the two branches of AI, the so-called ‘
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           strong AI’
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            and ‘
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            . Strong AI refers to a computer system that broadly approximates the mental and cognitive capabilities of human beings, whereas weak AI refers to a computer system that provides solutions to well-defined problems arrived at by specific applications.
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            Ultimately, the purpose of weak AI is to automate tasks that traditionally required time intensive mental activity or effort by a human, such as engaging in classification, identification of similarities, pattern recognition, etc.
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            It is currently agreed that strong AI is still a yet unrealised technology. Although there is some dispute as to whether it can be achieved at all, there seems to be agreement that at least it will not be realised in the foreseeable future. Therefore, an AI system that truly conceives autonomous creations without any level of human supervision, contribution or intervention requires strong AI technology. The question therefore is whether copyright protection should be assigned for AI generated works, as these may be presently achieved
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           only by currently deployed (still) weak AI technology
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           . To further clarify, we shall refer to some of the examples of AI technology mentioned previously. 
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            In the publishing industry, weak AI technology such as template text generators are used, based on pattern recognition and the use and evaluation of existing text modules. For example, ‘QualiFiction’ is a weak AI that has been testing manuscripts for their potential for success by comparing them with existing bestsellers.
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            However, the bestseller formula has yet to be found, as it is hugely dependent on human subjective apprehension, as opposed to algorithmic mathematical calculation. Text generators and automated journalism, such as the weak AI technology of the company ‘uNaice’, are used to generate short texts of products on online shop pages, but they hardly pass the threshold of creativity. In China, bots compile text collections from Wikipedia entries, but they cannot decide what is good or bad, true or false; weak AI recognises patterns and assembles text modules on the basis of probability.
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            Similarly, translation programs learn faster, but their word-for-word translation takes no account of allusions, metaphors, irony, the nuances of synonyms or sentence rhythm, despite employing deep learning algorithms; they still require an editorial and linguistic like narrative intensive revision, usually performed by a human.
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           Likewise, ‘Sunspring’ claims to be the first ever screenplay written entirely by an AI machine, but of course it required a human to develop the software and to collate and input the hundreds of screenplays used as the dataset. The previously mentioned famous AI portrait of Edmond Belamy signed as authored by an algorithm, sold for $432,500. The work was created by Obvious, a Paris-based collective consisting of Hugo Caselles-Dupré, Pierre Fautrel and Gauthier Vernier by way of what they call ‘GAN: Generative Adversarial Network’. The algorithm consists of two parts; the Generator and the Discriminator. Caselles-Dupré, Fautrel and Vernier input a data set of 15.000 portraits, the Generator makes a new image based on the data set and the Discriminator tries to spot the difference between a human-made image and one created by the Generator.
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            Nonetheless, in an unprecedented turn of events, in January 2020, a
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            assigned copyright to an AI, Tencent’s ‘Dreamwriter’, which has been producing articles for some years. The court found that the article’s articulation and expression had a ‘certain originality’ and met the legal requirements to be classed as a written work — thus it qualified for copyright protection and awarded copyright ownership to Tencent for all stories its AI produces. However, the question of how the AI was created, whether creator copyright was respected in the creation of the AI has not been made clear. Almost at the very same time, the European Patent Office (EPO) refused two patent applications relating to inventions that listed an AI as inventors, founding their judgement on the European Patent Convention, which indicates a clear legislative understanding that the inventor is a natural person.
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            There are, however, jurisdictions that already assign copyright protection of AI generated works via computer-generated works regime. The ownership of the copyright is granted to the person who set up the arrangements necessary for the creation of the work. For example, section 9(3) of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 states that ‘in the case of a literary, dramatic, musical or artistic work which is computer-generated, the author shall be taken to be the person by whom the arrangements necessary for the creation of the work are undertaken.’ Section 173 of the
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           act
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            defines a computer-generated work as a work that ‘is generated by computer in circumstances such that there is no human author of the work.’ This work is granted protection for 50 years after it was made . 
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            A recent European Commission
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            on AI and IP stated that we could be moving towards AI autonomy, at least to a level that the human contribution is ‘trivial to the creative or inventive process’ and therefore we could be entering into an era where machines will ‘not only assist humans in the creative process but create or invent all by themselves’.
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           However, we are not presently at that stage and at present AI technology is not currently truly autonomous. In fact, in a typical machine learning system there is human involvement and human intervention at a number of points, such as choosing how to set the system up – writing and choosing of the algorithm (including which learning models to use), choosing and collating data, often this includes the undertaking of data cleansing or other actions on the data including how it is structured, providing feedback, reviewing output and revising model and so on. In fact, the data itself, such as in the examples mentioned above, are human created sources. AI augments human skills and expertise but does not make human contribution au less relevant.
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           Moreover, traditionally, the copyright system as being associated with the human creative spirit for the encouragement of the expression of human creativity. In the 2011 CJEU case Painer, the Court held that “an intellectual creation is an author’s own if it reflects the author’s personality. That is the case if the author was able to express his creative abilities in the production of the work by making free and creative choices…by making those various choices, the author of a portrait photograph can stamp the work created with his ‘personal touch.” This emphasises the need for human personality input to the creation of copyright works [
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           Eva-Maria Painer v Standard VerglasGmbh and Others (2011)
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            C-145/10 – Painter].
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           Further, it is important to recognise that extending copyright protection to AI-generated works could disrupt the philosophical justifications for copyright and undermine the foundations upon which protection is currently built. There are different schools of thought on justifications for granting copyright to AI-generated works and these need to be explored further. Therefore, it should be asked, in addition, on what theoretical basis should the protection be granted. 
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           Closing remarks
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            In his brilliant 1976 book,
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           Computer Power and Human Reason: From Judgment to Calculation
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            , Joseph Weizenbaum argues, ‘However intelligent machines may be made to be, there are some acts of thought that
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           ought
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            to be attempted only by humans’. He extolls the importance of judgment, wisdom, compassion – the things we must not outsource to machines, even if we can. In a profound formulation, machines, he writes, can
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           decide
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            , but they do not
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           choose
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           . Why does a machine do what it does? Every mechanized decision can be traced back, step by algorithmic step, 1 by 0 by 1, to an earlier branch in its code. Eventually this reaches the inevitable conclusion of ‘Because you told me so.’ For humans, writes Weizenbaum, this is not the case, and the root explanation is, instead, ‘Because I chose to.’ Within that simple phrase lies human agency, human leadership, human responsibility, and humanity itself.
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           We have argued that our technology can make us more human by freeing us to be more creative, but there is more to being human than creativity. We have other qualities the machines cannot match. They have instructions while we have purpose. Machines cannot dream, not even in sleep mode. Humans can, and we will need our intelligent machines in order to turn our grandest dreams into reality. And as G. Kasparov puts it, if we stop dreaming big dreams, if we stop looking for a greater purpose, then we may as well be machines ourselves. 
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           Passionate about information technology, innovation, art and artificial intelligence, Irina is part of and offers legal tech expertise for the Code For Moldova community, the first civic tech organization in the Republic of Moldova, and is a SEEDIG YS alumna. She is pursuing her PhD research in International Law, with a focus on AI policies and regulations.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Apr 2021 17:39:45 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/hacking-creativity-authorship-in-the-digital-age</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Accessible?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/accessible</link>
      <description>The word accessibility is defined by a myriad of acceptations that describe each a different nuance of the word.  It could mean easy to access, but also someone charismatic therefore accessible. When you look it up in a dictionary you’ll easily realise that the semantic chart of this word is huge.</description>
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           Kittiwake
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           tech culture society
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           Accessible?
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            The word accessibility is defined by a myriad of acceptations that describe each a different nuance of the word.  It could mean easy to access, but also someone charismatic therefore
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            accessible.
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            When you look it up in a dictionary you’ll easily realise that the semantic chart of this word is huge.
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           By Andrés Cortés
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           April 24, 2021
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           The Matroska problem of the digital divide
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           In many ways, the quest for accessibility, understood as the inclusion of all kinds of differently-abled people, hold a crucial aspect for digital inclusion. We must remember that we are conditioned by our upbringing and education to believe certain truths that are not universal. That our representation of reality might be distorted by our environment and what we have been exposed to. So, what exactly does  accessibility mean through the lens of digital inclusion? 
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            First of all, access is a very powerful word. Take a moment to think of all the possible contexts you could find this word. You can have access because you belong to a certain group, or be granted access because you’ve proven your belonging to such a group. You can be denied access because of your values, or very simply because you are physically not able to access somewhere.
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           , defined as the will to make places and information available to people who have non-traditional bodies and abilities, should be a preoccupation for all of us. 
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           The universe surrounding the meaning of words is fascinating, in fact, Saussure talked about such conundrums of language. For instance, he separates two aspects of a word in the language; the signifier and the signified (signifiant and signifié in French). The signifier is the arrangement of symbols we’ve agreed to make specific sounds, when put together make a word. The signified is the whole universe that word carries with it. For example, we can all recognize a table but it would be hard to define, we can all agree when something is being used as a table even if it isn’t. 
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           We could understand it as the platonic idea and reality; we all know the concept of a table (signifier) but your coffee table is just one among all the possible forms a table can take. This ambiguity contributes to all the wild interpretations we can have of words, their meaning and it stresses the power they have upon us. 
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           Redefining access who do we listen to 
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           A key factor to fight the lack of inclusion in our societies and therefore in the digital world is to listen, to give space for the voices that are often ignored a place to shine. Allow me to show you a few non-traditional ways of communicating that already exist in the digital sphere so you can then discover your own. 
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            Being a polyglot and having lived in several countries has taught me something, accents hold great communicative value. Especially the absence of an accent is considered to demonstrate higher intelligence, when in fact the capacity of speaking two or more languages should be applauded. Well, Jamila Lyiscott rhymes tell us the story of her three ways of speaking English in her
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            3 ways to speak English. In this 4:29 minute-long poem, she repurposes the word articulate which has been used to compliment immigrants or in this case African-American people on their use of more academic use of English. She goes through her history and her life experiences to show us how are the 3 ways of speaking English are not only valid but also worthy of recognition. She demonstrates how the syntax and vocabulary of these different dialects represent richness instead of a lack of knowledge. In my opinion,we should be more open to not discard some options or alterations of the language with the label ''not idiomatic'', we should rather welcome their richness and delve into the new world that is created in the in between.
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            Similarly, Christine Sum Kim, a Berlin-based artist renders the most basic concepts of Sign Language accessible to us, people without ASL (American Sign language) training or culture. In this
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           , she explains the extent to which sound is part of her life, but not in the way we would imagine it to be- such as sound etiquette. Her work depicts the intrinsic value of ASL that is both visual and makes up deaf culture. 
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            I invite you dear reader to dive into this universe of different capacities, to take a plunge into what perception of the world you have not been aware of until now. This is the question we ask ourselves in the Institute everyday, how can we integrate as many voices as possible into the Digital cosmos. How can we respectfully cohabitate an ethereal world? This is our quest and to begin giving possibilities I leave with Sum Kim explaining closed-captions
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           [cries with a very tiny fashionable hat in a empty bar]
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           . 
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            I'm Colombian, I am 23 years old and I’m a polyglot. I just finished my degree in Performing Arts and I’m doing a masters degree in translation. Among my interests are etymology, linguistics, and everyday ethics. How can philosophical ethic knowledge be applied on an everyday basis? Aside from a researcher for the institute I conduct my own research on feminity in the LGBTQ+ community through artistic expression and ancestral practices.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 18:16:42 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/accessible</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake,kittiwake2</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Algorithms in Social Media Platforms</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/algorithms-in-social-media-platforms</link>
      <description>How social media algorithms influence the spread of culture and information in the digital society.</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Algorithms in Social Media Platforms
          
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           How social media algorithms influence the spread of culture and information in the digital society.
          
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           By Maria Alessandra Golino
          
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           April 24, 2021
          
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           Algorithms in social media platforms can be defined as technical means of sorting posts based on relevancy instead of publish time, in order to prioritize which content an user sees first according to the likelihood that they will actually engage with such content. For example, the posts which are recommended to you when you scroll through your Instagram feed, or the stories of your friends that appear first on the dashboard, are determined by algorithms.
          
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           Algorithms can be written by coders who make use of machine learning. “Machine learning” means that algorithms “learn” how to carry out tasks under various levels of human oversight. Algorithms manage several tasks which would be tedious for humans to carry out, such as managing flows of content through active recommendations as well as negative shadow bans and mediating interaction with information through likes and comments to improve content discoverability. In addition, algorithms rank and filter information in ways that create incentives and conditions of interaction for content creators that are similar to markets.
          
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           The function of an algorithm is to deliver relevant content to users. The reason why social media platforms use algorithms is to more organically filter through the large amount of content that is available on each platform. Algorithms do the work of delivering content that is potentially more “interesting” for a user to the detriment of posts which are deemed irrelevant or low-quality - either in general, or to a specific user.
          
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           Regarding the criteria based on which algorithms deliver content, sometimes social media platforms explicitly specify which content they consider as high-quality and therefore promote on their platform. It must be further kept in mind that social media platforms are actual businesses, which make part of their revenue from marketing. This may include marketing of a brand or content that public pages want to promote by paying a fee to the social media in order to have the algorithms promote them.
          
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            Algorithms are designed in a way that takes into account different aspects. Some of these aspects are content-based, meaning that  this kind of algorithmic design seeks to match a user’s taste, based on their profile, to specific posts that the system guesses the user will like. Once users show interest in a specific tag or category, they are directed to other items in the same category.
           
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            Moreover, algorithms can operate in a collaborative way. Collaborative filtering consists in matching users to other users who seem to share similar interests; this way, a person is directed to posts or videos that they might want to see based on the fact that a user with a similar profile searched for that specific source. Algorithms can be context-aware, in the sense that they can individuate personal data such as a user’s exact geographic location in order to include it in the algorithmic calculations.
           
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           Finally, machine learning uses computers to simulate human learning, which allows them to identify and acquire knowledge from the real world, and improve performance of some tasks, such as recommendations through algorithms, based on this new knowledge. 
          
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           How algorithms influence the spread of culture in society
          
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            These different approaches to algorithmic design have consequences when processing cultural content. For example, when engineers set computers through machine learning to create algorithms based on the geographic location of users, they limit - or at least direct - the spread of a particular form of art or of information to that specific area. The effects of algorithmic design can be considered both positive or negative. Often algorithms may be created with the aim of increasing awareness or interest in the digital society on a specific matter, some users may suddenly see in their feed an increase of posts concerning nutrition and diet, or foreign cinema, or politics.
           
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           However, the negative implications that algorithmic design may have are often the object of heated discussions on the controversies that surround algorithms. Such controversies often concern privacy issues: algorithms work with the personal data of the social media user, in order to “know” how to display the content on the social media platform (for example, algorithms make use of sensitive data such as the geographical location of the user, the friends and acquaintances they interact the most with, the pages and hashtags that they often search for, et cetera). Similarly, there are also considerations about how algorithms influence the opinion and interests of social media users and, consequently, of the digital society. 
          
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            Through the use of
           
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           shadow bans
          
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           , algorithms may give rise to information gaps, as they hide or neglect certain posts, while prioritizing revenue-inducing content. This aspect of algorithmic design is controversial because it carries the pretense to determine which content users should find important or worth of appreciation. This may lead to a non-objective and polarized decision of who and what gets in the spotlight. As a result, algorithmic design inevitably influences the spread of culture and shapes the digital society in a certain way: it decides which type of content or topic should be given priority in each individual feed, and which artists, content creators or brands deserve to gain more visibility than others . 
          
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           References &amp;amp; links
          
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           Hunt, R. &amp;amp; McKelvey, F. (2019).  Algorithmic regulation in media and cultural policy: a framework to evaluate barriers to accountability. Journal of Information Policy 9, 307-335.
          
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           https://later.com/blog/instagram-shadowban/
          
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            Barnhard, B. (2021). Everything that you need to know about social media algorithms. Sproutsocial. Available at
           
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           https://sproutsocial.com/insights/social-media-algorithms/
          
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           Poepsel, M. (2018). Digital Culture &amp;amp; Social Media in Media, Society, Culture &amp;amp; You. Rebus Community.
          
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            Maria Alessandra Golino
           
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           holds a Bachelor’s diploma in European Law from Maastricht University. Her role at the Institute for internet and just society is that of researcher for the Kittiwake project.
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 18:16:40 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/algorithms-in-social-media-platforms</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake1,kittiwake</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>A More Equitable Model of Royalties' Distribution</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-more-equitable-model-of-royalties-distribution</link>
      <description>In just a few decades the internet has profoundly changed our society. Individuals are now able to communicate virtually, access information, make international transactions, and enjoy entertainment in a completely different way. In particular, within the entertainment industry, the music business has gone through a metamorphosis by transitioning towards online streaming music platforms.</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           A More Equitable Model of Royalties' Distribution
          
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           SoundCloud introducing fan-powered royalties.
          
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           By Sofia Ghezzi
          
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           April 24, 2021
          
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           The world of online music platforms 
          
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            In just a few decades the internet has profoundly changed our society. Individuals are now able to communicate virtually, access information, make international transactions, and enjoy entertainment in a completely different way. In particular, within the entertainment industry, the music business has gone through a metamorphosis by transitioning towards online streaming music platforms.
           
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           Music platforms have been a game-changer for the way we now understand music and its fruition (
          
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           Quinn, 2018, p.52
          
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           ). A plethora of music is now easily available for the public free of charge, or for a small flat fee (
          
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           Bender, Gal-Or &amp;amp; Geylani, 2021, p.1083
          
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           ). This has brought a change in the perspective of the value of the music product in economic terms, as being available for free on the internet causes an obvious damage to the artist and owner of the copyright work (
          
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           Towse, 2020, pp.1461-1462
          
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           ). As opposed to the traditional deals in the music industry requiring the individual consumer to buy a single product in the physical shop (
          
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           Bender, Gal-Or &amp;amp; Geylani, 2021, p.1083
          
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           ), nowadays, marketing music and music consumption are mainly digital (
          
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           Lestari &amp;amp; Laksono, 2018, pp.329-330
          
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           ).
          
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            Music platforms have arisen around the first years of 2000; specifically,
           
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           SoundCloud
          
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            was created in 2007, but only launched a year later. SoundCloud is a music streaming platform based in Berlin and provides music streaming services. It functions by uploading the artists’ music by placing a file in a network address and distributing their music tracks. This platform has been around for quite some time now, and it is the very first that is trying to tackle one of the biggest issues in the music streaming world: transparency of royalties’ distribution (
           
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           Quinn, 2018, p.5
          
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            9-60). In fact, SoundCloud has recently introduced
           
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           fan-powered royalties
          
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            as a new model to pay its artists on the platform.
           
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           Legal background
          
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           Royalties
          
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            are legally binding payments made to an individual or a company for the ongoing use of their assets, including copyrighted works. In the music world, copyrights can be defined as “the right of an artist who engages with generic musical forms and notes to create a new musical work, to ownership of that work, and the financial benefits flowing therefrom” (
           
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           Quinn, 2018, p.
          
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           49). The purpose of copyright law is to strike a balance between three different interests: the public right to access and enjoy the copyright work, the artist’s right of remuneration for its work, and the inspiration of new copyrights works (
          
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           Quinn, 2018, p.5
          
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           0). Normally, on online music platforms, such as Spotify and Apple Music, the royalties to the artists come from revenue based on listeners’ subscriptions and/or advertising revenue.
          
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           SoundCloud’s new system 
          
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           In order to tackle the transparency of royalties’ distribution, SoundCloud has decided to change its model of pay-outs to artists. In fact, SoundCloud has defined this move as a way of providing “
          
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           more equitable pay-outs, transparency, and control over their (artists) own career
          
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           .” The old SoundCloud’s model of distribution of royalties was collecting the total streams of artists on the platform and pouring them in a hypothetical “pool”. Revenue to the artists, in the form of royalties, were distributed on the base of the artist’s total amount of shares of streams. This system is called “
          
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           pro rata model
          
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            ”, and it is used by all major audio streaming services such as Spotify and Apple.
           
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           Whereas the new SoundCloud’s model of distribution of royalties is called fan-powered or “
          
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           user centric model
          
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           ”, namely the artist is being paid on the base of its fans’ actual listening habits. A study published by “Digital Media Finland” shows the differences and similarities between the two systems, advantages and disadvantages; in any case, the user centric model gives more power to the users and benefits the independent artists (
          
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            The
           
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           new system
          
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            was announced by SoundCloud on the 2nd of March 2021, and it was put in place by the 1st of April 2021.
           
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           Independent artists
          
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            who monetize directly with SoundCloud are eligible for this new system of payment; the streams of those artists are distributed directly to the artists that the fan has listed to. The underlying idea is that if a fan is listening to a new emerging artist, part of the revenue of his subscription on the online music platform and the advertisement he/she consumed would go directly to that particular artist.
           
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            SoundCloud also claims that the new system should be benefitting more independent artists, as they are
           
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           more equitable and transparent
          
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            . In particular, the system pays royalties to artists based on what portion of a fan’s time they listen to each artist. The total amount of money generated by a fan for the artists they listen to is then
           
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           calculated on the following criteria
          
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           : (1) how much the fan listens to that artist in proportion  to all of their listening time in a given month, (2) how many advertisements the fan has consumed, (3) whether the fan has a paying subscription to SoundCloud Go+.
          
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           SoundCloud is now the first and only platform to have introduced this new model for paying their artists. It may be setting an example for other online music streaming platforms, thus we shall see how its implementation will play out within the next few months, and see if any other major platforms will follow. 
          
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           References &amp;amp; Link
          
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            Quinn, A. (2018). Are online music platforms undermining the principles of copyright law? Journal of Intellectual Property Law &amp;amp; Practise, 13(1), 52. 
           
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            Bender, M., Gal-Or, E., &amp;amp; Geylani, T. (2021). Attracting artists to music streaming platforms. European Journal of Operational Research, 290(3), 1083. 
           
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            Towse, R. (2020). Dealing with digital: the economic organization of streamed music. Media, Culture &amp;amp; Society, 42(7-8), 1461-1462. 
           
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            Lestari, S. N., &amp;amp; Laksono, A. P. (2018). Journal of Dinamika Hukum, 18(3), 329-330. 
           
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             SoundCloud website. Fan-powered royalties FAQ. Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://help.soundcloud.com/hc/en-us/articles/1260801306810" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://help.soundcloud.com/hc/en-us/articles/1260801306810
           
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             SoundCloud website. SoundCloud pays artists fairly. Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://community.soundcloud.com/fanpoweredroyalties" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://community.soundcloud.com/fanpoweredroyalties
           
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             SoundCloud newsroom (2021). SoundCloud introduces fan-powered royalties: a game-changing new pay model for independent artists. Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://press.soundcloud.com/197001-soundcloud-introduces-fan-powered-royalties#:~:text=New%20York%2C%20NY%20%2D%2D%20March,to%20earn%20money%20on%20SoundCloud" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://press.soundcloud.com/197001-soundcloud-introduces-fan-powered-royalties#:~:text=New%20York%2C%20NY%20%2D%2D%20March,to%20earn%20money%20on%20SoundCloud
           
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             Banton, C. (2021). Royalty definition. Investopedia. Available at:
            
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      &lt;a href="https://www.investopedia.com/terms/r/royalty.asp" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            https://www.investopedia.com/terms/r/royalty.asp
           
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             Muikku, J. (2017). Pro rata and user centric distribution models: a comparative study. Digital Media Finland OY. Available at:
            
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        &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;a href="http://www.digitalmedia.fi/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/UC_report_final_171213.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            http://www.digitalmedia.fi/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/UC_report_final_171213.pdf
           
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            Sofia Ghezzi
           
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            holds a Bachelor’s degree in European Law from Maastricht University, and she is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. Sofia is passionate about the intersection of law and culture, and the underlying influences of society in law. At the Institute, she is a researcher for the Kittiwake project.
           
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 17:53:51 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-more-equitable-model-of-royalties-distribution</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake,kittiwake2</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>The Beginning of a Journey</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-beginning-of-a-journey</link>
      <description>Kittiwake’s aim is not to tell readers how to interpret technological change, but rather to describe the cultural expression of technology and its social impact. We aim to reflect on how we live with technology, what impact technology has on our lives and on to what extent technology shapes culture and vice-versa.</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Technology &amp;amp; Culture
          
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           The beginning of a journey.
          
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           By Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli
          
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           April 24, 2021
          
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           Introduction 
          
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            Nowadays, access to the Internet on a regular basis is available for billions of people around the globe, which means that access to information has expanded globally to levels that have never before been witnessed in human history. The Big Tech industry is rising and dominating our world. Kids born in the last decades are denominated digital natives as they grew up in close contact with computers, the Internet, mobile phones, and Social Media. In this respect, the common view is that the main drive of the technological progress the world is facing solely concerns prosperity and economic growth.
           
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           However, the roots of technological progress are intrinsically linked to humanity’s cultural and social developments. Technology and culture work together, they go hand in hand when shaping our society and adapt to our needs. In these times, we are witnessing the development in digital and internet technology that have allowed for the promotion of digital culture like never before in every sphere of humans’ life from arts to politics, from science to law. 
          
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           The meaning of words
          
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           Technology
          
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            The components of the word
           
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           “Technology”
          
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            can be traced back to Ancient Greece: techne meant art, craft, while logia was the suffix denoting the study of something or the branch of knowledge of a discipline. The use of this particular word did not emerge until the second half of the 19thcentury. It developed mostly to describe the restructuring of Western societies during the Industrial Revolution (
           
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    &lt;a href="https://books.google.nl/books?hl=nl&amp;amp;lr=&amp;amp;id=_1FdDwAAQBAJ&amp;amp;oi=fnd&amp;amp;pg=PP1&amp;amp;dq=Murphie+AND.,+Potts+J.++%E2%80%9CCulture%E2%80%9D+and+%E2%80%9CTechnology%E2%80%9D+pdf&amp;amp;ots=d4tF5atbes&amp;amp;sig=mBCvjFzmJSxJ9Ay0OyuuCZE3rW0#v=onepage&amp;amp;q&amp;amp;f=false" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Murphie &amp;amp; Potts, 2003, p.3
          
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           ). During modern times, technology was normally conceived as the application of a body of knowledge or science in specific areas (
          
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           Murphie &amp;amp; Potts, 2003, p.4
          
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           ). Nowadays, the meaning of technology has acquired a more abstract meaning, as we are surrounded by and totally dependent on it. Indeed, from the perspective of the Western world, technology became an overarching system that we inhabit. 
          
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           Culture
          
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            The word
           
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           “Culture”
          
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            derives from the Latin word cultura which meant tending, cultivation. From ancient times, the meaning of this word shifted from an agricultural reference into a metaphor to describe other pursuits as the cultivation of mind or body. (
           
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           Murphie &amp;amp; Potts, 2003, p.7
          
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            ). The word culture, as we frame it today, is much broader, complex, and difficult to explain. The British anthropologist
           
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           Edward B. Tylor
          
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            described culture as “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by a man as a member of society”. Besides including every activity of humans, culture belongs to every human, to every social class, to different races, to different age groups(
           
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           Murphie &amp;amp; Potts, 2003, p.
          
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           8). 
          
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           The relationship of technology and culture
          
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            Multiple theories on the social and cultural significance of technology were formulated. In this respect it is relevant to cite
           
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           Eric Schatzberg’s
          
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            work Technology: Critical History of a Concept, which untangles and clarifies the history of technology by rehabilitating the latter as a concept for history and social theory (
           
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    &lt;a href="https://books.google.nl/books?id=DZ92DwAAQBAJ&amp;amp;printsec=frontcover&amp;amp;dq=Eric+Schatzberg%E2%80%99s+work+Technology:+Critical+History+of+a+Concept,&amp;amp;hl=nl&amp;amp;sa=X&amp;amp;ved=2ahUKEwjqoe2W__PvAhW_hv0HHWRjAZMQ6AEwAHoECAQQAg#v=onepage&amp;amp;q=Eric%20Schatzberg%E2%80%99s%20work%20Technology%3A%20Critical%20History%20of%20a%20Concept%2C&amp;amp;f=false" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Schatzberg,2018, p.235
          
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            ). Schatzberg rejects a pure instrumentalist approach in which technology is reduced to an instrumental reason in the process of finding the best means to a specific end. Instead, Schatzberg sustains a cultural approach in which technology is defined as a set of practices humans use to transform the material world by creating and using material tools and as a creative expression of human culture. For societies to thrive and evolve, technological innovations have become necessary.
           
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           At the same time the culture of human societies has shaped how those civilizations have created, benefited from, and been implemented by technology. Technological systems are invented by humans and reflect the very essence of a society’s needs and specially cultural practices. Technology adapts also to new cultural demands and different needs. For instance, we could argue that the Big Tech industry’s products, such as computers, social media, streaming platforms are a response to the needs of the globalization process that our society is facing. 
          
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           Our Reality
          
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           The relationship between technology and culture is complex: it emerges through new forms of art and develops as a form of cyberculture and digital media. Technology brought rapid changes in culture; as a matter of fact, it is difficult to conceive any contemporary form of culture as untouched by developments in technology. Nonetheless, technology is intrinsically dependent on our society’s cultural drive. For this reason, in today’s world it is essential to understand the development of technology and its relations to society and culture, as the way technology advances is dependent on the way culture desires. 
          
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           Conclusion
          
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           Kittiwake’s aim is not to tell readers how to interpret technological change, but rather to describe the cultural expression of technology and its social impact. We aim to reflect on how we live with technology, what impact technology has on our lives and on to what extent technology shapes culture and vice-versa. 
          
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           References
          
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           1.     Murphie A., Potts J. (2003). Culture and Technology. Palgrave MacMillan.
          
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           2.     Shatzberg E. (2006). Technik comes to America: changing meanings of technology before 1930. Technology and Culture 47, 486-512.
          
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           3.     Schatzberg E. (2018). Technology: Critical History of a Concept. The University of Chicago Press.
          
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           4. Agar J. (2019). What is Technology?. Annals of Science 77(3), 377-382.
          
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           5. Tylor E. B. (1871). Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art and custom. J. Murray Publications.
          
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           6. Kranzberg M. At the Start. Technology and Culture 1(1), 1-10.
          
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            7. Wardyinski D.J. (2019). Technology and Society: How Technology Changed Our Lives. Brainspire. Available at
           
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            8. Newman D. (2017). What Comes First? Culture Change or Tech Change. Future of Work. Available at:
           
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           . 
          
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           Nathalie
          
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            is completing her Master's degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. As an undergraduate, she studied European Law at Maastricht University. During her studies, she lived in London for a semester and attended Westminster University. She worked as an intern in a law firm in Italy, and she is currently working at Alber &amp;amp; Geiger in the EU Governmental Relations team. She is fluent in Italian and English and can communicate in Dutch, French and Chinese.
           
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 17:42:08 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-beginning-of-a-journey</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwakefront,kittiwake</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Resisting Facial Recognition</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/resisting-facial-recognition</link>
      <description>Recently more and more organisations have taken a stand against facial recognition, stressing how this violates people's human rights. Campaigns have been launched to ask governments and local authorities to ban the use of such technology worldwide. We decided to list some we think it is worth watching out for (and that you might want to sign).</description>
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           Kittiwake
          
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           tech culture society
          
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           Resisting Facial Recognition
          
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           Three campaigns to watch out for (and sign up) !
          
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           By Francesca Scapolo
          
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           April 24, 2021
          
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           The rise of facial recognition technology
          
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            In 2019, media outlets worldwide published articles describing what was happening in Hong Kong, where people were protesting in response to the introduction of the
           
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           Fugitive Offenders amendment
          
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            bill by the Hong Kong government. One detail sparked a lot of attention: law enforcement authorities used artificial intelligence software that can match faces from video footage to police databases to track down protesters. Coincidentally, facial recognition technology and information on its deployment in urban spaces also popped up in the news in London, where the private owner of the newly redeveloped site located near King's Cross Station was found to be using a biometric surveillance system to track random pedestrians. 
           
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           Face recognition is used to identify or verify the identity of an individual using their face. These systems use algorithms trained to pick out distinctive details about a person’s face, such as distance between the eyes or shape of the chin, which are then converted into mathematical representations and, finally, compared to data available in a face recognition database. 
          
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            Scary, eh? Imagine you are walking to go to your favourite place to grab a coffee, and while doing that, your face is captured by a camera placed just next to the building you are passing by. In the precise instant, your face is scanned, and a system is working to match it with your local police database to find out if you are a criminal. You might don't see any problem with this; after all, you didn't do anything wrong, right?
           
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           Well, multiple research found that the accuracy percentage is relatively low (95% inaccurate!), and it further decreases when it comes to black people. This is as a result of it being usually trained on Caucasian faces, which then result in systematically misidentifying and mislabelling racialized individuals. The technology reflects and further builds on long-standing social divisions that are deeply intertwined with racism, sexism, homophobia, colonialism and other forms of structural oppression. Also, the full extent of the discrimination created by facial recognition system is still largely unknown (The use of live facial recognition technology by law enforcement in public places, 2019). 
          
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           Three campaigns to follow (and sign!)
          
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           Recently more and more organisations have taken a stand against facial recognition, stressing how this violates people's human rights. Campaigns have been launched to ask governments and local authorities to ban the use of such technology worldwide. We decided to list some we think it is worth watching out for (and that you might want to sign): 
          
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            Reclaim Your Face:
           
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             launched by EDRi to ban facial recognition technologies in Europe launched in February 2021, which count more than 30 organisations involved all over Europe already 28,000 signatures! The campaign calls the European Commission to strictly regulate the use of biometric technologies to avoid undue interference with fundamental rights. In particular, they ask the Commission to prohibit, in law and practice, indiscriminate or arbitrarily targeted uses of biometrics which can lead to unlawful mass surveillance. More available at
            
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            Stop Facial Recognition:
           
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             launched by the London-based NGO Big Brother Watch, this campaign aims to ban the expansion of live facial recognition surveillance in the UK since the first police trials. Backed by over 25 rights groups, academics, lawyers and MPs from across major parties in the UK, they are fighting to urgently stop facial recognition surveillance being used in our public spaces, whether by police or private companies. More available at
            
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            Ban the Scan
           
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             : launched by Amnesty International, this campaign calls governments and federal authorities in the US to ban facial recognition technologies in both public and private spaces. You can also find Fight for the
            
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            Future’s interactive map
           
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             of facial recognition use and ban efforts across the United States on the website. More available at
            
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           Last but not least
          
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           In addition to these, the European Commission is due to publish a new "European approach for artificial intelligence" with more indications on the use of facial recognition technologies in April 2021. We hope to see their call to ban facial recognition systems everywhere in Europe, following the examples of cities such as San Francisco and Boston that already took a stand against mass surveillance and human rights violations. 
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 17:30:46 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/resisting-facial-recognition</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake1,kittiwake</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Asia</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/asia</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
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           Digital Policy Tracker
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           Asia
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/10/14/microsoft-to-shut-down-linkedin-in-china.html?utm_source=tldrnewsletter" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Last Major US social network to shut down in China
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           08.10.2021
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           Microsoft has decided to shut down the localized version of Linkedin for China due to rising censorship
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           demands and significantly challenging operating environment.
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            LinkedIn in China has been operational since 2014. While Facebook, Twitter and Google have long exited the Chineese tech space - LinkedIn continued to function by introducing customizations adhering to the stricter internet laws of the country. A new
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           will be introduced that won't have a social feed but would contribute towards creating economic opportunities. As China continues to rank low on the internet freedom scale, it is time to think how long will it be that all US Tech firms exit the space or conform to the evergoing restrictions to mantain a global market share.
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           #censorship #digitallaws #bigtech #socialmediaregulation
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           Hong Kong’s Anti-Doxxing law
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           08.10.2021
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            Hong Kong Privacy Commissioner
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           The
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    &lt;a href="https://www.pcpd.org.hk/english/data_privacy_law/ordinance_at_a_Glance/ordinance.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance
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            is Hong Kong's longstanding data protection law that has recently gone through certain controversial
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    &lt;a href="https://portswigger.net/daily-swig/hong-kong-aims-to-tackle-doxxing-with-overhaul-of-data-privacy-laws" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           ammendments
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            . The latest law, put in effect as of 8th October 2021, is an
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    &lt;a href="https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/the-downfall-of-hong-kongs-privacy-law/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           anti-doxxing law
          &#xD;
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            that criminalizes the non-consensual disclosure of individuals sensitive personal data. Any breaches would result in 5 years jail time and fines upto HK$1 million. Doxxing is simply defined as exposing previously private personal information to the public without consent, over the internet. Introduction of such a law puts tech giants like
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    &lt;a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/facebook-twitter-google-warn-planned-hong-kong-tech-law-could-drive-them-out-11625483036" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Google, Facebook, Twitter etc
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            at a risk as it also hinders some level of free speech. As a result, these companies have threatened to leave Hong Kong. While doxxing is a serious offence, anti-doxxing laws can not be equated to privacy regulation. Anti-doxxing limits the right of public to know, journalism and free speech. This ammendment seems like an attempt by the government to limit hate speech against it. It will only contribute to greater self-censorship but further hinder Hong Kong's freedom of expression.
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           #privacy #freedomofspeech #personaldata
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://thediplomat.com/2021/08/chinas-personal-information-protection-law-and-its-global-impact/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           China’s Personal Information Protection Law
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           When
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           30.08.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           China, Asia
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Cyberspace Administration of China
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL), a law designed to protect online user data privacy, is set to be implemented from 1st November in China. The law fills a gap, as for the first time a law has defined what sensitive personal information entails and regulates the transfer, storage and usage of such data. It brings forth key implications for firms that rely heavily on personal data as it clearly asks firms to regularly audit their use of data and only collect information that has a clear and reasonable purpose. It is expected that such a regulation will also limit cross-border information transfer. The fact is that PIPL is China's attempt to centralize control of data and prevent tech giants from abusing personal information. It impacts two kinds of businesses the most; those in possession of large amounts of personal information and those with information on critical infrastructure.
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Lately, a global trend to protect data sovereignty can be observed. In part, such defined laws play an imperative role in overcoming data exploitation by firms and corporations. As we transition into an environment that breeds data collection, we must also be conscious about how much of the data is made freely available for use.
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           #datalaws #personalinformation #dataprivacy
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.brecorder.com/news/40114340" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           FBR Under Attack
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           When
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           19.08.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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           Pakistan, Asia
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Pakistan's IT Ministry, FBR
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Pakistan's largest data centre, Federal Board Revenue(FBR), experienced a major cyber attack this August. As a result of the attack, the FBR website, "IRIS" system, WEBOC and other vital tools remained non-functional for a while. According to official sources, the attack affected the virtual ecosystem by compromising about half of the virtual machines; as a contingency plan, a new virtual space was set up. Sources said a premier intelligence agency had warned FBR of an impending attack, but Pakistan Revenue Automation Limited (PRAL) took it lightly. In a recent update, FBR's Chief Information Officer, Mansoor, stated that there was no data leak as a result of the attack - only systems were disrupted. As technological advancements overtake different aspects of our everyday lives, FBR's automation is a crucial step towards a more reformed and modernized system. However, with such digital advancements come more significant digital vulnerabilities and escalated cybersecurity threats. When a system houses such critical and vast data, it becomes imperative to have robust cybersecurity laws and procedures in place. This is precisely what the current system lacks. Having a system aligning people and technology to combat these threats by state and non-state actors has become an integral part of the country's defence.
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #cybersecurity #cybercrime #dataprivacy
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/latest/870375-pakistan-cybersecurity-policy-approved-says-pta" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Pakistan approves Cybersecurity Policy
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           30.07.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Pakistan, Asia
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           Who
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           Pakistan's IT Ministry
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) approved a new cybersecurity policy and a new cybersecurity agency. According to Pakistan's IT Minister, the new policy aims to "enhance the governance and institutional framework for creating a secure cyber ecosystem". The policy includes introduction of
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    &lt;a href="https://portswigger.net/daily-swig/pakistan-government-approves-new-cybersecurity-policy-cybercrime-agency" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           computer emergency response teams, security operation centres and public awareness campaigns
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            . It is interesting to see that the development comes at a critical time for Pakistan, given that it recently
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/pakistan-seeks-un-probe-indias-use-pegasus-spyware-2021-07-23/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           accused India for the use of the Israeli Pegasus spyware
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            to snoop on Pakistan's Prime Minister. Furthermore, Pakistan's poor ranking on
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    &lt;a href="https://ncsi.ega.ee/country/pk/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           the ITU's Global Cybersecurity Index
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            and implementation of the extant
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    &lt;a href="https://www.boell.de/en/2018/02/07/pakistans-cybercrime-law-boon-or-bane" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, 2016 (PECA)
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            fuel the following question, now more than ever before -- if cybersecurity norms in the country will be supplemented by adeuqate infrastructure, capacity and will actually be followed through!
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #cybersecurity #cyberpolicy #cyberattacks
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    &lt;a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/07/19/india-nso-pegasus/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Pegasus spyware attack in India
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           19.07.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           India, Asia
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           NSO, Amnesty International
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           , Indian Government
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            Pegasus is a hacking software developed, marketed and licensed to 'vetted governments' globally by the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nsogroup.com/about-us/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           NSO Group
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            - an Israeli concern.
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nsogroup.com/about-us/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           NSO's categorially claimed that the software it used only to investigate terrorism and crime.
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            However, a leak of 50,000 phone numbers selected for surveillence has shown that the technology has been
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    &lt;a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2021/07/forensic-methodology-report-how-to-catch-nso-groups-pegasus/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           abused for years
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            . In order to dig deeper into this,
           &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://forbiddenstories.org/about-the-pegasus-project/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           "Project Pegasus"
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            was launched that is a collective venture by journalists, media organizations and NGOs across the world. While a global phenomenon, those targeted in India include several journalists, politicians, social activists -- some of who seemed to take contrarian views to the ruling Modi Government. Widely being speculated as mass snooping exercise by the Indian Government, this puts forth a couple of pivotal policy predicaments to ponder over, atleast in the Indian context -- will privacy become a mainstream issue and what good do the recently notifed, "reformed" IT rules do if surveillance is not complemented by transparency and oversight? Most importantly, how and when do governments demand tracebility of first originator on
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/2021/07/24/whatsapp-pegasus-spyware/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           E2EE
          &#xD;
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           applications and when can citizens really trust their government to not snoop over them?
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #cybersecurity #cyberattacks #masssurveillance
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/861485-norway-s-telenor-quits-myanmar-over-military-coup" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Telenor quits Myanmar over military coup
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           09.07.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Myanmar
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           , Asia
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
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           Telenor, M1, Myanmar's Military
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/article/myanmar-news-protests-coup.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Myanmar's military coup
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            has led one of its major telecom operators, Telenor, to exit the country and sell its subsidiary to M1 group - a conglomerate that interestingly, has business connections with the military. Telenor stated that the situation had spiralled out of control and upon evaluation of all possible options -- a sale of the company was the best solution. Telenor invested in Myanmar in 2014, with the hope to introduce access to affordable mobile services in the country, but since the coup, the military has imposed internet blackouts, banned access to social media sites like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and practically
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    &lt;a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/3/4/myanmar-internet-blackouts" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           blocked the free flow of information
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            . Telenor's exit has two-fold implications: one -- violating human rights are bad for the economy, and two -- with M1 seemingly having connections with the military, a hegemony to control information, access and connectivity seems to be on the cards for Myanmar. This has dire consequences on expression, privacy, and gravely threatens the open internet.
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           #militarycoup #dataprivacy #freedomofspeech
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    &lt;a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-07-08/wharton-grad-set-to-take-on-big-tech-as-new-india-minister" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           India's new IT minister
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/india/indias-it-minister-slams-twitter-denying-access-account-2021-06-25/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           08.07.2021
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           Where
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           India, Asia
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           Who
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            ﻿
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            Indian Authorities, Silicon Valley,
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           Last week brought in a major restructuring of Narendra Modi's cabinet as Ravi Prasad, India's IT minister resigned along with other high profile politicians. The cabinet restructuring comes at a time when Prasad was leading a key battle against Silicon Valley giants in regards to data privacy, freedom of speech and implementation of new IT laws. A
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            ﻿
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           shwini Vaishnaw
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            , an engineer and former bureaucrat, will now be heading the ministry of IT. In a statement, he emphasized the need to continue to fight the good fight against American technology titans as this would enhance India's control over the internet and improve transparency in policymaking. Ravi had been a in a constant row with Twitter over the past month. His resignation maybe seen as a foreceful eviction due to his inability to handle the implementation of the new IT laws.
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            ﻿
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           #dataprotection #socialmedia #siliconvalley
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    &lt;a href="https://amp-theguardian-com.cdn.ampproject.org/c/s/amp.theguardian.com/world/2021/jul/05/didi-ride-hailing-service-pulled-from-app-stores-in-china" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           China's tech regulations &amp;amp; Didi
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           When
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           05.07.2021
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           Where
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           China, Asia
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC),Didi,
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           Didi, China's biggest ride-hailing company, was ordered by Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC) to pull its app from app stores. It alleged that Didi illegally collected users personal data, and did not comply with data protection rules put in place. Didi responded by ensuring that it would remove its app fr
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           om app stores and "conscientiously rectify" personal information security issues
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           .
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-widens-clampdown-overseas-listings-with-pre-ipo-review-firms-with-large-2021-07-10/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
      
           In the latest development,
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           China's cyberspace regulator stated that any company with data for more than 1 million users must under
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           go a security review before listing its shares overseas. The review is an attempt to impose tighter data collection and storage restrctions as it will look into risks of data being controlled by foreign entities. Two sets of rules are expected to go live this year; Data Security Law and the Personal Information Protection La
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           w.
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    &lt;a href="https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/China-tech/The-China-tech-regulator-taking-on-Didi-Five-things-to-know" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           It is believed
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    &lt;a href="https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/China-tech/The-China-tech-regulator-taking-on-Didi-Five-things-to-know" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           that these acti
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           ons are a part of the governments attempt of enhancing control over China's overall data and technology sector. To inhibit tech giants from having a monopoly of power in terms of the data they retrieve. This could be China's attempt of centralizing control.
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           #dataprotection #privacy #law
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/india/indias-it-minister-slams-twitter-denying-access-account-2021-06-25/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           India's IT minister blocked by Twitter
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           When
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           26.06.2021
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           Where
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           India, Asia
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Twitter, Indian Government
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           India's IT Minister, Ravi Shankar Prasad, was denied access to his Twitter account for an hour on 25th June 2021. Twitter stated that the suspension was done based on the violation of U.S. Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA). However, the IT minister criticised Twitter for the suspension, stating that it was a direct violation to India's new IT Laws. The rules state that the host of user content must be informed about the grounds of suspension and must be given adequate opportunity to dispute action. Ever since India introduced its
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    &lt;a href="https://tribune.com.pk/story/2286240/india-unveils-tougher-rules-for-social-media-such-as-facebook-twitter" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           new IT laws
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           , t
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           here h
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            ﻿
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            as been much back and forth between the government and different social media giants.
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            ﻿
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            #freedomofspeech
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           #techlaws
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            #digitalrights
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cpomagazine.com/data-protection/new-data-security-law-in-china-makes-government-power-over-tech-giants-absolute/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           China's Data Security laws and the Government's absoloute control over Tech Giants
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           When
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           21.06.2021
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           Where
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           China
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           , Asia
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           Who
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           Chinese Government
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           China's new Data Security Laws further
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cpomagazine.com/data-protection/new-data-protection-rules-from-chinese-government-targeted-squarely-at-limiting-power-of-tech-giants/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           strengthen State control
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           o
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           ver the country's tech giants. The law dictates that if any 'core state data' is mishandled, the said business would have to be shut down, have its licenses revoked/suspended and would be liable to pay a fine o
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            ﻿
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            f upto $1.6 million. Such a broad defintion of 'core state data' leaves the government with considerable wiggle room to specifically target tech giants like Alibaba, ByteDance, Tencent etc. As Beijing sets itself to become the world's largest player in international data, it determined to not let tech giants like Alibaba to use their data platforms to cultivate an independent power base. The law with its ambiguity on data localisation and cross-border data transfers, seeks to create more hurdles for foreign tech companies. Overall, such strict and confined laws solely contribute to enhancing the governments control on every sort of data produced and eliminates control of data by independent bodies.
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            ﻿
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           #techgiants #datasecuritylaw
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    &lt;a href="https://techwireasia.com/2021/06/cloud-computing-in-healthcare-is-growing-fast-in-apac-heres-why/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Growth of Cloud Computing in Healthcare
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           When
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           17.06.2021
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           Where
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           Asia
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           Who
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           Healthcare Sector
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           A digital transformation is well-underway in about 93% of the healthcare organizations globally. Investment in healthcare industry's digitization will aid in reducing medical errors and increasing patient satisfaction. The healthcare industry produces a huge repository of data and having this data collected on a cloud platform will help streamline processes. In Southeast Asia, Singapore and Malaysia appear to be at the forefront of utilizing cloud as part of their ongoing healthcare digitalization efforts. Given that such digitization opens a path for integration of machine learning and artificial intelligence tools, it may also pose a threat in terms of data privacy and data breaches.
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           #cloud #bigdata #datatransformation
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://techcrunch.com/2021/05/25/whatsapp-sues-india-government/?utm_medium=TCnewsletter&amp;amp;tpcc=TCreviewnewsletter" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Whatsapp sues the Indian Government over new IT Rules
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           When
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           26.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           India, Asia
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           WhatsApp, Indian Government
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           The Indian government introduced a law asking Whatsapp to trace back private messages to the original sender to carry out a mass surveillance scheme. Seeing this as a direct violation of privacy laws and the fact that it would break end to end encryption, Whatsapp sued the Indian government over the introduction of such a law. The idea was initially pitched in 2018 by the Indian government but only recently implemented as an IT law in New Delhi that requires social media platforms to trace their users and report back the information to Indian authorities. Platforms like Whatsapp, Facebook and Twitter are currently in the timeline defined by the Indian authorities to comply with these new laws. However, it seems unlikely that any of the platforms would indulge in an agreement that threatens user privacy.
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           #privacy #massurveillance #humanrights
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/india/air-india-says-februarys-data-breach-affected-45-mln-passengers-2021-05-21/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Air India Passengers Data Breached
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           When
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           21.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            India, Asia
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Air India
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           A cyberattack on Air India's data processor led to 4.5 million customers data being leaked. The breach involved the personal data of passengers between 2011 and 2021. However, no accounts were hacked, and neither were any passwords leaked. The airline was able to counter the cyberattack and hopes that no such incidents will occur in the future. 
          &#xD;
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           #cyberattack #privacy #dataprotection
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/5/15/22436973/facebook-myanmar-military-coup-ban-arakan-army-resistance" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook bans anti-coup groups in Myanmar
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           15.05.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Myanmar, Asia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook has banned organizations that have resisted the military coup since 2019. However, ever since then, much has changed as the government was overthrown, and organizations such as the Arakan Army (AA) are no longer classified as terrorist organizations. Facebook has also banned not only the AA but other ethnic armed organizations over the years. This has directly impacted such organizations ability to share their viewpoints on the online platform.
          &#xD;
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           #censorship #socialmedia #onlinecontentmoderation
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1622354" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Amazon comes to Pakistan
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           06.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Pakistan
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Asia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Amazon
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Pakistan becomes part of Amazon's seller list. This news comes as great news for Pakistan-based merchants and entrepreneurs as they would be officially able to introduce their products on a global, centralised marketplace. This is an excellent achievement for the trade and eCommerce wing, as Amazon's entry is expected to help boost the eCommerce industry in Pakistan
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           . 
          &#xD;
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           #ecommerce #amazon #digitalmarkets
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/03/world/asia/india-covid-social-media-aid.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Social Media helps India with its COVID'19 fight
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           03.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           India, Asia
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Social Media Platforms
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           With a drastic rise in COVID-19 cases in India and the state's inability to cater to everyone affected, the general public has come together to create an online community to aid each other through these challenging times. Through different campaigns on online platforms, people can connect those in need to those who can help provide medicines, oxygen, plasma donors etc. From viral tweets to hashtags to direct messaging and apps - the Indian community has come together to aid each other. 
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #socialmedia #digitalaid
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digital
          &#xD;
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           services
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/chinese-regulators-issue-draft-rules-privacy-protection-app-users-2021-04-26/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chinese regulators issue app privacy protection rules
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           30.04.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           China, Asia
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chinese Government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           China's regulators have drafted regulations dictating how apps are to protect their users' data and privacy. Among these regulations is the need to limit user-data access required by apps and the need for the information being collected, users being notified of sensitive personal data being collected, limitation of app distribution platforms etc. The draft regulations will be open for comment till 26th May 2021.
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #dataregulation #privacy
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://techcrunch.com/2021/04/28/facebook-hides-posts-calling-for-pm-modis-resignation-in-india/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook claims censorship of the #ResignModi hashtag was by "mistake"
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           29.04.2021
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           India, Asia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook,Indian Government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Like other platforms, Facebook complied with the Indian government's orders to censor content related to Indians criticism of their government's response to COVID'19. However, Facebook claimed that censoring the hashtag #ResignModi was a 'mistake' and not a result of the government asking them to do so
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            .
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #censorship #freedomofspeech
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #covid-19
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/4/26/22403627/china-censored-chloe-zhao-oscars-nomadland-social-media-posts" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chloé Zhao’s Oscar win censored on Chinese social media platforms
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           26.04.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           China, Asia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chineese Propoganda Ministry
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chloé Zhao is the first Chinese woman to win the Academy Award for Nomadland. Shortly after, all news and social media outlets in China removed this win from their platforms. It is claimed that the Chinese Propaganda Ministry initiated this removal due to negative sentiments being shared about Zhao and her work previously. 
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #censorship #freedomofspeech
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKBN2C217V" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           T
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/4/24/22400976/twitter-removed-tweets-critical-india-censor-coronavirus" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           witter censors Indian Tweets related to pandemic misinformation
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           24.04.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           India, Asia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Twitter, Indian Government
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Twitter has removed about 50 tweets related to the Indian Governments handling of the pandemic based on their non-compliance with Indian law. These tweets may still be viewed outside India. However, Twitter has the right to take down tweets in a specific jurisdiction if they don't comply with the jurisdictions law. The tweets censored, criticized the government and the prime minister for their inability to control the COVID'19 situation as India goes into a deadly second wave. In a similar article in the New York Times, Indians have criticized big technology companies for censoring such tweets and not contributing to verify data that matters - i.e. availability of tests, ventilators and hospital beds. One may question how much control American tech giants hold on the kind of information disseminated and whether such censorship represents their inability to contribute to fundamental human rights such as freedom of speech.
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           #censorship #freedomofspeech #covid-19
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKBN2C217V" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Digitized Vaccination Process and Exclusivity in India
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://coconuts.co/hongkong/news/local-privacy-watchdog-probes-clubhouse-over-whether-data-leak-involved-hong-kong-users/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           16.04.2021
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           Where
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           India
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           , Asia
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           Who
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           National Health Authority, Indian Government
          &#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           In an attempt to digitize the process, the Indian government introduced vaccine registration using Adhaar ID based facial registration via a mobile app. While this might be a seemingly efficient approach, it is highly exclusionary. Adhaar is the worlds largest biometric system however, over 100 million citizens are still excluded from it. Moreover, there are data privacy concerns as under absence of laws, the citizens data maybe used for profiling and survilence. With the second wave effecting millions, it is important to roll out a more accessible, faster vaccination program.
          &#xD;
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           #facialrecognition #privacy #covid-19
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://coconuts.co/hongkong/news/local-privacy-watchdog-probes-clubhouse-over-whether-data-leak-involved-hong-kong-users/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Clubhouse Data Leak and Hong Kong Users
          &#xD;
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           When
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           12.04.2021
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           Where
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           Hong Kong, Asia
          &#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            Clubhouse,
           &#xD;
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            Privacy Commissioner
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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            Post concerns of a data leak of 1.3 Million Clubhouse users, the Hong Kong's Office of the Privacy Commissioner for Personal Data inquired whether any Hong Kong users had been impacted by the leak. According to Clubhouse CEO Paul Davison, the so-called data leak was false and no user-content had been uploaded on to hacker websites.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #socialmediaplatforms #privacy #dataprotection
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/1/pakistan-lifts-tiktok-ban-for-a-second-time" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Pakistan lifts ban on TikTok
          &#xD;
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           When
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           01.04.2021
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           Where
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           Pakistan, Asia
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           TikTok, Pakistan Telecommunication Authority
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           A
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            court based in Pakistan lifted the ban on TikTok that was introduced on March 11th, due to obscene content. As per Jahanzeb, a lawyer at Pakistan Telecommunication Authority , TikTok has promised to oversee and better moderate third-party content on the app.
           &#xD;
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           #socialmediaplatforms #onlinecontentmoderation #tiktok
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_21_1506" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Data Protection adequacy adoption for South Korea by
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_21_1506" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_21_1506" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           the EU
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           When
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           30.03.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           South Korea, Asia
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            European Union, Republic of Korea
           &#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           A conclusion to adequacy talks between EU and Republic of Korea, that would allow for free and safe data flows between the two. The talks began in January 2017 and are expected to enhance  data protection.
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #privacy #dataprotection
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/18/technology/china-linkedin-censorship.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           China
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      
           punishes LinkedIn over lack of censorship
          &#xD;
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           When
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           18.03.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           China, Asia
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           China Cyberspace Administration, LinkedIn
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chinese content moderation authoritities criticized LinkedIn for its inability to control offensive political content on the platform. As a result LinkedIn has been asked to produce a self-monitored report covering the monitored content and has been forced to suspend new users for a month. LinkedIn is the only social media platform allowed to operate in China.
          &#xD;
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           #censorship #onlinecontentmoderation #linkedin
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:43:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/asia</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Oceania</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/oceania</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Digital Policy Tracker
          &#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           Oceania
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           Online privacy code for the Big Tech
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           When
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           25.10.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Austrlian Goverment, Big tech
          &#xD;
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            The Australian Goverment has released the exposure draft of the Online Privacy Bill which provides for strict new privacy requirements, including stronger protections for children on social media. Under the code social media platforms will be required to take all reasonable steps to verify their users' age, and give consideration to the interests of the child when handling personal information. The code will also require platforms to obtain parental consent for users under the age of 16.
           &#xD;
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           The Attorney-General observed that the legislation was an effort to force tech companies to responsibly handle user data. The government also pointed to evidence that the mental health of young people had deteriorated in recent years and was linked to social media.
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           The critics of the Big Tech have warned the social media media giants should not be involved in the drafting of the code, saying it had the potential to “dramatically reshape children’s experiences in the digital world for the better.”
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           #B
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            igtech
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           #
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            intermediaryliability
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           #
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           socia
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           l
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           mediaregulation
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/10/14/australia-is-preparing-for-another-showdown-with-big-tech.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia is preparing for another showdown with Big Tech — this time over defamatory posts
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           13
          &#xD;
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           .
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           10
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           .2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Austrlian Goverment, Big tech
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Australian government is considering a range of measures that could hold social media firms more accountable for defamatory and abusive content posted onto their platforms. There is a consultation process underway looking at what kind of liabilities should the platforms have concerning those posts. Last week, the Prime Minister described social media as a “coward’s palace” where users can hide behind anonymity and "say the most foul and offensive things to people and do so with impunity.” In such instances, the social media companies should be treated as publishers, he noted. The Australian government has taken active steps in the last few years to establish legal and regulatory frameworks for social media giants. This year Australia passed a law that required Google and Facebook to pay local media outlets and publishers to link their content in news feeds or search results. Similarly, Australia this year passed legislation that allows the country’s eSafety commissioner to order platforms to take down posts or materials deemed “menacing, harassing or offensive.” 
          &#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #B
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            igtech
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            intermediaryliability
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           socia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           l
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           mediaregulation
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian regulator aims to rein in Google's advertising power
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
            
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           28.09.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ACCC, Google
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) is considering regulatory action against Google due to its dominance in the online-advertising sector. In a report, the ACCC has noted that Google has a dominant position in key parts of the advertising technology supply chain. They also observed that lack of competition can lead to higher ad tech fees which would ultimately result in consumers paying more for advertised goods. Finally, the report highlighted that the current competition laws in Australia were insufficient to fully address the issue. Google in response has argued that businesses benefit from using its services in the form of cost savings, time savings and business growth. Google spokesperson also noted that Google enables small businesses to reach customers and grow. Australia has taken an aggressive stance on regulating US tech giants that have taken an aggressive approach while regulating US tech giants. Fo
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.financialexpress.com/industry/technology/google-facebook-must-pay-for-news-in-australia-what-is-media-bargaining-code-how-it-effects-big-tech/2204286/#:~:text=Media%20Bargaining%20Code%3F-,The%20Bill%20that%20has%20been%20passed%20by%20the%20Australian%20Parliament,their%20content%20on%20their%20websites." target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           r instan
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ce
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            earlier this year, the Australian government mandated big tech companies, including Google and Facebook, to pay news publishers for content.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #b
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            igtech
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            anticompetitionlaw
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           online advertisment
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Reserve Bank of Australia to test central bank digital currencies with other central banks
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           03.09.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bank of Australia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) has decided to conduct trials with other central banks to test the use of central bank digital currencies (CBDC) for wholesale international settlements. The project aims to develop a prototype shared platform for cross-border transactions using multiple CBDCs. Such a platform will enable financial institutions to transact directly in CBDCs, which could eliminate the need for intermediaries and reduce the time and cost of transactions. This move can be traced to development made back in 2020. That year the Australian Government had announced a review into the regulatory architecture of the country's payments system to ensure it is suitable for continued innovation and to remain internationally competitive. The project can help create a robust payments environment and is essential to Australia's digital economy.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #CBDC
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            digitaleconomy
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #cryptoregulations
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.pymnts.com/news/regulation/2021/australia-regulations-google-pay-apple-pay-payments/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia mulls regulations of digital payment services by tech giants
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           30.08.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           A
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ustralian Government, Google, Apple
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Australian Government is currently contemplating the best way to overhaul its current infrastructure for financial regulation to enable stronger oversight of digital wallets and payments from Big Tech companies like Apple, Google, WeChat and others. The regulatory framework for payments has remained largely unchanged since 1996. The current framework does not regulate payment services provided by big tech. The regulations being considered will empower the treasurer to classify Big Tech platforms as designated payment systems. This announcement has come a month after the call by Bank for International Settlements (BIS) earlier this month for financial watchdogs to urgently get to grips with the growing influence of ‘Big Tech.’
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           If the proposal gets transformed into legislation it would help the government evolve the current framework in face of new technological innovations and new business models.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            big tech
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            digital payment
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalwallets
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) chairman has called for a reform in the current mergers legal framework to stamp out “killer acquisitions.”
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           27.08.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ACCC
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) chairman has called for a reform in the current mergers legal framework to stamp out “killer acquisitions.” Currently, companies can bypass the ACCC and directly go to the Federal Court to gain merger clearance. When the ACCC opposes mergers as it did with the TPG’s acquisition of Vodafone last year, it must provide hard evidence that it is likely to lessen the competition in the future substantially. Mr Sims, chairman of ACCC, has noted that this places a high burden of proof upon the ACCC. It was the reason for their recent string of court losses, including the TPG/Vodafone merger and AGL’s acquisition of Macquarie Generation. ACCC Chairman recommends that companies only approach the ACCC for clearance which would be in line with “most merger regimes internationally”. However, the Morrison government will unlikely pursue the changes Mr Sims outlined, citing its reluctance to place more regulatory burdens on Australian businesses as the economy recovers from Covid-19.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #a
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            nticompetitionlaw
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            mergers
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           big tech
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wionews.com/technology/australia-police-can-now-hack-citizens-devices-collect-or-delete-their-data-410011" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Senate passes a new surveillance law
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/oaic-launches-investigation-into-optus-over-white-pages-data-leak-568282" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
            
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           25.08.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Government, Australian Senate
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Australian Senate has passed the Surveillance Legislation Amendment (Identify and Disrupt) Bill that expands the power of law enforcement agencies to identify and disrupt suspected online criminal activity. The law provides law enforcement agencies to collect intelligence on criminal networks, take control of online accounts and modify or delete the data of suspected offenders. The law also places an onerous criminal penalty anyone who refuses to comply can face up to 10 years’ imprisonment. The Office of the Australian Information Commissioner (OAIC) previously
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.natlawreview.com/article/even-hacking-field-government-surveillance-bill-passed-parliament" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           warned
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            that the new warrant powers could adversely impact the privacy of a large number of individuals – including those with no suspected involvement in criminal activity. Similarly, the Australian Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security (PJCIS) , echoing the concern raised by OAIC, had
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/australias-new-hacking-powers-considered-too-wide-ranging-and-coercive-by-oaic/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           recommended
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            thirty-three amendments to the law. However, the law has been passed without any major amendment. The law in its
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    &lt;a href="https://melbactivistlegal.org.au/2021/08/26/identify-and-disrupt-bill/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           current form
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            would allow the state to take actions against dissenters and would chill activity online.
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           #cybersecurity #cybercrime #surveillance
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    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/oaic-launches-investigation-into-optus-over-white-pages-data-leak-568282" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           OAIC launches investigation into the 2019 Optus Data Leak
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           When
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            ﻿
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           06.08.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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           OAIC
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            The Office of the Australian Information Commissioner (OAIC) has opened an investigation into the 2019 Optus data breach, which saw the personal details of 50,000 customers published in the White Pages. The details included the names, addresses and mobile phone numbers of the customers. Optus notified the customers of the breach soon after and it blamed it on a systematic error. Two years after the breach the OAIC opened its investigation. The OAIC statement highlighted two purposes of the investigation to determine if there were any systematic issues in the security systems and the extent of harm caused by the data leak.The
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.innovationaus.com/two-years-later-optus-data-breach-probed/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           investigation
          &#xD;
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            could take years, based on their other similar probes, and it is unclear how serious any determination may be. The OAIC in the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.innovationaus.com/two-years-later-optus-data-breach-probed/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           past
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            in many data breach determinations has only required taking measures to improve information systems and governance. Even in the case of Uber's
           &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://ia.acs.org.au/article/2021/uber-slapped-on-wrist-for-massive-data-breach.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           massive data breach
          &#xD;
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            for which other nation's regulators had imposed hefty fines, the OAIC has only asked Uber for punitive measures.
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           #privacy #databreach #cybersecurity
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/online-account-takeover-bill-faces-33-changes-to-pass-parliament-568295" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security recommends over 30 changes to a surveillance bill
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           When
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           06.08.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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           Australian Government, PJCIS
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The
            &#xD;
        &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
          
             ﻿
            &#xD;
        &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Australian Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security (PJCIS) recently released its report on the Surveillance Legislation Amendment (Identify and Disrupt) Bill, 2020. The Committee's report echoes the Australian Information Commissioner's concerns that the bill gives
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/australias-new-hacking-powers-considered-too-wide-ranging-and-coercive-by-oaic/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           wide-ranging and coercive
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            powers to security agencies. Contextualised through thirty-three proposed amendments, the report categorises the same into
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/committees/reportjnt/024617/toc_pdf/AdvisoryreportontheSurveillanceLegislationAmendment(IdentifyandDisrupt)Bill2020.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           three subsets
          &#xD;
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            : those promoting oversight and accountability, promoting transparency and, laying down safeguards. The suggested amendments would constrain the sweeping powers of the agencies under the existing bill.
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           #
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            cybersecurity
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           #
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           cybercrime
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #surveillance
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      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/defence/afp-blitz-on-foreign-ransomware-attacks/news-story/4710edb3199468b2e4a04cbc9d22c560" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Government establishes a multi-agency task force to combat ransomware attacks
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           When
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           16.07.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Australian Government, Law Enforcement
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            The Australian Government has created a new multi-agency taskforce, called Operation Orcus in response to the surge of ransomware attacks, which have increased by over 60% from last year. This taskforce is the
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/labor-introduces-bill-to-mandate-ransomware-payment-reporting-566221" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           first concrete response
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            by the Government in this regard, who until recently, only resorted to issuing warnings in the event of such attacks.The government has described the taskforce as a tough measure that would crack down on organized crime. However, the effectiveness of the taskforce is questionable because the law enforcement agencies do not have the
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/labor-introduces-bill-to-mandate-ransomware-payment-reporting-566221" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           power
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            under law to compel cooperation from businesses, and reports highlight how a larger number of businesses are unwilling to cooperate with law enforcement. The Australian Strategic Policy similarly,
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.aspi.org.au/report/exfiltrate-encrypt-extort" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           explained
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            how this was one of the biggest hurdles in the law enforcement fight against ransomware attacks.
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           #
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ransomware
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #cyberattack #cybersecurity
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/uber-found-to-have-breached-privacy-of-12-million-aussies-in-2016-567809" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Privacy Watchdog found that Uber breached the privacy of an estimated 1.2 million Australians
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           When
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           13.07.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Australia, Oceania
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           OAIC, Uber
          &#xD;
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           T
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           he Australian Information Commissioner and Privacy Commission (OAIC) determined that Uber and Uber B.V. interfered with the privacy of an estimated 1.2 million Australians while responding to the cyberattacks in October and November 2016.
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           OAIC found Uber companies user's privacy by not taking reasonable steps to prevent unauthorised access of personal information and they did not lay down security procedures and systems following prescribed best practices. Moreover, Uber companies did not disclose the breach immediately, rather they paid the attack to get the attacks to delete the data.
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           This case raised the important and complex issue of whether Australia's Privacy Act applied to overseas-based companies that outsource Australia's personal data. The OAIC answers this question affirmatively. This ruling will help clarify the responsibility of global corporations under Australian privacy law.
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           #databreach #cyberattack #cybersecurity
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/technology/tech-firms-baulk-at-proposed-cybersecurity-powers/news-story/1e051d3b71528755311855d4db4f05f5" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Tech Companies express opposition to proposed cybersecurity legislation
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           09.07.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Government, Bi
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           g Tech
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Australian Government introduced the Security Legislation Amendment (Critical Infrastructure) Bill in December last year, in response to an increasing threat of cyberattacks. During a parliamentary inquiry about the same, tech companies
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.arnnet.com.au/article/689646/aws-flags-concerns-critical-infrastructure-bill/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           raised
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            issues about how measures outlined in the Bill would provide extensive power to the government to gather information, issue directions to companies, or to autonomously intervene in situations without providing meaningful safeguards and oversight as a counterweight. Overall, the companies called for a regulatory framework that was more balanced and respectful of their own systems.In the past few years, Australia has
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.afr.com/technology/australia-leads-five-eyes-with-new-cyber-security-laws-20201119-p56g7l" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           introduced
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            cybersecurity laws that have provided the government with extraordinary powers, and often this has been met with
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2018/12/7/18130806/australia-access-and-assistance-encryption-bill-2018-facebook-google-apple-respond" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           pushback
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            from the tech industry. 
           &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #techregulation #cyberattack #techgovernance
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/australian-regulator-may-authorise-media-group-talks-with-google-facebook-2021-07-01/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia's Competition Commission authorizes a regional newspapers industry group to negotiate with Big Tech
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
            
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           When
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           01.07.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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            ACCC, Google, Facebook, Country Press
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      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
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             ﻿
            &#xD;
        &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has issued draft proposals to allow a regional newspapers industry group to negotiate with Google and Facebook to hammer out the details of a payments deal for the news content used by tech companies on their platform. This development is a direct result of Australia passing a
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/australia-passes-landmark-law-requiring-tech-firms-to-pay-for-news/article33928964.ece" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           landmark law
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            (The News Media Bargaining Code) which requires tech firms to provide fair compensation to media companies for the content on their platforms. The law will only have a lasting legacy if it facilitates fair deals between tech firms and domestic media firms especially the smaller ones.Early
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/exclusive-facebook-rejects-talks-with-australia-publisher-testing-worlds-2021-06-25/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           reports
          &#xD;
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            suggest that the law has allowed a handful of big media players to strike deals with tech corporations; however, for small and independent publishers the process for securing deals has been more arduous.
           &#xD;
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           #
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           bigtech #journalism #internetregulation
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/jul/01/calls-to-stop-nsw-police-trial-of-national-facial-recognition-system-over-lack-of-legal-safeguards" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Calls to stop the state police from using the national facial recognition system without statutory backing
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           30.06.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Australia, Oceania
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Government, States Law Enforcement
           &#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           It was reported that the New South Wales Police was testing out the national facial recognition system for criminal investigation. Calls were raised against this move citing lack of safeguards and oversight. The national facial recognition database is n
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ot
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/oct/24/committee-led-by-coalition-rejects-facial-recognition-database-in-surprise-move" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           backed
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            by law
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            and efforts to introduce it failed in 2019 when the proposed bill was rejected for providing extensive surveillance powers. The Australian Human Rights Commission had already noted that law enforcement unless there are proper safeguards in place. However, even without safeguards and a legal sanction states including NSW have been uploading personal data to the database. This development is part of
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            a
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/aug/07/australia-needs-to-face-up-to-the-dangers-of-facial-recognition-technology" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           wider trend
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           in Australia that started with the “war on terror” of providing the government with exceptional law enforcement and surveillance powers; this has led to an endless barrage of national security legislation and surveillance cameras and facial recognition system technology being deployed widely across the country.
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           #
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           statesurvillance #facialrecognitiontechnology #privacy
          &#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.newsroom.co.nz/internet-censorship-provisions-to-be-scrapped" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           New Zealand Government decides to scrap the content filtering provisions from a draft bill
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           22.06.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           New Zealand, Oceania
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Government of
           &#xD;
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           New Zealand
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           This Bill was introduced as part of t
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            he
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/govt-acts-protect-nzers-harmful-content" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           regulatory responses
          &#xD;
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            that were brought in after the Christchurch Shootings. These included a review of the existing legal content regulatory arrangements, an online awareness campaign, and the Christchurch Call Summit that brought governments and tech companies together with the aim to eliminate violent extremist content online.The bill
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.newsroom.co.nz/takedown-notices-and-internet-filters-in-new-bill" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           allowed
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            government agencies to issue takedown notices and punish non-compliant websites. Moreover, it provided power to the government to create internet filters for preventing access to objectionable content. Finally, the bill empowered the Chief Censor, to take actions against objectionable content. It was the internet filter provisions that received overwhelming opposition from almost all parties. The
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.stuff.co.nz/technology/122136945/the-government-wants-to-filter-the-internet-is-that-a-good-idea?rm=a" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           concerns
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            about the provision were that it provided drastic powers without significant oversight and transparency.
           &#xD;
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           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           censorship #contentmoderation #digitalgovernance
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia's eSafety Commissioner launches the next
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/about-us/safety-by-design?utm_campaign=safety_by_design_launch&amp;amp;utm_medium=post&amp;amp;utm_source=linkedin" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           phase of their SafetyByDesign initiative
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           22.06.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Australian eSafety Commissioner
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Australian eSafety Commissioner in 2018 launched their SafetybyDesign campaign which places safety and privacy at the centre of product development. It aims to ensure that safety is a primary consideration instead of the product being retrospectively fitted with safeguards. The latest development to this project is the online safety assessment tools for start-ups and enterprise companies. The assessment considers five factors: [i] transparency and accountability, [ii] structure and leadership, [iii] user empowerment, [iv] moderation, escalation, and enforcement, and [v] internal policies and procedures. These tools have been designed in consultation with industry - and in conjunction with the recent Online Safety Bill, is trying to integrate newer governance methods into the dynamic space of content regulation.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           techregulation #safetybydesign
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Bills_Legislation/Bills_Search_Results/Result?bId%3Dr6680&amp;amp;sa=D&amp;amp;source=editors&amp;amp;ust=1624835889967000&amp;amp;usg=AOvVaw2jElIWo7nGfyqsfNWX7m11" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Senate passes the Online Safety Bill 2021
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           22.06.2021
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Australia’s Senate passed the
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Bills_Legislation/Bills_Search_Results/Result?bId=r6680" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Online Safety Bill
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            to provide greater protection and redress to the victims of cyber abuse. This bill is the result of a reform process that began in 2018 with the Government reviewing its existing online safety laws. A prominent provision under the bill requires intermediaries to take down 'harmful’ material within 24 hours of notification and imposes for penalties for both, individuals who generate/share abusive content and intermediaries to whom the takedown notices are served. The bill also provides more power to the
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.esafety.gov.au/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           eSafety Commissioner
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            to investigate and unmask anonymous accounts. It also grants the commissioner stronger powers to block domains and URLs. The bill, if passed by the Parliament's lower house, would place more stringent intermediary regulations in the country.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #intermediaryliability #cyber bullying #privacy
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/companies/john-durie-why-telcos-are-hiking-mobile-prices/news-story/3de45b0f666020258385dad2cda24249" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chairperson of Australia's Competition Commission targets telcos for anti-competitive activity
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           22.06.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia, Oceania
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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           A
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           ustra
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           lian Competition Commission, Vodafone
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            ﻿
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           Rod Sims, the Chairman of the Australia Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has released a statement targeting TPG and Vodafone’s merger for the increase in telephone prices in the country over the last year. Rod Sims reiterated that this was the reason the ACCC had opposed the merger as it would lead to the competition being muted and customers having to pay more. This statement is part of Sims' campaign for tougher merger laws and the increase of ACCC's powers. Sims shall release their proposal for stronger merger powers in two months. Thus, it would be important to monitor statements and developments from the ACCC to understand the potential changes to Australia's anti-competition law.
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            ﻿
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           #competitionlaw #telecomregulation #mergers
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    &lt;a href="https://www.itnews.com.au/news/labor-introduces-bill-to-mandate-ransomware-payment-reporting-566221" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian opposition introduces bill to tackle ransomware payments disclosure
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           When
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           21.06.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Australian federal opposition
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            ﻿
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           The Australian federal opposition has introduced a bill which, if passed, would require businesses and government agencies to report to the Australian Cyber Security Centre before paying ransom for a ransomware attack. The purpose of the bill is to compel the cooperation from the entities and to gain information intelligence. This move comes after a recent spate of high-profile cyber-attacks involving ransomware in the last 18 months i Australia. The opposition has been pushing for this since last February but the Australian Government till now has resisted the calls and has only issued advisories.
          &#xD;
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            ﻿
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           #cybersecurity #cyberattacks #ransomware
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    &lt;a href="https://www.news.com.au/technology/online/hacking/experts-warn-hospitals-universities-government-departments-vulnerable-to-ransomware/news-story/a3ca0aa7c09dedf1d579f51ba011918b" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian institutions face vulnerability to ransomware
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           When
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           18.05.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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           Australian institutions
          &#xD;
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           Owing to the recent ransomware attacks in the US, cybercrime experts warn Australia about similar attacks and the need for more robust cybersecurity. With the pandemic, the health care system is more prone to such an attack. Other institutions like public organizations and educational institutions may also face similar cyberattacks. Recent events and such a threat show how cybercrime is no longer just impacting the digital world but public life.
          &#xD;
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            #cybercrimes #criticalinfrastructures
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           #cybersecuri
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           ty
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    &lt;a href="https://www.computerweekly.com/news/252499671/Australia-and-India-team-up-on-critical-technology" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australia and India team up on critical technology
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           When
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           22.04.2021
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           Where
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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           Australian a
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           nd Indian
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            universities
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           Australia and  India have teamed up to work on development of critical and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, 5G networks, the internet of things and quantum computing through a research grant programme. They aim to contribute to the global tech ecosystem by inculcating the shared vision of an open, free, rules-based Indo-Pacific region. A core area of the project is to integrate ethical frameworks,enhanced technical standards and knowledge on critical technologies.
          &#xD;
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           #techgovernance #criticaltechnologies
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    &lt;a href="https://apnews.com/article/australia-canberra-court-decisions-courts-laws-c6a7b75ac7cbfabc6ff2bc4069e3911c" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Australian Consumer Data Privacy breach by Google
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           When
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           16
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           .0
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           4
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           .2021
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           Australia, Oceania
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           Who
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           Google,  Competition 
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           &amp;amp;
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            Consumer Commission
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             ﻿
            &#xD;
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            As per the federal court, android users were misled by Google about their personal location data collection. According to Google, if the new users turned off their locaton history, the new app would not be able to track their location. However, a default setting 'web &amp;amp; app actvity' allowed Google to collection personal location data. Such privacy breach is against Australian law, the ACCC viewed this as a personal victory in the field of protecting consumer data.
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           #dataprotection #privacy
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    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/privacy-commissioner-wants-further-protections-for-individuals-in-data-availability-bill/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Protections enhancement
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/privacy-commissioner-wants-further-protections-for-individuals-in-data-availability-bill/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           in Data Availability Bill
          &#xD;
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           When
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           23
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           .03.2021
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           Where
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           Australia
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            ,
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           Oceania
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           Who
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           OAIC,Australian Parliament
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Data Availability and Transparency (DAT) Bill was introduced in December 2020 to help protect public data. The OAIC has asked for additional privacy measures that would provide clarity for data scheme entities about their privacy obligations and individuals greater protection.
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           #dataprotection #privacy
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:43:20 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/oceania</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Latin America</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/latinamerica</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Digital Policy Tracker
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           Latin America
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    &lt;a href="https://techxplore.com/news/2021-09-neurotechnology-advances-chile-neuro-rights.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Chile set to become the first country to pass ‘neuro rights’ law
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           When
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           02.10.2021
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           Where
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           Chile
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           , Latin America
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           Who
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            Government of Chile
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            Chile set to become the first country in the world to recognize and protect neuro rights. The law protects rights to personal identity, free will and mental privacy. Mental identity is defined as a non-manipulable right to protect against technological advancements in neurosciences and artificial intelligence.  With the rapid progress in neurotechnology, many fear that this may end up being misused in the future for recording and modifying mental data. Chile’s law is a step to protect the neuro rights from future intrusion, and it would be interesting to see the development and impact of such law.
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           #neurotechnology #privacy #neurorights
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    &lt;a href="https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/cuba/article253572749.html." target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Cuba introduces legislation that criminalises dissent
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theblockcrypto.com/linked/113686/uruguay-bill-legalize-and-regulate-digital-assets" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           19.08.2021
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           Cuba, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of Cuba
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            ﻿
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            The ongoing protest in Cuba against the ruling regime has met new resistance from the government which has enacted a law to criminalise any critique on the internet. In yet another move to stifle dissent, the Cuban government has passed a regulation which holds any inciting acts "that alter public order" as crimes. The government is treating dissenters as cyberterrorists and as per Communications' Resolution 105, such dissent is social indiscipline. The new framework is marred with political goals that gives unlimited power to the government to restrict internet access and circulation of information via social media. Futher, it criminalises posts that are against government.
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           #contentmoderation #righttoprotest #freedomofspeech
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    &lt;a href="https://thecostaricanews.com/digital-nomads-already-have-a-legal-framework-to-use-costa-rica-as-their-workplace/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Costa Rica signs legal framework to govern "digital nomads"
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           When
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           18.08.2021
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           Costa Rica
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           , Latin America
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           President Carlos Alvarado
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           '
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           Digital Nomad' is a concept which involves tourism with work and in the wake of the pandemic, digital nomads are growing in numbers. A person interested in working from a remote location can opt for Costa Rica as it gives several incentives to remote workers from different jurisdictions. In order to attract tourists, Costa Rica has introduced a legal framework which accords recognition and protection to Digital Nomads as remote workers. The regulation gives residence permit for a year extendable for another, and the usage of one's driver's license from their home country in Costa Rica. Further, the regulation establishes the non-resident immigration category for beneficiaries as well as total exemption from income tax. People opting for remote work can now choose Costa Rica as their headquarters. The move is seen to attract more tourists and incorporate a new way of working.
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            ﻿
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           #digitalnomads #work #tourism
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theblockcrypto.com/linked/113686/uruguay-bill-legalize-and-regulate-digital-assets" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Uruguay brings bill to regulate digital assets
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    &lt;a href="https://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=0bef57ff-68e2-4bec-8911-fa58f47ac8a7" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           05.08.2021
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           Where
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           Uruguay, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of Uruguay
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           In a move to attract more investment, Uruguay has introduced a bill to legalise digital assets. A copy of the b
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            ill is
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           (here)
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            .
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            The move is to accept cryptocurrencies for payments and introduce them in the financial framework. The government has created a body as the National Secretariat for the Fight against Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing (SENACLAFT) with the purpose of maintaining a registry of virtual assets providers. Interestingly, the country is pushing cryptocurrency as digital assets but the BIll has not recognised it as legal tender. Other provisions of the Bill are related to setting guidance to regulate the production and exchange of cryptocurrencies and fiscal security in commerce derived from usage of such currencies. El Salvador is the first country to allow cryptocurrency within in jurisdiction and now its Uruguay (unlike El Salvador, it is not recognised as legal tender in Uruguay) that follows the league. 
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            ﻿
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           #digital assets #cryptocurrency 
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           #cryptoregulations
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    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/brazilian-data-protection-body-pledges-to-enforce-responsive-regulation/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazil data protection law's sanctions for non compliance comes into force
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           When
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           04.08.2021
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           Brazil, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of Brazil
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            ﻿
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            In furtherance of the data protection law passed in September 2020, Brazil gave a window period till August 2021 for organisations to comply with it. The law also created a Suprevisory body that will look into compliance by organisations. Companies and organisations are finding it difficult to comply with the new regulation in light of the pandemic and a shorter window period to align with the law. However, the government did not extent the dedadline and now the law in force imposes fine that runs upto 50 miliion reais (US $ 9.6 million) per day for violation or non compliance with the law.
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           #dataprotection #privacy #law
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    &lt;a href="https://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=0bef57ff-68e2-4bec-8911-fa58f47ac8a7" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           El Salvador modifies its Electronic Signature Act , 2016
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           When
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           20.07.2021
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           Where
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           El Salvador, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of El Salvador
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            The Electronic Signature Act, 2016, which came into force on April 23, 2016, was modified by the Salvodoran congress on July 20, 2021. The Act governs electronic seals, time stamps, and website au
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             ﻿
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            thentication. A total of 41 articles have been modified to create legal certainity for providers of certification services and to the users that avail such services. The amdendments also cover modalities of electronic document storage, dematerialisation services of physical documents. El Salvador has been in news for marching forward with cryptocurrency and in order to create a better certification services and boost investment climate, the Act was reformed. The modified framework addresses the evidentiary vallue of such certified electronic signatures and digital messages. This will bring more regulatory clarity with respect to digital law.
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            ﻿
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           #digital #signature #law
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    &lt;a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/77508/turning-cubas-internet-back-on-international-legal-options/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Cuba restricts internet access in wake of anti-government protests
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           When
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           19.07.2021
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           Where
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           Cuba, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of Cuba
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            Cuba is witnessing one of the largest anti-government protests against food shortages and high prices amidst the COVID-19 pademic. The country has been facing an economic crisis for years which has deepened due to sanctions imposed by the US under the regime of former President Trump. The government has restricted internet access and control on social media sites to disrupt communication amongst protesters. This curtailment is indeed looked upon as violation of human rights and US in no way can surpass international law and territorial soverignity of Cuba to help the Cubans. Social media helps in the mobility of movement and coordination amongst protesters, with restricting the acess, the government potentially disrupts the coordination.
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            ﻿
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            #internet #socialmedia #government #protest
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    &lt;a href="https://blockonomi.com/latin-america-crypto-exchanges-colombia/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Colombia allows two Crypto Exchanges to operate in the Country
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    &lt;a href="https://www.dlapiper.com/en/asiapacific/insights/publications/2021/07/mexico-ift-issues-guidelines-on-net-neutrality/#_ftnref1" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           09.07.2021
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           Colombia, Latin America
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           Who
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           Government of Colombia
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            ﻿
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           Superfinanciera, Colombia’s financial regulator, announced that the Movvi and Bitpoint have been authorized to operate in the country. This means that Columbian users can now perform cash-in and cash-out operations on both platforms after an evaluation by the entity’s Evaluation and Tracking Committee evaluated the pilots. This pilot program, aimed at making transactions safer and easier for the average person, will run for 12 months and once the pilot period is over, users will be required to withdraw their Colombian Pesos (COP) or cryptocurrency as the platform deals with local regulations. With Colombia being one of the economies with the highest crypto transaction volumes in the world, the launch of this pilot program, comes at a time when Colombian investors demand more security in transactions, easier access to information, and a knowledge of risks in dealing with cryptocurrency.
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           #fintech #cryptocurrency #financialregulations
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    &lt;a href="https://www.dlapiper.com/en/asiapacific/insights/publications/2021/07/mexico-ift-issues-guidelines-on-net-neutrality/#_ftnref1" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexican Institute of Telecommunications issues guidelines on net neutrality
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           When
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           07.07.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Mexico
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Latin America
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Mexican Insitute of Telecommunications
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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            On June 28, the Mexican Institute of Telecommunications approved the
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="http://www.ift.org.mx/industria/consultas-publicas/consulta-publica-sobre-el-anteproyecto-de-lineamientos-para-la-gestion-de-trafico-y-administracion" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           guidelines
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            applicable to authorized parties for data traffic management and network administration to provide Internet access services. These guidelines will implement the “Net Neutrality” chapter included in the Federal Law of Telecommunications and Broadcasting (Ley Federal de Telecomunicaciones y Radiodifusión), encouraging principles of non-discrimination, privacy, digital inclusion, and transparency. The IFT's issuance of these new guidelines is a positive step for user privacy, wider internet access, and transparency in the second-largest economy in Latin America.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #netneutrality #digitalinclusion
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/trends/el-salvadors-bitcoin-law-to-come-into-effect-from-september-7-heres-a-list-of-countries-where-cryptocurrencies-are-legal-7086881.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bitcoin law to come into effect from September 7, 2021
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           23.06.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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           El Salvador, Latin America
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           President Nayib Bukele
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            President Nayib Bukele has recently allowed Bitcoin as legal tender in El Salvador. In furtherance of this process, he has announced that a Bitcoin law will come into effect from September 7, 2021. Pertinently, Bitcoin shall join, rather than replace, the US dollar which is the official currency of El Salvador. President Bukele has also explained that a key rationale underlying the adoption of Bitcoin as a legal currency is that of helping people send remittances back to El Salvador, given that the process is typically replete with high transaction and commission costs. Post the law coming into effect, El Salvador will become the first country in the world to adopt Bitcoin as a legal currency. So far the characterisation of Bitcoin in many countries has been limited to that of assets and not currency. The use of Bitcoin shall be permitted with ATMs, digital wallets, and free money.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #bitcoin #currency #cryptoregulations
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/world-bank-rejects-el-salvador-request-for-help-on-bitcoin-implementation-2465701" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           World Bank rejected El Salvador's Bitcoin implementation
          &#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           17.06.2021
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           El Salvador, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           World Bank, Government of El Salvador
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Citing environmental and transaparency concerns governing Bitcoin, the World Bank rejected El Salvador's plan for implementation of Bitcoin. The debt that El Salvador owes to US Treasuries dipped to 705 basis points and El Salvador is looking to redeem the situation by creating lucrative investment through Bitcoin legalisation. It has sought legal and technical assistance from IMF which is yet to respond on the issue. However, World Bank did not extend its support for Bitcoin.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #bitcoin #currency #cryptoregulations
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://gadgets.ndtv.com/internet/news/bitcoin-price-el-salvador-legal-tender-president-nayib-bukele-imf-economic-issues-problems-24613566" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           El Salvador is now the first country in world to adopt Bitcoin as legal tender
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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           11.06.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           El Salvador, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           President Nayib Bukele
           &#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            El Salvador has allowed Bitcoin as legal tender thereby meaning that in the country Bitcoin will be parallel to dollar which became its official currency 20 years back.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           #bitcoin #currency #cryptoregulations
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.smart-energy.com/industry-sectors/new-technology/chiles-electricity-coordinator-launches-blockchain-renewables-registry/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Blockchain renewables registry launched in Chile
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           01.06.2021
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Chile
          &#xD;
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           , Latin America
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Government of Chile
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           RENOVO is a platform designed to provide national registry of all the renewable energies generated and consumed by Chile. This is to ensure transparency and robustness through compliance.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #renewable #blockchain #electricity
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.mondaq.com/Article/1074230" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ecuador enacted its New Personal Data Law
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           01.06.2021
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ecuador, Latin America
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Government of Ecuador
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ecuador has come up with its first Personal Data Protection Law. The law is based on EU General Data Protection Regulations except for monetary penalties.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #dataprotection #privacy
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #law
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://news.bitcoin.com/central-bank-of-brazil-issues-guidelines-for-its-cbdc/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazilian Central Bank issues guidelines for its cryptocurrency
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           31.05.2021
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazil,
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Latin America
           &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Brazilian Central Bank
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Central Bank Of Brazil has released a note listing the general guidelines for the design of a hypothetical central bank digital currency (CBDC) for the country. The document states that CBDC should be used as a money substitute, comply with anti-terrorism regulations, and be issued by the central bank. Moreover, due to its digital nature, CBDC should be in "adherence to all privacy and security principles" and put "emphasis on the development of innovative business models based on technological advances, such as smart contracts, internet of things (IoT), and programmable money".
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           cryptocurrencies #cryptoregulations #CBDC
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.nationnews.com/2021/05/28/jamaica-central-bank-introduce-digital-currency-next-year/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Jamaica Central Bank to introduce digital currency next year
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           28.05.2021
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Jamaica, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Jamaica's Central Bank 
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Bank of Jamaica announced the introduction of a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) scheduled for next year. The new digital currency will help the government reduce welfare payments by making them instantaneous. The new CBDC will also aim to boost financial inclusion and reduce costs for financial institutions.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #
          &#xD;
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           cryptocurrencies #cryptoregulations #CBDC
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://balkaninsight.com/2021/05/28/mexico-arrests-suspected-romanian-boss-of-atm-skimming-network/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Criminal suspected of running an international skimming operation copying credit card data arrested
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           28.05.2021
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexican government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico announced the arrest of a critical underworld figure, Florian Tudor, aka The Shark, suspected of running a syndicate that stole millions of dollars from tourists by cloning their credit card.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #data #crime #creditcard
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://balkaninsight.com/2021/05/28/mexico-arrests-suspected-romanian-boss-of-atm-skimming-network/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Criminal suspected of running an international skimming operation copying credit card data arrested
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           28.05.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexican government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico announced the arrest of a critical underworld figure, Florian Tudor, aka The Shark, suspected of running a syndicate that stole millions of dollars from tourists by cloning their credit card.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #data #crime #creditcard
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://telecom.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/colombia-orders-whatsapp-to-comply-with-data-protection-rules/82993633" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Colombia orders WhatsApp to comply with data protection rules
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           27.05.2021
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Colombia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           WhatsApp, Colombian Privacy Authority
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Colombian government pressured WhatsApp over its privacy policy, as it does not comply with data protection laws. The authorities asked WhatsApp to continue providing the service without restrictions to users refusing to accept the new policy, including maintaining user accounts and their message and file records.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           privacy # dataprotection #socialmedia
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://news.bitcoin.com/cuban-central-bank-issues-warning-on-the-rising-number-of-crypto-related-ponzi-cases/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Cuban Central Bank warns about the Rise of Crypto-Related Ponzi Cases
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           19.05.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Cuba, Latin America
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Cuba's Central Bank
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Cuba's central bank recently issued a warning about the rising number of cryptocurrency-related scam cases across the island. ScammersIn particular, citizens should be aware of the Ponzi schemes hiding under legit-looking digital asset investments. The schemes have been scamming several people across the nation, whose has been hurt by a long-lasting economic crisis. While there has been an increase in acceptance towards cryptocurrencies, the Cuban government isn't currently endorsing any virtual currency-related projects in the country and, in fact, "advises the public not to get involved in operations of this nature." Yet, like many other governments in the region, the Cuban Central Bank is evaluating the introduction of a central bank digital currency (CBDC).
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #cybercrimes #cryptocurrencies #cryptoregulations
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/whatsapp-delays-enforcement-of-new-privacy-rules-in-brazil/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           WhatsApp delays enforcement of new privacy rules in Brazil
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           17.05.2021
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazil, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           WhatsApp, Brazilian Privacy Authority
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Following the pressure to postpone its privacy policy update, WhatsApp has agreed to delay its enforcement of 90 days while Brazilian authorities investigate the data privacy implications to users of the app's new rules. If Brazil's authorities conclude WhatsApp is not complying with the local legislation, actions ranging from warnings to fines may be applicable as the sanctions under the Brazilian data protection rules will be enforced from August 2021.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #privacy #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           dataprotection #socialmedia
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2021/05/el-congreso-de-mexico-votara-reforma-en-materia-de-pagares" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico senate voted for Bills to reform Electronic Financial Transactions
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           14.05.2021
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexican government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Mexico senate approved bills
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           of the General of Negotiable Instruments and Credit Transactions (Ley General de Títulos y Operaciones de Crédito or LGTOC), the Federal Code of Civil Procedure (Código Federal de Pr
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ocedimientos Civiles or CFPC), the Law of Credit Institutions (Ley de Instituciones de Crédito or LIC) and the Commerce Code (Código de Comercio or CC) to reform electronic financial transactions.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #financial #transactions #digitalpayments
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.jdsupra.com/legalnews/mexico-imposes-digital-services-tax-on-9457075/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico’s regulatory scheme imposed a Value-added Tax (VAT) on Digital services
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           12.05.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexican government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mexico enacted chapter III-Bis on Title I of the Value-Added Tax Law that imposes a value-added tax (VAT) on Digital services like streaming services, digital intermediaries etc. The purpose for imposition of the tax is to address the tax revenue shortfall
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           .
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #data #taxation #digitalservices
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.zdnet.com/article/brazilian-authorities-call-for-postponement-of-whatsapp-privacy-changes/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazilian authorities call for postponement of WhatsApp privacy changes
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           10.05.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazil, Latin America
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           WhatsApp, Brazilian Privacy Authority
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Back in June 2020, WhatsApp launched a new service for Brazilian users. The app rolled out digital payments in-app, yet only a few days after the service release, Brazil's Central Bank suspended it, citing concerns about competition in the payment system market. Almost a year after overseeing the app's compliance with competition laws, the Central Bank recently removed its service suspension. WhatsApp users in the region will now be able to connect debit, prepaid or combo cards from several banks working with its payment processor.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #privacy #
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           dataprotection #socialmedia
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/5/4/22420029/whatsapp-payments-brazil-launch-regulations-fight" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazilian Central Bank lift ban on WhatsApp in-app payments
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           04.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Brazil, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           WhatsApp, Brazilian Central Bank
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Back in June 2020, WhatsApp launched a new service for Brazilian users. The app rolled out digital payments in-app, yet only a few days after the service release, Brazil's Central Bank suspended it, citing concerns about competition in the payment system market. Almost a year after overseeing the app's compliance with competition laws, the Central Bank recently removed its service suspension. WhatsApp users in the region will now be able to connect debit, prepaid or combo cards from several banks working with its payment processor.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalpayments #competitionlaw #WhatsApp
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bnamericas.com/en/news/el-salvador-to-create-an-entity-to-supervise-the-field-of-technologies" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           El Salvador announces the creation of a National Digital Authority
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           23.04.2021
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           El Salvador
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Latin America
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           National Digital Authority
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            El Salvador announced the creation of the National Digital Authority. The regulatory body will be in charge of creating new legislation to better regulate the use of information and communication technologies and coordinate the digitalization of the public administration. Its competence will equally cover the enforcement of rules regarding universal access to internet, personal data protection, e-commerce and cybersecurity. The adoption of a regulatory body for digital laws and services has been a common trend across multiple countries in the world.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #digitalauthority #dataprotection
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
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           cybersecurity
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://gadgets.ndtv.com/mobiles/news/apple-lawsuit-chile-iphone-obsolescence-programmed-limited-lifespan-fine-usd-3-4-million-2408793" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Apple Inc was held liable to pay $3.4 million to Chilean consumers in a lawsuit
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           08.04.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
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           Chile, Latin America
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            Consumer lawyers,
           &#xD;
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           Apple
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Around 150,000 users sued Apple claiming underperformance of software updates. Apple admitted that iOS software was tweaked to slow the perform
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ance of its devices and was forced to pay
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            to pay $3.4 million to Chilean consumers.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Similar consumer issues had been noticed in March in Brazil.
          &#xD;
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           #consumersrights #softwareupdates #apple
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://thecostaricanews.com/data-from-almost-1-4-million-costa-rican-facebook-users-are-filtered/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           A total 1,464,002 accounts have been affected by the Facebook data breach
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           05.04.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Costa Rica
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Facebook
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           A record of 533 million users data has been exposed for free on dark web in the recent Facebook data breach. The list also includes
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            1.464.002
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            accounts from Costa Rica.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #databreach #darkweb #facebook
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.dataguidance.com/notes/panama-data-protection-overview" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Panama’s new Personal Data Protection Law came into force
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           29
          &#xD;
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           .03.2021
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Panama
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Panama
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Panama’s new personal data protection law
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           (Ley No.81)
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           extends to databases of national and foreigners. The law mandates consent of data subject for collecting personal data. A time period of 7 years has been allowed to store, treat data under prescribed circumstances.
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #dataprotection #privacy
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://gadgets.ndtv.com/social-networking/news/facebook-venezuela-president-nicolas-maduro-page-freeze-suspend-covid-19-misinformation-coronavirus-2400057" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook froze Venezuela President Nicolás Maduro's page over COVID-19 misinformation
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           27.03.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Venezu
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           e
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           la
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook, President Maduro
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Venezuela’s president Maduro shared Carvativir, an oral solution from thyme, as a "miracle" medication for coronavirus with no side effects, a claim that lacked scientific evidence. Facebook claimed it violated its policy and thus froze his page.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #onlinecontentmoderation #misinformation #facebook
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-03-27/prospera-in-honduras-a-private-tech-city-now-open-for-business" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Prospera: a private tech city opens
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-03-27/prospera-in-honduras-a-private-tech-city-now-open-for-business" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           business in Honduras
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           27.03.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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           Honduras
          &#xD;
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           , Europe
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           Who
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           Prospera Honduras
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           A charter city with first colonists as e-residents is to be opened by Prospera with its own rules and constitution. It has its own constitution of sorts and a 3,500-page legal code with frameworks for political representation and the resolution of legal disputes, as well as minimum wage
          &#xD;
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           .
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           #e-residency #smartcity #digitalconstitution
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    &lt;a href="https://born2invest.com/articles/ebanx-fintech-unicorn-expand-operations-latin-america/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EBANX:  fintech unicorn seeks to expand operations in Latin America
          &#xD;
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           When
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           26
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           .03.2021
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           Where
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           Latin America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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           EBANX
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           EBANX is a fintech unicorn currently operating in 15 countries in Latin America, offering payment solutions. Countries are moving to digital commerce in wake of pandemic and are adopting digital solutions giving a market size of 52 million people.
          &#xD;
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           #fintech #digitalpayments #ecommerce
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/technology/apple-fined-in-brazil-for-removing-chargers-from-iphone12-box/article34138657.ece" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Apple fined in Brazil for removing chargers in iphone12 box
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           23.03.2021
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           Where
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           Brazil, Latin America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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            Consumer Protection Regulator,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            Apple
           &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           The Brazilian consumer protection regulator (Procon-SP) fined $2 million Apple for misleading advertisements, after the company removed iphone chargers in the box. The regulator also highlighted other problems with Apple like iOS update issues that some users reported about functions in their iPhones after updating the software. It said Apple did not help the resolve the issue.
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #consumersrights #apple
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.blplegal.com/en/Electronic-Commerce-Law-enters-into-force-in-El-Salvador" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Electronic Commerce Law (LCE) came into force in El Salvador
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/apple-competition-authority-does-not-oppose-new-privacy-measures/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           10.02.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           El Salvador, Latin America
          &#xD;
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           Who
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Government of El Salvador
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           El Salvador passed a new law to regulate e-commerce. The purpose is to establish the legal framework for all commercial relationships undertaken and contracts executed through digital or electronic means. The law defines providers’ obligations, internet providers etc.
          &#xD;
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           #digitalservices #e-commerce #digitalregulations
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:43:17 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/latinamerica</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - North America</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/northamerica</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           Digital Policy Tracker
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           North America
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.spglobal.com/marketintelligence/en/news-insights/latest-news-headlines/biden-faces-looming-deadline-for-fcc-pick-as-acting-chair-s-term-winds-down-66136410" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           As FCC acting chair's term winds down, experts fear impact on digital access and connectivity
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           16.09.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Federal Communications Commission
           &#xD;
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            The White House is nearing the deadline to announce the Federal Communications Commission's chairperson that has been deadlocked in a 2-2 partisan split since January. Since the U.S. House of Representatives is about to vote on the $1 trillion bipartisan
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/what-the-infrastructure-bill-would-help-fix-first-11632043801" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           infrastructure bill
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            , policy experts
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.spglobal.com/marketintelligence/en/news-insights/latest-news-headlines/biden-faces-looming-deadline-for-fcc-pick-as-acting-chair-s-term-winds-down-66136410" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           predict
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            the President's pick for the FCC chairperson will be announced soon. The commission's acting chairwoman, Jessica Rosenworcel, has led the agency with a steady focus on long-term
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.meritalk.com/articles/fcc-chair-welcomes-help-on-broadband-benefits-wary-on-pricing/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           broadband subsidy
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            to promote digital access all over America and to combat “digital redlining”. The new chairperson will have this issue of broadband access for all, along with a mounting list of policy items like restoration of net neutrality, encouraging competition in the broadband market, enacting pending broadband license renewals and spectrum actions, among others. President Biden's nominee will, thus, not only be shaped by what his administration expects from the telecom industry but will also shape this crucial industry for the next five-year term.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           #FCCchair #digitalaccess #broadband
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/09/16/1035851/facebook-troll-farms-report-us-2020-election/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Internal Facebook report states the company forced troll farm content on over 40% of all Americans each month before 2020 election
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           16.09.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Facebook, MIT Technology Review
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           A former Facebook employee released an internal report written in October 2019 that detailed Facebook's failure in changing its algorithm post the 201 election. Their strategy of dealing with harmful content after it was posted and only li
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            miting
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/2021/09/16/1035851/facebook-troll-farms-report-us-2020-election/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           "worst of the worst"
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            con
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           tent at the source did very little to control the 'troll farms' - professional groups that work to post provocative content and propaganda on social networking sites. The report estimates that over 140 million Americans were encountering the content produced by these 'troll farms' monthly, most of which was targeted towards Christians, African Americans, Native Americans, and women. Since the platform does not penalize unoriginal content but instead pushes engaging content higher up on the users' feed, the content created by 'troll farms', which is often engaging and created to be reposted, ranks higher on the user's feed. Such engagement and reach, in the hands of bad actors, can expose the users to become targets of politically divisive content and misinformation. The report has highlighted the platform's systemic issues that stem from its flawed algorithm and lack of policies that target harmful content at the source.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #algorithm #trollfarms #USelections
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/08/03/senate-infrastructure-bill-cracks-down-on-crypto-tax-reporting-.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Senate infrastructure bill cracks down on crypto tax reporting, White House voices support
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           03.08.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           US Senate, White House
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Senators introduced a $1 trillion bipartisan federal infrastructure bill that may require cryptocurrency brokers to report traders’ information about the purchase and sales prices to the IRS, leading to higher tax bills for investors. This bill's guidelines affect investors and companies that qualify as "brokers". To clear up the confusion about who classifies as a "broker", some senators have introduced an
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/08/04/senators-file-crypto-broker-amendment-to-infrastructure-bill-after-industry-backlash.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           amendment
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            to the infrastructure bill based on its language. Industry groups and the Chamber of Digital Commerce called the bill's existing version “too broad and vague", saying the bill may affect companies and investors negatively. The White House issued a
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/amp/2021/08/06/white-house-backs-senators-pushing-for-stricter-crypto-reporting-rules.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           statement
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            in support of the bill calling it "an important step forward in promoting tax compliance". If the original version of the bill passes, it could hurt the crypto market owing to the heightened enforcement. If favourably amended, it would be a win for the crypto industry - a sunrise sector that is struggling to find regulatory legitimacy and sound legal feet across the world. The original language might also force some companies to shut down or move offshore if they can’t comply, impacting the American digital asset ecosystem.
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            #cryptoregulations
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           #cryptocurrency #digitaltax
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    &lt;a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/2021/07/23/facebook-twitter-targeted-new-bill-covid-misinformation-fight/8067701002/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Lawmakers introduce bill to hold Facebook, Twitter accountable for Covid-19 misinformation
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           23.07.2021
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           Senators Amy Klobuchar and Ben Ray Luján introduced the Health Misinformation Act in the Senate that would remove safe harbour given to platfroms under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, for misinformation spread about public health emergencies. The bill aims to hold social media companies like Facebook and Twitter accountable for amplifying misinformation during the pandemic about vaccines, false Covid cures, and other misinformation about the virus. This bill follows 
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           President Biden's recent comment
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           , where he accused Facebook for spreading misinformation that "is killing people". This new bill would strip social media companies of the immunity provided by Section 230 in events of public health emergencies. For the bill to become effective, lawmakers and agencies enacting the exception would be required to define "health misinformation" to hold companies accountable for the spread of misinformation. This move hints at lawmakers and the White House turning their attention to holding social media companies for facilitating the spread of false information.
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           #
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           misinformation #covid19 #section230
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    &lt;a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/technology/facebook-asks-for-u-s-ftc-chair-lina-khans-recusal/articleshow/84409927.cms" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook, Amazon ask for FTC Chair Lina Khan's recusal
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           14.07.2021
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           Facebook, Amazon, FTC
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           On July 14, Facebook sent a petition to the Federal Trade Commission asking for Chair Lina Khan's recusal from the FTC's antitrust case against the company. Given the Chairwoman's very vocal stance on antitrust and her frequent criticism of big tech companies, Facebook has asked for the same, in the interest of "fairness". Khan's recusal will leave the vote between two Republicans and two Democrats - hinting at a tie that would stop the matter from going any further.
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           Facebook's move follow
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    &lt;a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/tech-bytes/amazon-said-to-ask-us-ftc-to-recuse-chairwoman-lina-khan/articleshow/83992798.cms" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Amazon's petition
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            for Khan's r
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           ecusal from anti-trust matters regarding the company, hinting at big tech's dissatisfaction with her leadership of the FTC. Even if these recusal requests are dismissed by the FTC, they might imperil Khan's leadership of the FTC and her involvement in antitrust cases in the future.
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           #antitrust #digitalregulations #bigtech
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    &lt;a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/2021/07/07/google-play-antitrust-lawsuit-36-states-sue-app-store-monopoloy/7896831002/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Google hit with antitrust lawsuit by 36 states alleging app store monopoly
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           Google
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            On July 7, state attorneys representing thirty-six states filed a complaint in a federal court in San Francisco alleging that Google is imposing barriers that completely prevent or at least strong discourage third-party developers from distributing their apps outside Google's Play Store. The case is being led by New York with Utah, North Carolina, and Tennessee, and states that the company uses unfair tactics to limit competition and collects "extravagant" commissions from developers upon app purchases. The
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           lawsuit follows the American government's crackdown on tech giants wi
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/us-panel-approves-five-antitrust-bills-break-em-up-bill-up-next-2021-06-24/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           anti-
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/us-panel-approves-five-antitrust-bills-break-em-up-bill-up-next-2021-06-24/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
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            that aim to encourage fair competition, highlighting the administration's growing concerns towards the anti-competitive stance of big tech companies.
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           #
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           playstore #competition #antitrust
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    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/1c2fed96-5da7-49d2-9d69-d393987a0de4" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Trump sues Facebook, YouTube and Twitter over ‘censorship’
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           When
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           08.07.2021
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           USA, North America
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           Donald Trump, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube
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            Former US President Donald Trump has filed a class-action lawsuit targeting Google, Twitter, and Facebook and their CEOs, claiming that he is the victim of censorship. The lawsuit is in response to the indefinitie suspension of the former president's social accounts from these platforms over safety concerns amid the January 6 Capitol riots led by his supporters. Other than asking for the restoration of Mr Trump's account, the lawsuit also demands that the tech firms be prevented from "censoring" the his accounts in the future. The lawsuit, which Mr Trump calls "a very beautiful development for our freedom of speech" was filed at a federal court in Florida and has been deemed a "mockable" attempt to gain attention by
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    &lt;a href="https://fortune.com/2021/07/07/donald-trump-sues-facebook-twitter-and-google-but-legal-experts-say-its-just-for-attention/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           legal experts
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           .
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            #contentmoderation
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           #censorship #capitolriots
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    &lt;a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/graisondangor/2021/06/25/ruling-against-facebook-in-sex-trafficking-case-threatens-key-legal-shield-for-social-media-platforms/?sh=6b2e47833acc" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ruling against Facebook in sex trafficking case threatens key legal shield for Social Media Platforms
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           25.06.2021
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            n June 25, the Texas Supreme Court stated that Facebook is not a "lawless no-man's land" and can be held liable for letting sex traffickers use the platform for recruiting. This ruling followed cases filed by
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    &lt;a href="https://www.houstonchronicle.com/news/houston-texas/crime/article/Teen-sex-trafficking-victims-from-Houston-land-16274177.php" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           victims of sex trafficking
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            , who were contacted by pimps on Facebook. The suit alleges that Facebook not only failed to prevent sex traffickers from using the platform but also benefitted from the exploitation of victims. Facebook's lawyers argued that under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act it is not responsible for what users say on the platform. The Court ruled that as per the
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    &lt;a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2018/03/21/591622450/section-230-a-key-legal-shield-for-facebook-google-is-about-to-change" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           exceptions to Section 230
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            passed in 2018, platforms can be held accountable for violations of state and federal human trafficking laws through civil lawsuits. As pe
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    &lt;a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/graisondangor/2021/06/25/ruling-against-facebook-in-sex-trafficking-case-threatens-key-legal-shield-for-social-media-platforms/?sh=6b2e47833acc" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
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           , Facebook can appeal the ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court, however, that would open the ruling to more scrutiny and could give rise to more exceptions to Section 230, causing the erosion of a key legal shield for tech companies in the U.S.
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           #sextrafficking #section230 #s
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           ocialmedia
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/us-panel-approves-five-antitrust-bills-break-em-up-bill-up-next-2021-06-24/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           U.S. Governement reins in on Big Tech with new bills and appointments
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           25.06.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           American Government, Tech Companies
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            On June 8, the US Senate passed a bill co-sponsored by Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), the top antitrust senator and Chuck Grassley (R-IA), the top Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee that would increase the fees that companies planning the
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/us-senate-passes-bill-raise-fees-biggest-mergers-2021-06-09/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           biggest mergers
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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            have to pay to government antitrust agencies. On June 23 and 24, the U.S. House of Representatives Judiciary Committee voted on major
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.cnn.com/2021/06/23/tech/tech-house-antitrust-bills-explained/index.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           bills
          &#xD;
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            directly aimed at restricting companies from promoting their own products online, regulating large-scale acquisitions, and generating higher revenue for antitrust agencies that oversee the activities of tech companies. The bills have been met with
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    &lt;a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2021/06/24/tech-antitrust-bills-pass-house-committee/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           opposition
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            from lawmakers who are apprehensive about "Big Government", the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, as well as companies such Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google. Along with these bills, th
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/bee1b959-b2aa-4ee1-8391-d5b5832ededd" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           e
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            appointments of Big Tech critics and Columbia University Law School professors,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/bee1b959-b2aa-4ee1-8391-d5b5832ededd" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Lina Khan
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            as the FTC chair and
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/03/05/technology/tim-wu-white-house.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Tim Wu
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            as special assistant to the president for technology and competition policy, signal at the American government's intentions to increase regulatory scrutiny of the size and influence of digital companies.
           &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #antitrust #digitalregulations #bigtech
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-06-22/trudeau-s-party-passes-bill-to-regulate-social-media-streaming" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Trudeau’s party passes bill to regulate social media, streaming in Canada
          &#xD;
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           When
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           23.06.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Canada, North America
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Canadian Government, Streaming Services
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Canadian House of Commons passed a bill that aims to regulate streaming services and social media platforms, starting in 2022. Bill C-10 will subject digital companies like Netflix, TikTok, YouTube to similar requirements as traditional broadcasters, where tech giants will be expected to disclose revenue sources, fund Canadian content with a portion of their profits and increase its visibility. The bill aims to promote domestic content, get digital companies to contribute to the country's economy, and regulate harmful content. The Senate has stated that Bill C-10 will require more study before it can be approved as a law. The bill's aim to regulate the algorithm that tech companies use to recommend and promote content has garnered criticism from net-neutrality advocates, digital-law experts, and opposition parties. Bill C-10, akin to many other lesgislation on intermediary regulation worldwide, has highlighted the challenge of regulating content without compromising individual freedom of expression.
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           #digitalregulations #streaming #socialmedia
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://time.com/6071773/tiktok-faceprints-voiceprints-privacy/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           TikTok changed its U.S. privacy policy, allowing the company to collect faceprints and voiceprints of users
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           When
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           14.06.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            TikTok
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            On June 2, TikTok updated its privacy policy for American users. Under its new "Image and Audio Information" section, the app will automatically collect as "faceprints" and "voiceprints") from its users. The policy clarifies that the biometric data collected is as defined under the US law and additional permissions will be taken from users where the law requires. However, the policy fails to mention whether the additional permissions will be specified under state law, federal law, or both. The ambiguity of this update has received
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://time.com/6071773/tiktok-faceprints-voiceprints-privacy/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           negative reviews
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            from digital-law experts. Given TikTok's popularity among younger users, it is important for the privacy policy to be clear and accessible, so the users can remain aware of what they are consenting to.
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #tiktok
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #privacy #biometrics
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/7893553/facebook-canada-news-payment/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook to pay 14 Canadian publishers for some news content posted to platform
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           2
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           6.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Canada, North America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Facebook, Government of Canada, News
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook has announced that it will pay 14 prominent Canadian publishers undisclosed amounts to link to their articles on its COVID-19 and climate science pages or other unspecified use cases. Industry watchers say the deal brings cash to media companies hurting for advertising but believe the arrangement should be viewed as Facebook's way of getting ahead of potential regulation in Canada without tackling much of its criticism over issues such as privacy concerns and the prevalence of misinformation on its platform. This comes on the heels of the recent tiff between Facebook and the Australian Government over the latter's News Media Bargaining Code, a global policy precedent -- that sought to make tech platforms pay news organisations for hosting their content
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           .
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #revenuesharing #bigtech #onlinenews
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/05/24/facebooks-nick-clegg-a-bipartisan-approach-to-break-the-deadlock-on-internet-regulation.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook's Nick Clegg calls for a bipartisan approach to break the deadlock on internet regulation
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           24.05.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           USA, North America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook, FTC, US Congress
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            In the backdrop of changing policy predicaments on content, privacy and platform governance across the world and particularly in the US, Nick Clegg -- Facebook's VP of Global Affairs, has advocated for a more agile and consensus-driven model on digital policy. Calling out for reforms in 4 key areas -- intermediary liability (Section 230), influence operations by bad actors, privacy and data portability, he also calls for the US to set up an independent regulator on all matters concering digital policy. This shows Facebook and by extension, Big Tech's heightened focus on these regulatory areas and is an indication on increased lobbying/advocacy efforts on the same.
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #intermediaryliability #privacy #dataportability
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/facebook-oversight-board-turkey-armenia/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Oversight Board rules against Facebook on a post about the Armenian genocide
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           06.05.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           USA, North America
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook Oversight Board, Donald Trump
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook's Oversight Board ruled forced Facebook to reinstate an online post criticising Turkey's portrayal of the Armenian genocide. The meme, posted by an user in the United States, had initially been removed by Facebook because its content moderators believed the language fell afoul of the company's hate speech rules, as well as its cruel and insensitive community standards.The board  said that the post should be allowed to remain because of people's legitimate right to share hateful content if it is done to raise public awareness, which the board understood to be the post's intent. The board also said the post should have been left up because it fell under Facebook's satire exception for potentially harmful content.
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #onlinecontentmoderation #freedomofspeech #hatespeech
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/biden-revokes-trump-order-that-sought-limit-social-media-firms-protections-2021-05-15/"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Biden Administration revokes Trump's executive order on limiting platforms' protections
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
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           17.05.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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            B
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           iden Administration,
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            Donald Trump
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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            The Biden Administration has overturned Trump's Executive Order (post his tussle with Twitter tagging his tweets about unsubstantiated claims of mail-in voting fraud) that sought to limit the liability shield given to social media platfroms for hosting user-generated content. This significant development is indicative of the United States' pivot to a more moderate stance towards platform governance -- a change from the erstwhile "Trumpian" approach of punitive measures on intermediaries, enabling chilling effects on speech and an environment of self-censorship. 
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           #
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           intermediaryliability #s
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           ection230
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            #
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           platformgovernance
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    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/05/technology/facebook-trump-ban-upheld.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook Oversight Board maintains ban on Donald Trump's account
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           When
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           06.05.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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           Facebook Oversight Board, Donald Trump
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Facebook's Oversight Board has upheld the ban on former President Donald Trump's account. The panel ruled that Donald Trump's posts “created an environment where a serious risk of violence was possible.” The panel said that ongoing risk “justified” the move to ban him. Yet, the board argued that an indefinite suspension was “not appropriate” because it was not a penalty defined in Facebook’s policies. The board gave Facebook six months to make a final decision on Mr. Trump’s account status. This case reignites and throws oxygen to the ongoing debate regarding censorship and availability of fora for public expression of opinion.
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            #onlinecontentmoderation #freedomofspeech
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           #fac
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           ebook
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    &lt;a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/jasonbrett/2021/04/22/us-house-passes-bill-to-create-first-crypto-task-force-on-digital-assets/?sh=5e2005e76612" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           U.S. House Passes Bill To Create First Crypto Task Force On Digital Assets
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            ﻿
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           22.04.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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           House of Representatives
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             ﻿
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            The House of Representatives passed a bi-partisan bill called the ‘‘Eliminate Barriers to Innovation Act of 2021’’, which aims at creating a digital asset working group between the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC). The scope of this cooperation would be to start critical conversations on digital assets and cryptocurrencies, and how to go forward. The bill still needs to be passed by the Senate before turning officially into a law. Similar exploratory and regulatory bodies have recently been established in multiple countries across the globe.
           &#xD;
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            #cryptocurrency #cryptoregulations
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    &lt;a href="https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2021/04/08/janet-yellen-calls-for-a-global-minimum-tax-on-companies-could-it-happen" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Treasury Secretary calls for the adoption of a global minimum corporate tax rate
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           When
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           08.04.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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           US Treasury Secretary, OECD
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen calls for the adoption of minimum corporate tax rate, a crucial proposition of the OECD BEPS 2.0 package that has been under discussion since 2018. After Trump's admin opposition to the proposal, this shift from the Biden government represents a significant development on the matter.
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           #digitaltaxation #corporatetax #OECD
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    &lt;a href="https://eu.usatoday.com/story/tech/2021/04/03/biden-infrastructure-plan-100-billion-broadband-internet-proposal/7074754002/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Biden a
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           nnounces a 100 billion $ plan to invest in broadband
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           When
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           03.04.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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           US government
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Biden administration, as part of its proposed $2.3 trillion infrastructure package, has promised to devote $100 billion in broadband infrastructure investments. It marks a significant shift away from an US model that is very much private-sector oriented, and intends to not only make connectivity in rural areas cheaper and more accessible, but to also make the broadband “future-proof”. The plan will be deployed in the span of an eight-year infrastructure plan.
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           #connectivity #digitalinfrastructure #broadband
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2021/04/04/tech/amazon-tweets-bessemer/index.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           An Alabama Amazon plant threatens to form a union
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           29.03.2021
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           Where
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           USA, North America
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           Who
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           French Competititon Authority, Apple
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           In the Alabama town of Bessemer, Amazon workers are holding a vote (whose final results are expected to be rounded up around the 6/7 April) to create the first union of Amazon workers. The vote, which has gathered national and international attention, could be the first of many more Amazon plants to see a union be born. Amazon is also being criticised throughout the political spectrum for its 'union-busting' practices, aiming to dissuade workers from creating a union.
          &#xD;
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           #laborlaws #unions #amazon
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2021/03/16/google-files-mobile-search-market-475576" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Federal Trade Commission files reveal Justice Departement considered Google internet search practice to be a monopoly
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           16.03.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           USA, North America
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Google, FTC, DoJ
          &#xD;
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           Thes
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           e leaked files suggest that the department of justice was already aware of Google's efforts to dominate the mobile internet search market (namely by being the default engine, via agreements with smartphone producers). FTC lawyers considered the efforts to be illegal and foresaw the creation of the monopoly which Google today enjoys. Yet, politically appointed decisionmakers at the head of FTC declined to act on these reports. These files provide perspective on the ongoing lawsuits pending for Google, suggesting that action could have been taken before total ownership of the market was acquired by Google, and especially when competitors were still in the race to compete.
          &#xD;
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           #monopoly #antitrust #google
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:43:16 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/northamerica</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1538170819641-15b741105cb3.jpg">
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Africa</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/africa</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Digital Policy Tracker
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           Africa
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    &lt;a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/487593-what-buhari-said-about-twitter-ban-nnamdi-kanu-igboho-insecurity-others-full-text.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           President Buhari discusses Twitter ban during Independence's Day speech
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           When
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           01.10.2021
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           Nigeria, Africa
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           President Buhari, Twitter
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            On Nigeria Independence’s day, President Muhammadu Buhari talked about the pros and cons of social media platforms, commenting on the Twitter ban since June 5th. According to the president’s speech, the ban was imposed as “some users have misused the platform to organise, coordinate, and execute criminal activities, propagate fake news, and promote ethnic and religious sentiments.” However, the ban initially followed Twitter’s moderation of the president’s account due to the publication of harmful language. President Buhari’s speech further explained that he constituted the Presidential Committee to engage Twitter to solve critical issues, ranging from national security to fair taxation and content moderation. The president’s speech on online content moderation on Nigeria’s Independence Day symbolises the importance and complexity of online regulations, as Twitter is treated almost like a State actor with diplomatic rights in the country.
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           #twitterban #contentmoderation #socialmediaplatforms
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    &lt;a href="https://yen.com.gh/193883-ghanas-e-cedi-everything-ghanas-digital-currency.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Bank of Ghana announces the launch of CBDC called E-cedi
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           When
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           30.09.2021
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           Ghana, Africa
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           Who
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           Bank of Ghana
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            The Bank of Ghana announced that it was launching a new digital currency called the E-cedi. The digital coin will operate in a sandbox interim and hinged on advancing financial inclusion and facilitating trade towards a cash-lite economy. A CBDC in Ghana would aim to introduce a less volatile currency and make the transaction faster and safer. The introduction of E-cedi will nonetheless require a firm commitment from the government to include the unbanked population in the digital economy.
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           #c
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            ryptocurrencies
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           #
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            digital payments
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           #
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           CBDC
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    &lt;a href="https://www.arabnews.com/node/1916291/media" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ethiopia builds a national social media platform
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           When
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           24.08.2021
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           Ethiopia, Africa
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           Ethiopian Government
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            Ethiopia has begun developing its own social media platform to rival Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp. While it does not plan to block these platforms, it announced its goal to build an Ethiopian equivalent of WeChat; the social messaging app is often criticised as a tool by Chinese authorities for monitoring its population. As social media platforms have been used on each side through the armed conflict pitting the Ethiopian federal government against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), there have been multiple unexplained social media shutdowns. For this reason, human rights groups are concerned by the government’s initiative to create a local social media, as they fear it might be used as a tool of surveillance and to shape a patriotic narrative.
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           #socialmedia #surveillance #censorship
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    &lt;a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/africa/internet-restored-in-eswatini-says-mtn-b850ec5b-8f66-58d7-9466-00afdf5c796a" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           ESwatini restricts access to social media platforms
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           When
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           08.07.2021
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           Where
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           eSwatini
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           , Africa
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           Who
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            Governement of eSwatini
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           Following weeks of pro-democracy protests and civil unrest, the mobile telecommunication company MTN suspended access to social media platforms. The service interruption came after the eSwatini Communication Commission issued the directive to MTN and other operators. The government allegedly shut down internet services to stop citizens from communicating with the outside world after a pro-democracy protest turned violent and the army reportedly tried to repress the demonstrations. Currently, the service has been restored, yet the King’s control over internet access is perceived as a threat to freedom of speech and accountability for violating human rights.
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            ﻿
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            ﻿
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           #internetaccess #freedomofspeech #digitalrights
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theafricareport.com/99491/senegals-president-joins-the-chorus-against-twitter-and-facebook/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Senegal discusses new law to regulate social media content
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           When
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           14.06.2021
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           Senegal, Africa
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           Who
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            Governement of Senegal
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           President Macky Sall has called for new legislation to give power to the Senegalese government to regulate social media content. While the president is concerned by the spread of fake news and hate speech online, other government members warn against the risk of censorship and lack of freedom of speech. On this matter, the Minister of Digital Economy and Telecommunication stated that the new legislation would require all the key stakeholders involved in the dynamics of the digital economy. The Senegalese government aims to establish more balanced powers over online content moderation and avoid potential escalations between the President and Social Media companies, similar to the Nigerian case.
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            ﻿
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           #onlinecontentmoderation #hatespeech #socialmedia
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    &lt;a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/06/09/nigeria-twitter-ban-buhari-big-tech/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Nigeria bans Twitter, following the removal of President Buhari’s post
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           When
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           09.06.2021
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           Where
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           Nigeria
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           , Africa
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Twitter, Nigerian government, President Buhari
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            ﻿
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           Following the removal of one of President Buhari’s tweets, Nigeria banned Twitter, cutting off 40 million users from the platform. The banned tweet’s veiled threat aimed at separatists in the South. Because of this, Twitter classified it as hate speech and proceeded to remove it. While multiple politicians across the globe have been censored and banned by the company over the past years, it is the first time that content moderation has led to immediate consequences. The ban is considered as endangering the freedom of speech in the country.
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            ﻿
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           #onlinecontentmoderation #freedomofspeech #censorship
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    &lt;a href="https://coingeek.com/uganda-financial-intelligence-authority-calls-for-digital-currency-regulation/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Uganda Financial Intelligence Authority calls for digital currency regulation
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           When
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           28.05.2021
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           Uganda, Africa
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           Who
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           Uganda Financial
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            Intelligence
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            Authority
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            ﻿
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            Uganda’s anti-money laundering agency asked the government to implement and enforce regulations in the digital currency industry. The Financial Intelligence Authority (FIA) worked on a campaign to get digital currency firms to register, without much success so far. The call for registration and regulation will aim to reduce cryptocurrency risks linked to scams, money laundering and terrorism financing. Similar regulations are also being discussed and implemented in other countries in the region and other continents.
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            ﻿
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           #cybercrimes #cryptocurrencies #cryptoregulations
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    &lt;a href="https://www.mondaq.com/southafrica/antitrust-eu-competition-/1070322/south-african-competition-commission-draft-small-merger-regulations-digital-markets-in-the-spotlight" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           South African Competition Commission drafts new bill to regulate mergers in the digital market
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           When
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            ﻿
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           19.05.2021
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           Where
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           South Africa, Africa
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           Who
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            South African Competition Commission
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           The South African Competition Commission drafted a new bill for the Competition Act, No. 89 of 1998, which does not concern small mergers with pre-merger notifications. Yet, with the new bill, "the Commission may, for a period of up to 6 months following the implementation of a small merger, call for the merger to be notified if it believes that the merger may substantially prevent or lessen competition or that it cannot be justified on public interest grounds". The drafting of this bill follows concerns over the regulation of digital markets, where online platforms can sometimes act as markets gatekeepers by acquiring small-yet-innovative startups.
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           #antitrust #competitionlaw #digitalmarkets
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    &lt;a href="https://gizmodo.com/new-report-shows-phone-cracking-tech-is-being-used-to-t-1846832897" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           A new report shows the government of Botswana is investigating journalists through hacking
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://ifex.org/mauritius-proposed-social-media-regulation-will-curtail-citizens-fundamental-rights/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           07.05.2021
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           Where
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           Botswana, Africa
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           Who
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            Committee to Protect Journalists
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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            A new report by the Committee to Protect Journalists shows that the government of Botswana hired Israeli and US forensic companies to investigate journalists. The type of techniques used include phone cracking technologies and they have been deployed against journalists, who consequently got harrassed and tortured by the government.
           &#xD;
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           #
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           freedomofexpression, #c
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           ensorship
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            #
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        &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
          
             ﻿
            &#xD;
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            surveillance
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    &lt;a href="https://ifex.org/mauritius-proposed-social-media-regulation-will-curtail-citizens-fundamental-rights/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Mauritius proposes new Social Media regulation
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           When
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           06.05.2021
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           Where
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           Mauritius
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           , Africa
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           Who
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           Mauritius' ICT authority
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           The ICT Authority of Mauritius proposed amendments to the country's Information and Communications Technology (ICT) law to regulate social media platforms. Despite being one of the most democratic countries in the continent, the proposed amendments may lead to an "Authoritarian Approach to Internet Architecture". According to the proposed regulation, "through a technical toolset (a proxy server), proposed under section 11, the regulator will be able to identify social media traffic which will then be automatically decrypted, archived, and analysed." Implementing this new measure would be at odds with the existing data privacy laws and constitute an act of mass surveillance, threatening human rights to privacy and freedom of expression.
          &#xD;
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           #socialmedia #o
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           nlinecontentmoderation #
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           freedomofexpression
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/mps-back-personal-data-protection-and-privacy-bill" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Rwanda adopts draft law to protect privacy
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/mps-back-personal-data-protection-and-privacy-bill" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/mps-back-personal-data-protection-and-privacy-bill" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           digital tax
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           When
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           06.05.2021
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           Where
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           Rwanda, Africa
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           Who
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           Rwandan Chamber of Deputies
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           The Chamber of Deputies of Rwanda adopted a draft law relating to personal data protection and privacy. The introduction of this law aims to protect personal data from being used without consent and setting up systems of accountability and clear obligations for those who control or undertake the processing of such data.
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            ﻿
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            #digitalrights #privacy
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           #dataprotection
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            ﻿
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    &lt;a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/business/kenya/2021-04-28-pwc-points-out-ambiguities-in-digital-tax/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           PwC points out ambiguities in Kenyan
          &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/business/kenya/2021-04-28-pwc-points-out-ambiguities-in-digital-tax/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           digital tax
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           When
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           28.04.2021
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           Where
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           Kenya
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           , Africa
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           Who
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            PwC, Kenya Revenue Authority
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            ﻿
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The tax and audits firm PwC Kenya pointed out some ambiguities in the 2021 digital service tax (DST). According to the company, the enforcement of this regulation can result in unnecessary queries from Kenya Revenue Authority and higher prices for digital services. he The scope of digital service tax includes all services provided through a digital platform without regard as to whether the digital platform qualifies as a digital marketplace in line with the definition provided in the primary legislation. Because of this, the regulation could lead to potential adverse business impacts.
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            #digitalservices #digitaltax
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-56860658" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Twitter announces the establishment of a regional headquarter in Ghana
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           When
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           25.04.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Ghana, Africa
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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           Twitter
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           T
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            witter announced by surprise the decision to establish its headquarters in Ghana, as the country supports "free speech, online freedom, and the open internet". The choice has been shocking for many, as other countries in the continent has been traditionally considered as digital hubs or bigger markets. Yet, Ghana has invested quite a lot in its digitalization over the past years. This will be an opportunity to support digital businesses not only internally, but also across Africa.
           &#xD;
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           #socialmedia #digitalhub #twitter
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    &lt;a href="https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/news/-rights-activist-shows-how-tanzania-can-sustain-press-freedom-3356838" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Human rights activists urge the new president to form a special commission to examine media laws
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           When
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           10.04.2021
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           Where
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           Tanzania
          &#xD;
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            ,
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           Africa
          &#xD;
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           Who
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           THRDC
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
           &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Tanzanian
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            President Samia Suluhu Hassan
           &#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) urged President Samia Suluhu Hassan to form a special commission to examine media laws, which include the Media Services Act of 2016, Cybercrimes Act of 2015, Electronic and Postal Communications Act of 2010, and Online Contents Regulations of 2000. Under the former President, these laws were enforced to heavily regulate and ban various media outlets. The review of these regulations would allow to better  protect freedom of expression in Tanzania.
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalregulations #digitalrights #freedomofexpression
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.capacitymedia.com/articles/3828232/icasa-fcc-announce-momentous-collaboration-" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Regulators in South Africa and the US collaborate on telecommunication
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           09.04.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      
           South Africa,
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Africa
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           South African government, US, Huawei
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Regulators in South Africa and the US have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that will see them collaborate and share ideas. The MoU will initially focus on telecommunications regulation and policy in line with what was described as the "mutual benefit of the two regulators".
            &#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
      
           It is widely expected the MoU could eventually lead to Huawei being locked out of a key African market. The collaboration will also include "an information exchange and technical cooperation", not only in telecoms but also the wider ICT industry.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            telecommunications
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ICT #
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            huawei
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.developingtelecoms.com/telecom-business/telecom-regulation/10945-guinea-goes-for-digitised-comms-regulation.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Guinea launches a new digital platform for public services
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           07.04.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Guinea, Africa
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Government of Guinea,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Global Voice Group
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Telecommunication and Posts Regulatory Authority (ARPT) of the Republic of Guinea and the company Global Voice Group (GVG), will be launching in partnership to build a digital ecosystem regulation platform. The goal of this project is to promote and sustain trust and inclusiveness in the mobile and digital ecosystem for the benefit of all Guineans. The implementation of the platform will start on June 1st and it is considered as one of the biggest efforts in digitalising the country.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalservices #publicsector #platformofservices
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.voanews.com/africa/tanzania-orders-reopening-media-houses-closed-under-magufuli" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Tanzania reopens Media
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.voanews.com/africa/tanzania-orders-reopening-media-houses-closed-under-magufuli" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           houses closed under former President Magufuli
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           06.04.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Tanzania, Africa
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Who
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           After the death of president Magufuli, the new Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan reopened previously closed media outlets, which included online television stations. The new presidential order gives hope for a possible review of the 2015’s Cybercrimes act and the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations (EPOCA), which have often been used to repress digital rights and freedom of expression in Tanzania. So far, the regulations have only been used to stop the spread of rumours on the late president.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalrights #freedomofexpression #fakenews
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.digitalbusiness.africa/burkina-faso-le-laboratoire-dinvestigation-numerique-recoit-de-nouveaux-equipements-techniques-pour-ameliorer-la-cybersecurite/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burkina Faso receives new tools to combat cyber crimes
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           02.04.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burkina Faso,
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Africa
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bureau against cybercrimes, ECOWAS, EU
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Burkina Faso’s Bureau against cybercrimes has receives from the ECOWAS and the EU, new tools to fight the rise of cybercrimes in the region. In Burkina Faso the Internet penetration rate is around 30% according to the latest data from the Electronic Communications and Postal Regulatory and the financial damage caused by cybercrime costs more than one billion FCFA in 2020.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #cybersecurity #cybercrimes
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/63683-kra-digital-tax-facebook-announces-vat-kenyan-users" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook Announces VAT for personal Ads of Kenyan Users
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           25.03.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Kenya, Africa
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook, Kenya Revenue Authority
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Facebook will apply a value added tax to advertisers in Kenya who do not confirm whether they are advertising for business purposes. The VAT will be later transfered by Facebook to the Kenya Revenue Authority.  This new tax will be enforeced in April, as a consequence of the digital services taxes introduced by the Kenyan governement in February.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #digitalservices #digitaltax #facebookads
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/202103230559.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Nigerian government pushes for deepening broadband connectivity
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           22.03.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Nigeria, Africa
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Nigerian Government
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Nigerian government is aiming to train 600 young people, in order to install critical infrastructure across the country and deepen broadband connectivity. This initiative will help the digital development underserved and rural communities.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #criticalinfrastructure #connectivity #digitaltraining
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://coingeek.com/ghana-regulatory-sandbox-to-prioritize-blockchain-projects/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ghana’s central bank launches new regulatory sandbox to prioritize blockchain projects
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           04
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           .03.2021
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ghana
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Africa
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Wh
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           o
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Central Bank of Ghana
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Ghana’s
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           C
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            entral
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           B
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ank has launched a regulatory sandbox to prioritize and support the development of blockchain projects in the country. This project will aim at reducing time-to-market for Ghanaian digital financial services firms, as well as allowing regulators to learn quicker about innovators.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           One of the focuses of this project is to develop a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) and strengthen the fast-rising mobile payments services. Yet, the decision of Ghana’s central bank is at odds with the strict “anti-Bitcoin stance” of neighbouring Nigeria. Debates on the regulation of cryptocurrencies are currently happening across the continent, in order to prevent scams and retain more cryptocurrencies companies.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #fintech #blockchain #cryptocurrencies
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/corporate/companies/mps-approve-regulate-mobile-loan-rates-3307434" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Kenya’s MPs approve new law to regulate mobile and digital loan rates under the supervision of the Central Bank
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           When
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           01.03.2021
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           Kenya
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            ,
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           Africa
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           Who
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           Central Bank of Kenya, Kenyan Parliament
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            ﻿
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           The Kenyan parliament is reviewing a bill that aims at regulating mobile loans and the treatment of defaulted credit to protect borrowers from predatory lending. If passed, the bill would bring digital and mobile lenders under the supervision of the Central Bank of Kenya. The push to control the activities of digital lenders comes more than a year after Kenya removed the legal cap on commercial lending rates. The decision to regulate digital and mobile lenders is following a more general trend in regulating and governing digital transactions, in order to reduce fraud.
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           #fintech #digitaltransactions #mobilepayments
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:37:40 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/africa</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Middle East</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/middleeast</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
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           Digital Policy Tracker
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           Middle East
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    &lt;a href="https://www.khaleejtimes.com/business/uae-jumps-to-10th-rank-in-global-digital-competitiveness" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UAE jumps to 10th rank in global digital competitiveness
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            When
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           30.09.2021
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           Where
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           UAE, Middle East
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           Who
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           UAE
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           I
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           The index issued by the IMD World Competitiveness Center (WCC) of the International Institute for Management Development (IMD) shows that the UAE leads the Middle East and North African and outperforms some major economies, such as Finland, Canada, the UK, Australia, China, Germany, France, Japan and Belgium. The UAE’s rapid advancement in digital competitiveness follows a regional trend in the Gulf, where countries have been pushing for a strong wave of digital services.
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           #d
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            igitalization
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           #d
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            igitalcompetitveness
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           #d
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           igitalservices
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    &lt;a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/technology/how-the-taliban-turned-social-media-into-a-tool-for-control/articleshow/85511668.cms?from=mdr" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Taliban use social media as a tool for propaganda
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           When
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           21.08.2021
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           Afghanistan, Middle East
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           Who
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           Taliban
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            The Taliban, who banned the internet when they first took control of Afghanistan, have turned social media into a powerful tool for taming opposition and disseminating their message. They use thousands of Twitter accounts — some official, others anonymous — to pacify Afghanistan's terrified but increasingly tech-savvy urban base. Yet, the portrayal of Afghanistan through their posts is a poor indicator of public opinion and the current situation. Many critics of the Taliban and supporters of the US-backed government have gone underground for security reasons. Yet, the Taliban have already demonstrated that they can effectively sell their message, as evidenced by a recent social media campaign that may have influenced Afghan security forces to lay down their weapons.
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           #socialmedia #censorship #propaganda
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    &lt;a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/under-pressure-iranian-mps-postpone-internet-restriction-bill" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Iran's Parliament suspends the review of internet restricting bill
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           When
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           26.07.2021
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           Where
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           Iran, Middle East
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Iranian Parliament
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            ﻿
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            Iran’s parliament has suspended its review of the “Protecting Users in Cyberspace and Organising Social Media” bill, which, according to civil society, businesses and some ministries could lead to excessive restrictions of the Internet. The bill was proposed three years ago and it includes a controversial article on foreign service providers, which could be forced to follow Iran’s rules in order to provide their services in the country. According to the Iranian Minister of Information and Communications Technology, “the bill will limit users’ free access to information, weaken the government’s role in cyberspace decision-making, and make the ministry practically obsolete.” The legislation also intends to criminalise the use of banned services, such as VPNs. The implementation of this measure could severely endanger freedom of speech, by filtering too much the flow of information in Iran.
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           #contentmoderation #censorship # freedomofspeech
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    &lt;a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-06-24/palestinian-monetary-authority-mulls-digital-currency-launch" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Palestinian Monetary Authority evaluates a Digital Currency Launch
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           When
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           24.06.2021
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           Where
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           Palestine, Middle East
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Palestinian Monetary Authority
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            ﻿
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           The Palestinian Monetary Authority is evaluating the possible issuance of a central bank digital currency (CBDC) through two separate studies on cryptocurrencies. The introduction of a national digital currency would aim to replace the current use of the Israeli shekel, the Jordanian dinar, and the U.S. dollar in the country. The goal would be to establish a more stable currency and obtain financial independence from the neighbouring countries. Yet, the adoption of a Palestinian CBDC is still uncertain due to the current economic situation, worsened by the political instability in the region and the Covid-19 pandemic. Studies on the adoption of CBDC are being undertaken across geographies. In cases such as El Salvador, they are also being evaluated to gain monetary independence from foreign currencies.
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            ﻿
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           #cryptocurrencies #cryptoregulations #CBDC
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    &lt;a href="https://www.arabnews.com/node/1867196/business-economy" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Saudi Arabia introduces new cybersecurity framework
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           When
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           30.05.2021
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           Where
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           Saudi Arabia, Middle East
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ICT
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           Commission
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            ﻿
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           Saudi Arabia's Communications and Information Technology Commission announced the implementation of a new cybersecurity regulatory framework for service providers in the communications, IT, and postal sector. The regulation contains a comprehensive set of cybersecurity requirements and controls that will establish a high level of confidence in the integrity of service providers' infrastructure and the application of best practices to develop appropriate cybersecurity measures. This framework has been put in place as part of  Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 and the National Transformation Program, aiming to accelerate primary and digital infrastructure projects to raise living standards in the kingdom. 
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           #
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            ﻿
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           cybersecurity #criticalinfrastructure
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    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/f2b394e5-d0c5-45e5-ba96-130865b02ce7" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Instagram tweaks algorithm after accusations of Palestinian censorship
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           When
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           30.05.2021
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           Where
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           Palestine, Middle East
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           Who
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            ﻿
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            Instagram
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           Instagram is changing its app to show more viral and current affairs posts amid complaints from its staff that pro-Palestinian content was not seen by users during the recent conflict in Gaza. Up until now, Instagram has prioritized original content over the one reshared or reposted by other people. Yet, as a spokesperson for the company said, this “caused people to believe we were suppressing stories about particular topics or points of view”. Following the recent internal concerns and appeals, the company announced that it will move to give equal weighting to reshared posts as it does with originally produced stories. Instagram said the move was not wholly in response to the problems over pro-Palestinian content but had been considered for some time.
           &#xD;
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            ﻿
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           #onlinecontentmoderation #algorythms #socialmedia
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/gantz-urges-facebook-tiktok-executives-to-crack-down-on-social-media-incitement/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Israeli Defense Minister urges Facebook and TikTok to crack down on violent posts
          &#xD;
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           When
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           14.05.2021
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           Where
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           Israel, Middle East
          &#xD;
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           Who
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           Social Media Platforms
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           The Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz met with Tiktok and Facebook representatives to urge them to be more proactive in removing violent content against Israel. The meeting happened at a time of escalation between Israel and Palestine.
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #onlinecontentmoderation #socialmedia #harmfulcontent
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://financialtribune.com/articles/business-and-markets/108557/iran-need-for-all-inclusive-crypto-regulations" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Iranian Majlis works on legal framework to regulate cryptocurrencies
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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           10.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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           Iran, Middle East
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Majlis
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Due to the rise in the use of cryptocurrencies in the country, experts and private sector representatives have pushed the parliament to better regulate cryptocurrencies transactions by reducing the bureaucracy tied to obtaining government licenses. The Majlis is already developing a legal framework to allow crypto trade, and it will soon publish an official roadmap to implement new regulations. This call for laws happens when cryptocurrencies are becoming increasingly popular among Iranians, disappointed by the sluggish bourse and the pattern of decline in other financial markets.
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #cryptocurrencies #digitalpayments
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #crypto
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           regulations
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.thenationalnews.com/business/economy/central-bank-of-iraq-signs-deal-with-mastercard-to-boost-digital-payments-1.1206713" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Central Bank of Iraq signed an agreement with Mastercard to promote digital payments
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           19.04.2021
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           Where
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           Iraq
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            ,
           &#xD;
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           Middle East
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Central Bank of Iraq, Mastercard
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The new agreement between the Central Bank of Iraq and Mastercard will aim to reduce the use of cash in the country and promote digital payments. By digitalizing its payment ecosystem, Iraq will boost financial inclusion, encourage social-economic development and mitigate the risks of a shadow economy. The implementation of this new partnership will initially focus on building secure payment ecosystem within the education sector. Yet, the project will develop into a full digital ecosystem.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #fintech #digitalpayments
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/3/14/22329983/oman-blocks-clubhouse-app-privacy-censorship" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Oman blocked Clubhouse due to lack
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/3/14/22329983/oman-blocks-clubhouse-app-privacy-censorship" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           of permit to operate
          &#xD;
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           When
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           14.03.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Oman
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ,
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           Middle East
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Telcom Regulatory Authority, Clubhouse
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Omani Telecommunications Regulatory Authority has blocked the Clubhouse voice chat app, as it did not obtain a permit to operate in the country. Human Rights associations warn that the block might be linked to issues over freedom of speech.
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #censorship #freedomofexpression #encryption
          &#xD;
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&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.arabnews.com/node/1823491/saudi-arabia" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Saudi Arabia establishes the Digital Government Authority to lead digital transformation
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           11.03.2021
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Saudi Arabia, Middle East
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           KSA
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            Digital Governemnt Authority
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The Saudi Arabian’s cabinet approved the establishment of a Digital Governemnt Authority, to lead the digital transformation of the country. This decision is in line with the Kingdom’s goal of becoming the “leading digital economy of the Middle East”. The Digital Governement Authority will be in charge of the creation and development of digital platforms to provide better digital interactions between “citizens to government, government to citizens, and government to businesses”. The GDA will also play an essential role for the “Saudi Vision 2030” campaign, which aims at establishing the Kingdom as one of the top countries in e-governance.
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #e-governance #digitaltransformation #onlineplatforms
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:37:37 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/middleeast</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digital Policy Tracker - Europe</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/europe</link>
      <description>Are you searching for global trends in tech governance? Or, are you just curious about the latest digital policy updates in your country? Either way, we’ve got you covered. By providing short analyses periodically, our project will inform and educate you about policy escalations from around the world. At the end of each month, we will also provide additional multimedia content to introduce new perspectives and views on tech governance and its major global trends.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           Digital Policy Tracker
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Europe
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/cybersecurity/news/eu-chief-announces-cybersecurity-law-for-connected-devices/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EU announces draft law and measures strengthening cybersecurity requirements
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           15.09.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            EU, Europe
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ursula Von Der Leyen, European Union
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           In the perspective of IoT and of the growing intensity of cyber attacks on European soil (Irish Health System, Anhalt-Bitterfeld and Thessaloniki municipality, Lazio region being only some examples) Ursula Von der Leyen dedicated a key part of the yearly State of the Union address to laying out the reasoning behind the new proposal of a Cyber Resilience Act. The Act adds all connected objects to the scope of the existing proposal for a Directive on Security of Network and Information Systems, commonly known as the NIS2 Directive, dedicated to raising the cyber security requirements for digital services employed in critical sectors of the economy and society.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #ICT #cyberresilienceact #cybersecurity
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/data-reform-regulator-uk-ico/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UK prioritises innovation over anything else in its proposed reform of its privacy regulator
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           10.09.2021
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            UK, Europe
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Boris Johnson, Information Commissioner's Office
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Eyeing its Europe-leading digital innovation hub as an important lever for growth post-Brexit, the Conservative government is now launching works to overhaul and reform the regulatory landscape in the IT sector. By seeking to include economic growth in the mission of the Information Commissioner's Office, by restructuring the institution so as to to include an independent board and chief executive, by loosening its data protection law to become more business friendly. These proposals, now under a 10-week consultation, imply a clear choice: economy over privacy. Yet, a key factor still needs to be ensured: the EU still has to judge the UK's regulation and framework as satisfactory. An open confrontation on these matters might lead to a revision on the digital services and trade Brexit deal.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #privacy #innovation #brexit
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/cybersecurity/news/estonia-proposes-nato-like-expenditure-rule-for-cybersecurity/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Estonia proposes minimal EU threshold of expenditure on cybersecurity
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           When
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           08.09.2021
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           Where
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            Estonia, Europe
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           Who
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           Estonian Government, EU
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           While the EU has been stepping up progressively to regulate and harmonise cybersecurity standards (from the CyberSecurity Act to the NIS 2 directive to ENISA's efforts more generally), investment is still lacklustre. So much so that a minimum threshold of spending should be put forth. This is the argument made by the Estonian IT Minister, Andres Sutt, in front of fellow European ministers during Tallin's Digital Summit. Estonia, a digital leader both in cybersecurity and disruptive innovation, is the strongest advocate of digitisation as a vector of growth and geopolitical strength in the continent. Host of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, of the EU's Agency for the Operational Management of Large-Scale IT Systems and third-ranked in the Global Cybersecurity Index. Yet, not every country is as big a believer in cybersecurity: the upcoming French EU Council Presidency will be key in seeing how much the debate can be forwarded when a fellow-minded country is in the position to do so.
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           #cyberdefence #ENISA #cybersecurity
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/data-protection/news/irish-watchdog-given-one-month-to-finalise-whatsapp-privacy-ruling/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Civil society backlash mounts over Apple's proposed child abuse scanner
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           When
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           19.08.2021
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           Where
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            Europe
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           Who
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           Civil society, Apple
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            ﻿
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           An international coalition of around 90 digital rights groups has drafted and signed an open letter asking the CEO of Apple, Tim Cook, to reconsider his intention to create scanning features to detect child sexual abuse material. On the 5th of August, Apple announced its intention to introduce child safety features to inspect children’s IMessages and to identify child sexual abuse content among images uploaded on iCloud. Still raging in Europe and beyond, the tradeoff between privacy and combating of pedo-pornography is still waging. The creation of a voluntary backdoor is seen as a dangerous precedent by policy groups, who fear governments (especially authoritarian ones) might start asking for a progressive broadening of the perimeter of scanning. Pressure on the company, or potentially legal requirements, would thereby pile up. On the other hand, the rampant accessibility of child abuse content online, some would argue, would justify usage of such extraordinary measures. Reminiscent of the recent European Parliament ePrivacy derogation allowing for voluntary tracking of child sex abuse content online, this faultline of modern day privacy regulation is becoming front right and centre in the today's policymaking agenda.
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            ﻿
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           #privacy #childabuse #cybersecurity
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/enlargement/news/serbian-president-fumes-as-twitter-exposes-his-friendly-media/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Serbian media get labelled by Twitter as pro-government and Serbian President plays the victim
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           When
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           17.08.2021
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           Where
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           Serbia, Europe
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Twitter, Serbian Government
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            ﻿
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            After a variety of local media outlets (Kurir tabloid, First TV, RTS, Tanjug agency, “Serbian Telegraph, “Politika” newspaper, Happy TV, Pink TV, the tabloid “Informer” newspaper and B-92 radio) got labelled as 'cooperating with the Serbian government' by Twitter, the Serbian President Vučić erupted in disapproval by stating "can’t wait Twitter to switch off my account to become another Trump". The President also criticized Twitter for not labelling State financed media (such as the BBC, Voice of America, or NPR) similarly, alluding to anti-Serbian bias. Twitter responded by highlighting the editorial indipendence of these media platforms. A further example of Twitter's efforts to act as more and more like a gatekeeper, this scenario shows yet again how open the hostility can get between these now indispensible platforms and local institutions.
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           #Twitter #contentmoderation #platformgovernance
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/data-protection/news/irish-watchdog-given-one-month-to-finalise-whatsapp-privacy-ruling/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ireland given ultimatum to enforce GDPR rules on Whatsapp
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           When
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           29.07.2021
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           Where
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           Ireland, Europe
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Irish Data Protection Commission, Facebook
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            ﻿
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           After dragging down the speed of its investigations into Whatsapp's potential privacy violations, the Irish Data Protection Commission has been given one month to finish the investigation by the European Data Protection Board. Among the matters of investigation, there is most importantly the failture to provide clear information on what data Whatsapp was sharing with Facebook. Not the first time the Irish regulator has been blamed for being too forgiving with Big Tech (MEPs have accused Ireland in the past of de facto not enforcing the GDPR), the decision signals one further blow for the board. Speculation is rampant on the results of the eventual investigation.
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           #privacy #dataprotection #GDPR
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/cybersecurity/news/tiktok-to-open-new-cybersecurity-centre-in-dublin/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           TikTok creates first cybersecurity centre in Dublin
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           When
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           28.07.2021
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           Where
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           Ireland, Europe
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           Tik Tok
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           TikTok has announced that it will be launching a new cybersecurity centre in Ireland, the first of a number of planned ‘Fusion Centres’ designed to respond in real-time to cyberthreats. This new centre aims to expand on TikTok's global security practice established in Washington DC, in an effort to keep up with the soaring investments by Big Tech in cybersecurity offerings, via both acquisitions and internal expansions. In this period of increasing frequency of cyberattacks (Colonial pipeline, Lazio Region, Ireland health system, etc.), policymakers' general electorate's attention is focusing itself more and more on the matter, pushing the bigger companies to keep up with the times. Between the ever increasing reputational cost of failed data protection and the risk of further hardening of regulation by policymakers (e-privacy directive, review of NIS 2, etc.), the GAFAM are rushing to get ready.
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            #dataprotection
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           #cybersecurity #tiktok
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    &lt;a href="https://www.ft.com/content/6f9f6f1f-e2d1-4646-b5ec-7d704e45149e" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           NHS shown to be sharing data with around 40 companies
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           When
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            ﻿
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           27.07.2021
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           Where
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           United Kingdom, Europe
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           Who
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           NHS
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           According to an analysis published by the Financial TImes, more than 40 companies have been granted to access to an estimated 100 different NHS data sets from English hospitals. The data concerns topics as diverse as databases listing patients admitted, their diagnosis and treatment all the way to more niche data sets on mental health, mortality, maternity services. Part of a wider strategy to leverage data to achieve stronger public health outcomes, the news has sparked some worry on those most suspicious of conflict of interest and lack of transparency in the usage of that data. Among the institutions that have received the data we can notice medical analytics companies (IQVIA, Carnall Farrar, Methods Analytics), charities, vaccine manufacturers, subcontractors and even management consultancies. As rigourous as the application procedure to be granted access to the data is (pseudonymisation of the data, vetting of candidate companies wanting to access the information, guarantee that it will be used exclusively to improve treatment of patients), concerns about the commercial applications of this data that can be extracted by for-profit entities that have access to this exclusive information is legitimate.
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            #healthcare
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           #data
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           governance
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            #privacy
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/emmanuel-macron-defense-cabinet-meeting-pegasus-spyware-france/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           French Government holds Defence Cabinet after Pegasus spying allegations
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           When
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           19.07.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           France, Europe
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           Who
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           French Government, NSO group
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           A
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           fter the report of President Emmanuel Macron having been targeted via the Pegasus spyware by a Moroccan intelligence service, the French government has called a defence cabinet to assess potential responses to the news. The President has, as of now, changed both phone and phone number, by precaution. In case this Moroccan hypothesis was to be confirmed, Paris states to be ready to 'publicly contest' Rabat's actions. Macron's phone would in this case be the most high-profile phone number to be hacked by the Pegasus spyware, which has shown the limited safety of Whatsapp's encryption services.
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            #cyberespionage
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           #spyware #pegasus
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    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-us-condemnation-china-state-sponsored-cyberattacks/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The EU joins in, albeit more moderately, in its criticism of China's cyberattacks
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           When
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           19.07.2021
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           Where
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           European Union, Europe
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           Who
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           European Union
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            ﻿
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           After the Chinese cyberattacks on Microsoft's servers, the EU has joined in on the White House's calls for condemnation. If Biden has obtained total collaboration from allies such as the UK, Japan, and Australia, the EU has stopped short of directly blaming the Chinese government for the attacks, as it was wished by Washington. This divergence further indicates a softer stance on China by European partners as opposed to a more incisive United States, which seeks to replicate the success of the recent cybersecurity conversation with Putin.
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           #cybersecurity #China#
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           cyberattacks
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/data-protection/news/parliament-committee-adopts-act-to-build-up-a-european-data-economy/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The European Parliament's Industry Committee adopts its report on the Data Governance Act draft
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           When
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           16.07.2021
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           Where
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           European Union, Europe
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           Who
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            ﻿
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           European Parliament, Google, Facebook
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            ﻿
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           The Data Governance Act was adopted in the Industry committee with a landslide majority. The legislative proposal, submitted last year, intends to define the governance of the European data spaces. The governance structure will be centred around data intermediaries, which will have to fulfil specific neutrality obligations that avoid the concentration of data in the hands of few major players. The intent is to create a trusted environment for European SMEs to reap the benefits of the data economy. DGA-compliant intermediaries will be able to receive a ‘soft’ certification from the competent national authorities. An advisory body gathering key stakeholders will also be introduced to facilitate agreement on harmonised standards and interoperability requirements. The final vote in the plenary is expected in September, as the initiative is as of now still blocked at the Council level.
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           #
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            ﻿
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            data #governance#privacy
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    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/uk-digital-ad-rules-stop-foreign-election-meddling/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UK should tighten rules for digital ads in its electoral campaigns, says the official watchdog
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           When
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           07.07.2021
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           Where
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           United Kingdom, Europe
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           Who
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           UK Government
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            In a fresh report on election finance ( which can be found
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    &lt;a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/regulating-election-finance-report" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           here)
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            , the Committee on Standards in Public Life called for "more proportionate and transparent rules" to better track overseas influence and allow Britain's "highly complex" laws to keep pace with digital campaigning.Among the main points of concern, the fact that United Kingdom's current electoral rules do not explicitly prohibit foreign actors from spending on election campaigns, and the intelligence and security committee, which oversees the country's intelligence agencies, warned last year that the country is still "vulnerable to covert digital influence campaigns" by countries such as Russia. Especially considering that no support to politicians below 20 thousand £ in England is to be declared public. In a context of hybrid warfare and repeated interference in elections, the committee is wary of the risk such an exposure would bring to the integrity of the electoral process.
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            ﻿
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           #digitaladvertising #elections
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/jul/07/uk-to-review-purchase-of-semiconductor-producer-by-chinese-owned-firm" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UK Government will review the Chinese purchase of a semiconductor firm
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           When
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           07.07.2021
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           Where
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           United Kingdom, Europe
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           Who
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           UK Government
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            ﻿
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           Boris Johnson has announced that the government will review the purchase of the UK’s largest producer of semiconductors, Newport Wafer Fab, by a Chinese-owned manufacturer called Nexperia, after it was criticised for apparently acquiescing to the takeover. In a context of shortage of semiconductor  supply (carmakers in 2021 are for instance already experiencing production delays), this move is to be seen as an attempt to tame the efforts from China to insert itself in the strategic supply chains of Western states. The government is also scrutinising the takeover of Cambridge-headquartered chip designer Arm by the US chip company Nvidia on national security grounds. Boris Johnson himself has defined semidonductors as "of huge importance to this country".
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           #trade #semiconductors #
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           criticalinfrastructure
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/data-protection/news/new-eu-law-allows-screening-of-online-messages-to-detect-child-abuse/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EU adopts derogation allowing for screening and reporting of child abuse content
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           When
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           06.07.2021
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           Where
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           European Union
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           , Europe
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           Who
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           European Parliament
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           The European Parliament adopted the final version of the ePrivacy (a 2002 directive regulating the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the electronic communications sector) derogation, a temporary measure enabling providers of electronic communication services to scan and report private online messages containing material depicting child sex abuse. The provisions also allow companies to apply approved technologies to detect grooming techniques. The measure is an iterim provision until 2025, or until the adoption of the long-awaited (negotiations for it sarted in 2017) revision of the directive altogether. A priority of the upcoming Slovenian presidency, such a revision would update a now obsolete regulation, where profound asymmetry is applicable between the heavily regulated personal data (where GDPR applies) and the far less regulated non-personal data (where ePrivacy applies).
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            #contentmoderation #childabuse #privacy
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/commission-new-french-bill-risks-fragmenting-eu-digital-market/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Commission criticises a draft French law on online platforms' obligation
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           When
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           05.07.2021
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           Where
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           France
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           , Europe
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           Who
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           European Commission
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           , French Government
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            ﻿
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           On a second reading of the bill on fighting separatism (mainly dedicated to fighting internal terrorism), the French National Assembly adopted a text under which platforms will be required to “make public the resources they devote to combating illicit activities” and to “implement procedures and proportionate human and technological resources” to this end.The French law obliges operators to designate a single point of contact for cooperation with judicial and administrative authorities, and the conservation of reported and removed content. An “easily accessible and user-friendly reporting system” for users and the establishment of a “trusted third party” status are also required. According to the Commission, the bill poses a “risk to the single market in digital services and to Europe’s prosperity”, and represents one further example of the strenuous tension between Common Market principles appear to be threatened by the digital economy and the inherent divergences in policy positions between Member States.
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            #digitalplatforms
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           #contentmoderation #singlemarket
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-approval-uk-data-flows-deal/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The European Commission seals a data flows deal with the United Kingdom
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           When
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           28.06.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           United Kingdom &amp;amp; EU, Europe
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           EU Commission, UK Government
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           The EU Commission has approved a deal that will will allow personal data to be transferred from the EU to the U.K., avoiding a no-deal scenario that could have cost the British economy as much as £1.6 billion. The approval by the EU's executive comes only days before an interim solution to keep data flowing across the Channel after Brexit runs out, as the European Commission ran out of time to approve the deal before the Brexit transition period ended in January 2021, and therefore had to work a temporary, six-month solution into the trade deal to keep continue transferring data. This indirectly implies approval of British data protection standards, which is not to be given lightly according to the association of practitioners in the field. This decision is interpreted by some as an example of "softness" towards the UK, whose relatively healthy startup economy and digital sector would have massively suffered from a rejection of the deal, as three-quarters of the country's international data flows are with the 27-country bloc.The contract does however include a clause to review its conditions in 4 years' time.
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            ﻿
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           #trade #data #brexit
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/jun/25/amazon-and-google-investigated-by-uk-regulator-over-fake-reviews" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UK's Competition and Markets Authority investigates Google and Amazon over fake reviews
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           When
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           25.06.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           United Kingdom, Europe
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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           Google, Amazon, CMA
          &#xD;
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            The UK's CMA is investigating whether Amazon and Google have broken consumer law by not taking sufficient action to protect shoppers from fake reviews. The CMA, which began probing into the issue of fake reviews on these major platforms two years ago, has stated that the work it has undertaken so far has raised ‘specific concerns’. In particular, these concerns include the inadequacy of action on the part of these platforms to detect fake reviews, identify suspicious behavioural patterns, investigate the reviews, and to impose sanctions on reviewers and businesses who are in contravention of the rules. If the investigation does indeed reveal that Amazon and Google have broken consumer laws, the CMA can take enforcement action, such as securing formal commitments from the platforms of addressing the problem with rigour, engaging in litigation etc.
           &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           #Google #Amazon #contentmoderation
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/france-legal-action-case-apple-app-store-developers/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           French lawsuit on Apple's developer contracts gathers steam
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           When
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           25.06.2021
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           Where
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           France, Europe
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Apple, French Government
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           A lawsuit led by the startup interest group France Digitale and the French government, targeting Apple, is being pursued by French attorneys. Hearings will start towards September. The lawsuit, initiated 4 years ago by the French government, concerns contracts with app developers, which France Digitale deems as anti-competitive and abusive of Apple's position of advantage.
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           #
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           AppleStore #Antitrust #Competition
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/cybersecurity/news/commission-proposes-operational-arm-of-european-cyber-shield/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EU establishes a JOint Cyber Unit to fight cybercrime
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           When
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           23.06.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           European Union, Europe
          &#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           EU Commission
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The European Commission laid out on the 23 June its vision for a Joint Cyber Unit to tackle evolving cyberthreats and to increase European resilience. The Joint Cyber Unit will serve as a platform for cooperation for cybersecurity communities across the EU, enabling them to draw on each other’s support and to create a cybersecurity shield to detect cyberthreats before they can cause damage.
          &#xD;
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           #c
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           ybersecurity #ransomware #
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            cybercrime
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/copyright/news/eu-court-ruling-clarifies-online-platforms-responsibility-for-copyright-infringements/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           CJEU ruling limits platforms' responsibility for illegal content
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           When
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           23.06.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           European Union, Europe
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           Who
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           Youtube, CJEU
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           A ruling by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on Tuesday 22 June has shed some light on the conditions under which content-sharing platforms are exempted from responsibility for copyright infringements, with potentially far-reaching implications for the EU’s Copyright Directive and the Digital Services Act. The CJEU ruled that online platforms are not to be considered responsible for content illegally posted by users unless they actively contribute to making such content available. In this legal framework, online platforms are not required to monitor users’ online content to see if it respects copyrights
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿.
           &#xD;
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           #DSA #CJEU #contentmoderation
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/france-launches-digital-sovereignty-observatory/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Digital Sovereignty observatory launched in France
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           21.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           France, Europe
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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           Capgemini, EDF, French Government
          &#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Telecom Paris and Netexplo officially launched the Technologies &amp;amp; Digital Sovereignty observatory on Thursday (20 May), which aims to bring together companies and startups and political players. The new observatory, which has been joined by Capgemini Invent, EDF, Renault, Orange Business Services, Thales and Village by CA, has set itself the objective of deciphering initiatives in the field of digital sovereignty: 5G, cloud, artificial intelligence, connected objects.It will report on its observations at an annual event on “New technological horizons of digital sovereignty”.
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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           #d
          &#xD;
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           igital
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           s
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           overeignty #g
          &#xD;
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           ovtech
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/germany-adopts-new-data-protection-and-privacy-law/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Germany adopts a new data protection regulation
          &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
             
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           21.05.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Germany, Europe
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           German Parliament
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           German parliament adopted a law regulating data protection and privacy in telecommunications and telemedia, transposing EU requirements on cookies from the bloc’s e-privacy directive. German data protection was until recently regulated by a series of laws, leading to legal uncertainty due to partially contradictory provisions. The Telemedia Act (TMG) and the recently amended Telecommunications Act (TKG) have prompted uncertainty in some quarters. The Data Protection Act passed on 20 May intends to unify the country’s rules and align with the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR).
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #telecommunications #dataprotection #privacy
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/ireland-health-services-it-systems-shut-down-after-ransomware-attack/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ransomware attack on Ireland's health service's system
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           14.05.2021
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ireland
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           , Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Ireland Health Services
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Irish hospitals were forced to shut down IT systems and cancel appointments following a ransomware attack on the Irish Health System's IT infrastructure. The organisation switched to paper files immediately so as to avoid acquisition of patient data
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            .
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #ransomware #cyberattack #criticalinfrastructure
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/leak-commission-pitching-disinformation-measures-in-digital-services-act/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           DSA regulation will be used to fight disinformation
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           13.05.2021
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           Where
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           European Union, Europe
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           Who
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           European Commission
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           The Commission has presented a paper explaining how it expects the DSA to address disinformation. Firstly, through a co-regulatory approach including stakeholders in the definition of minimum criteria. Secondly, tackling illegal content and systemic risks. By requiring all online platforms to issue Codes of Conduct that illustrate how the platform will tackle these risks. Thirdly, user empowerment is related to advertisements as they have been identified as key amplifiers for spreading disinformation. Finally, the Commission contends that the DSA enforces a diligent approach, providing binding risk management obligations on online platforms. 
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           #platformregulation #onlineharm #misinformation
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    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/amazon-tax-benefits-eu-court-luxembourg-engie/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EU Court of Justice rules in favour of Amazon in tax row
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           When
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           12.05.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Luxembourg, Europe
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            EU Court of Justice, EU Commission,
           &#xD;
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           Amazon
          &#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           The EU General Court Wednesday overruled the European Commission's finding that Luxembourg granted €250 million in illegal tax benefits to Amazon. The Commission's finding that Amazon was granted a tax advantage "is based on an analysis which is incorrect in several respects," the court held.
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           #digitaltaxation #taxavoidance #amazon
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/eu-countries-lawmakers-reach-deal-to-tackle-online-child-sexual-abuse/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Deal reached at EU level on online child sex abuse
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           30.04.2021
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           European Union, Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           European Council
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            A provisional deal has been reached at the European Council level on the removal of online child sex abuse. The interim regulation will apply, for a duration of three years, to providers of electronic communications services such as web-based email and messaging services, forcing them to detect, remove and report child sexual abuse online. The issue had been one of the main sticking points still to be solved of the upcoming e-Privacy directive, which has been under negotiation since 2017..
           &#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           #onlinecontentmoderation #onlineharm #privacy
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/30/technology/apple-antitrust-eu-app-store.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Commission issues antitrust charges against Apple
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           30
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           .04.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Union
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           European Commission, Apple, Spotify
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The European Commission is issuing antitrust charges against Apple, following an initial complaint from Spotify in 2019. The Commission's concerns are related to the App Store policies, including charging a 30% cut of every in-app purchase. By having a dominant role in the music streaming app market and a gatekeeping role for the App Store, Apple is in breach of EU competition law.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           #antitrust #competitionlaws #appstore
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  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.digitalinformationworld.com/2021/04/tiktok-is-going-to-open-transparency.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Tiktok establishes the European Transparency &amp;amp; Accountability Centre
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           27.04.2021
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           Where
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Ireland, Europe
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           TikTok
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           T
           &#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           iktok announced the opening of a European Transparency and Accountability Centre. The centre will focus on online content moderation and users' privacy and security on the platform. The company has already opened a similar centre in the US, yet the choice to open a new one in Europe seems a strategic one, as the EU and UK are updating their digital policies. Tiktok has more than 100 million users in Europe, and the new centre will help people and regulators better understand the platform's processes and procedures.
          &#xD;
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           #contentmoderation #privacy #tiktok
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.wired.com/story/europes-proposed-limits-ai-global-consequences/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           The European Union proposes new AI regulations
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           When
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           21.04.2021
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Where
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Union, Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Union
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The European Union proposed new laws to regulate the use and implementation of AI in the Member states. The proposed regulations will restrict and ban some AI uses, common in China and the US. The EU has included facial recognition, autonomous driving and algorithms for driven advertisement, automated hiring and credit scoring. Despite being at an early stage, the proposition can be considered a step forward for safer AI. The impact of a similar regulation could also shape AI policies across the world.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           #airegulations #ai #eu
          &#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/apr/19/rishi-sunak-bank-of-england-digital-currency-uk-brexit-eu" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bank of England and the Treasury are launching digital currency taskfor
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           c
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="/"&gt;&#xD;
      
           e
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           19.04.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           United Kingdom
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           , Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Bank of England, Treasury
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            The Bank of England and the Treasury are launching a digital currency task force to monitor and explore the idea of adopting a digital currency in England. The task force will coordinate exploratory work to understand how the Bank of England would get the new currency into the economy, how households and businesses would use it and the implications for financial stability. Crypto regulations are being drafted and implemented across multiple countries at the moment. The urge to regulate them follow the growing interest in digital currencies and a wave of payments digitalization due to the covid-19 restrictions. In the UK, the exploration of potentially adopting a digital currency is also a way to maintain the City as one of the world's financial capitals.
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            #cryptocurrency #cryptopolicies
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=b439de1a-a0a8-4f34-8b6a-57e4d47cbf57" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           EU adopts its 'Digital Compass' 2030 Strategy
          &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           When
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           08.04.2021
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Where
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Union, Europe
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           Who
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           European Union
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
           The EU has presented its vision for Europe's digital transformation, with a horizon of 2030. The strategy will focus on four levers of action: skills, government, infrastructure and business. Among the various goals set by this roadmap, we can note: 100% online provision of key public services, 75% of European business making use of cloud computing services, gigabit connectivity for the entirety of EU households.
          &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
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           #digitalinfrastructure #digitization #eu
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    &lt;a href="https://thehill.com/policy/technology/545920-google-spending-30m-to-fight-misinformation-fake-news" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Google commits 25 million EUR to combat fake news and misinformation
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           When
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           05.04.2021
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           Where
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           European Union, Europe
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           Who
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           Google, European University Institute
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            ﻿
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           Google has provided a founding donation of 25 million EUR to the newborn European Media and Information Fund, managed by the European University Institute and by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. The fund will provide grants to researchers, fact-checkers, not-for-profits and other public interest-oriented organisations working on disinformation research and strengthening media literacy and fact-checking.
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           #fakenews #onlinecontentmoderation #google
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/apr/01/uk-competition-watchdog-investigate-facebook-takeover-giphy?utm_term=Autofeed&amp;amp;CMP=twt_gu&amp;amp;utm_medium&amp;amp;utm_source=Twitter#Echobox=1617299109" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           UK competition regulator to investigate Facebook takeover of Giphy
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           When
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           01
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           .0
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           4
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           .2021
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           Where
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           United Kingdom
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           , Europe
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           Who
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           UK CMA, Facebook, Giphy
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           The UK CMA has started an investigation on Facebook's 400 million $ acquisition of GIPHY, for fear that the takeover may “result in a substantial lessening of competition” for gif creation. The regulator believes the acquisition could lead to a squeeze on the supply of gifs to other social networks such as Snapchat, TikTok and Twitter, by 'lessening the incentive to expand its digital advertising, leading to a loss of potential competition in this market'.
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           #antitrust #socialmediaplatforms #facebook
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    &lt;a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/dutch-privacy-watchdog-fines-booking-com-e475k/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Dutch data protection authority fines Booking.com for data breaches
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           When
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           31.03.2021
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           Where
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           Netherlands
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           , Europe
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           Who
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           Booking
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
            ﻿
           &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           , Dutch Data Protection Authority
          &#xD;
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            The Dutch Data Protection Authority has fined Booking.com for having been too late to report a data breach of  the personal information of 4000 customers. The company did in fact miss the obligation to report the breach within 72 hours, only signalling the issue one month after the emergence of the problem.
           &#xD;
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            ﻿
           &#xD;
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           #dataprotection #privacy #cybersecurity
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    &lt;a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/apple-competition-authority-does-not-oppose-new-privacy-measures/"&gt;&#xD;
      
           France's competition authority approves Apple’s new privacy protocols
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           When
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           17.03.2021
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           Where
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           France, Europe
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           Who
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           French Competititon Authority, Apple
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           France’s competition authority has given the go-ahead for Apple’s new privacy protocols to be implemented, stating that the move does not “constitute an abuse of a dominant position,”. The main point of contention came from developers, which harboured fears of unfair competition following the announcement by Apple this June of a new policy to strengthen the protection of its customers’ privacy, introducing a feature dubbed ATT (App Tracking Transparency) in September 2021. The new mechanism would mean that an iPhone owner, when viewing an application downloaded from the App Store, would see a pop-up window asking for explicit consent to share personal data with third parties for advertising purposes. In case of consent by the viewer, third parties would be able to access the Identifier for Advertisers (“IDFA”), which identifies each Apple device and allows for the tracking of the owner’s advertising, including on third-party sites. The complainant associations criticized Apple for requiring application developers to use ATT solicitation to access the IDFA identifier. The collection of consent via ATT solicitation would condition the tracking of the user’s advertising on third-party sites, which would then allow targeted advertising to be sent to the user. This approval paves the way for the deployment of the new privacy policy, which is expected for autumn 2021.
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           #competition #privacy #apple
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Apr 2021 13:35:09 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalpolicytracker/europe</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalpolicytracker</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Social Media and the Battle Against the Second Wave of Covid-19 in India</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/power-of-social-media-in-a-raging-pandemic-the-indian-experience-while-battling-its-second-wave-of-covid-19</link>
      <description>There has been a massive change from social-media movements just being a form of ‘armchair activism’ to changing the lives of many at the grass-roots level, and is directly responsible for saving the lives of many individuals in this situation. The ability of strangers to rally against the inefficiencies of the Government and come together in times of need provides for a glimmer of hope.</description>
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           SOLIDARITY ONLINE
          
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           Social Media and the Battle Against the Second Wave of Covid-19 in India
          
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           There has been a massive change from social-media movements just being a form of ‘armchair activism’ to changing the lives of many at the grass-roots level, and is directly responsible for saving the lives of many individuals in this situation. The ability of strangers to rally against the inefficiencies of the Government and come together in times of need provides for a glimmer of hope. 
          
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           By Raushan Tara Jaswal
          
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           April 23, 2021
          
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    &lt;img src="https://irp.cdn-website.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/30901-social-media-marketing-announcement.gif" alt=""/&gt;&#xD;
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           Abdul Latif
          
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            This article tries to highlight the importance and use of social media platforms, specifically
           
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           Instagram
          
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            ,
           
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    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/india/twitter-becomes-platform-hope-amid-despair-indias-covid-crisis-2021-04-21/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Twitter
          
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            ,
           
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            and
           
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           WhatsApp
          
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            in India while battling a deathly second wave of Covid-19 infections, which are currently peaking at
           
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    &lt;a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/22/worlds-highest-daily-rise-in-covid-cases-in-india-record-deaths" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           300,000+ cases daily
          
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            . In the era of failing public and private health infrastructure, failing federal governance both at the Centre and at the State levels, conflicting and rampant misinformation, and overall a dystopic situation that is presently prevailing in India, crowdsourcing of resources are proving to be a beacon of hope. While discussing the
           
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    &lt;a href="https://science.thewire.in/health/as-indias-daily-covid-19-cases-crosses-100000-is-the-worst-yet-to-come/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           failing governance
          
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            and
           
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    &lt;a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/04/21/indias-16-million-new-covid-19-cases-past-week-are-breaking-its-health-system/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           crippling health infrastructure
          
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            in the current scenario, this article seeks to provide an insight into the power of social media and the immediate benefits that have been realized by Indians presently.
           
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           Glimmer of Hope
          
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            As of today morning, the author
           
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    &lt;a href="https://twitter.com/raushantara/status/1385103662666551297" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Tweeted
          
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            the need for an Oxygen Cylinder for a close friend’s father – and within the hour, through the help of the
           
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    &lt;a href="https://www.techopedia.com/definition/29186/twitterverse" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           ‘Twitterverse’
          
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            , her friend was able to
           
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    &lt;a href="https://twitter.com/raushantara/status/1385117374123167744" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           secure the same
          
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            . At the time of writing the article, the
           
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    &lt;a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1_3i1yK6h5Y3kjSwsFAKK16bW-jhRdROA11nS5jqZ7-4/edit?usp=sharing" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Tweet had 200+ Retweets
          
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            , and dozens of replies, all with up-to-date and promising leads for an Oxygen Cylinder. It is just one of the examples that highlight and showcase the power of social media. While India is battling with
           
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    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/coronavirus-second-wave-india-explained-7279364/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           the worst of the Covid-19 Pandemic presently
          
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           , it is the ‘common man’ that is rising to the occasion and is attempting to save lives. 
          
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           Situation in India
          
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            Currently, India is facing a
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/coronavirus-second-wave-india-explained-7279364/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           second wave of Covid-19 cases
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , much more devastating than the first wave, reaching more than
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-56826645" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           300,000 cases daily
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , and
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-56826645" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           more than 2,000 deaths.
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            The actual number is considered to be much higher considering the ground realities in
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://thewire.in/health/varanasi-cremation-burial-grounds-show-about-50-of-covid-19-deaths-arent-officially-recorded" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           different cities
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            – especially the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/20/non-stop-cremations-cast-doubt-on-indias-counting-of-covid-dead" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           number of deaths
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            . India also is facing an
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20210419-calls-for-more-oxygen-hospital-beds-as-india-s-covid-19-crisis-deepens" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           acute shortage
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            of hospital beds, ventilator beds, oxygen and oxygen cylinders, essential life-saving pharmaceuticals,
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-56811315" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           across the country
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , and both in private and public healthcare systems, which are adding to the misery of the common man.
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            Often privilege and monetary resources tend to skew the scales to your benefit, but with the present situation, even the most privileged are suffering from the disease. This includes the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/rahul-gandhi-tests-positive-for-covid-19-2417843" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           leader of the political opposition,
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            and people with utmost privilege including judges, politicians, ministers, celebrities, and businessmen are also suffering from Covid-19 and in some cases, are even losing their lives. With no nationwide lockdown imposed as of writing this article, some states, including the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi, have imposed State-wide or even city-wide lockdowns (within States) to curb the transmission of the disease.
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            The last ‘wave’ was much lower in numbers, it had already stressed the existing health infrastructure and pushed it to the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/health/is-india-s-public-health-infrastructure-ready-to-tackle-the-second-covid-19-wave-here-s-what-data-says-76320" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           very brink
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            . With the present wave, with
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://home.kpmg/in/en/home/insights/2021/02/india-healthcare-sector-transformation-in-the-post-covid-19-era.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           no noticeable improvements
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            in the infrastructure over the past year,
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://science.thewire.in/health/public-health-neglect-india-coronavirus-government-responsibility/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           the current infrastructure
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            is
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/over-2-million-active-covid-19-cases-stretch-health-infra-to-limits-101618857872303.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           unable to deal
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           with the influx of cases requiring medical intervention. Even if patients have been able to seek and avail the medical intervention required, they have been faced with an additional burden of lack of resources – including oxygen, steroids, plasma, other essential pharmaceuticals, even within the best of the hospitals. 
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;h3&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Super-Spreader Events
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/h3&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            Another additional nail in the coffin in the present situation is some of the events that preceded the sharp increase in cases – State elections in 4 States and 1 Union Territory which were preceded by election rallies amassing massive crowds, which have also led to a sharp increase in
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://science.thewire.in/health/fact-check-is-amit-shah-right-to-say-elections-cant-be-blamed-for-covid-spike/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Covid-19 cases in these States
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            . This coupled with the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-india-surge-idUSKBN2BV129" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Hindu festivals and religious gatherings, especially that of the ‘Kumbh Mela’
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , have contributed to the sharp increase in numbers,
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/indias-active-cases-cross-2-million-double-in-last-10-days/articleshow/82152733.cms" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           doubling in less than 10 days
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            . This situation was also sought to be rectified by a Former Union Law Minister
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/ex-union-minister-ashwani-kumar-moves-sc-to-stop-super-spreaders-7277112/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           in a letter to the Supreme Court
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            (with the assistance of the author of this Article) to take suo-moto cognizance of such events and issue relevant directions. Since the submission of the aforementioned letter, many of such events have subsequently been scaled down, with many political parties electing
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.business-standard.com/article/elections/will-not-hold-any-major-rally-amid-rise-in-covid-19-cases-bengal-minister-121041800356_1.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           not to hold any rallies at all.
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;h3&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Reaction of the Judiciary
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/h3&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            Various High Courts across the country have taken stock of the situation –
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/delhi-high-court-centre-oxygen-supply-hospitals-covid-19-7283552/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           in cases of oxygen shortage
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            to both public and private hospitals as well as the lack of
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.barandbench.com/news/litigation/bombay-high-court-special-sitting-at-8-pm-remdesivir-supply-nagpur" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           essential pharmaceuticals like Remdesvir
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           , which is still being prescribed in India to treat Covid-19. In extreme situations, these courts have directed the public institutions – at the Centre and the State levels to even
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/delhi-high-court-centre-oxygen-supply-hospitals-covid-19-7283552/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           ‘beg, borrow, and steal’
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            ,  if need be to provide oxygen to both private and public hospitals. This situation has also worsened because some States, which are responsible for the production of medical oxygen have been
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.ndtv.com/delhi-news/coronavirus-sir-ganga-ram-hospital-gtb-hospital-get-oxygen-supply-after-delhi-high-court-pulls-up-centre-2418381" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           retaining the same for their States
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            . It is a clear example of the failures of the Indian federal structure – where the tussle between the states is leading to
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/india/coronavirus-india-live-updates-maharashtra-delhi-uttar-pradesh-cases-deaths-vaccination-7282388/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           mismanagement of resources and the situation
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , and thereby, a loss of lives. This situation has also been taken stock of by the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/sc-takes-suo-moto-cognisance-of-covid-19-situation-issues-notice-to-centre/articleshow/82194649.cms" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Supreme Court, on 21st April 2021
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , in a suo-moto cognizance of the Covid-19 situation – demanding urgent action and plans to be presented for oxygen demand and supply, vaccine distribution, etc. 
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;h3&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Social Media to the Rescue
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/h3&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            While the situation does seem extremely bleak for the next few weeks, especially in the
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://thewire.in/government/narendra-modi-covid-speech-social-media-reactions-twitter-instagram" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           absence of any cogent response from the top-most official of the country
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , there is still hope. The hope is peddled on various social media platforms through community support, community building, and crowdsourcing of information and resources of immediate need. The
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1_3i1yK6h5Y3kjSwsFAKK16bW-jhRdROA11nS5jqZ7-4/edit#heading=h.fzryvpmot940" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           example
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            that is quoted by the author is merely one of the instances where it has resulted in an on-ground change in people’s lives.
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            Oxygen, hospital beds, ICU beds, ventilator beds, pharmaceuticals, food services, emotional support have been sourced through the powerful medium of social media platforms. The most important of these platforms has turned out to be
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/india/twitter-becomes-platform-hope-amid-despair-indias-covid-crisis-2021-04-21/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Twitter
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            , but even the ‘Community Help’ function on Facebook, WhatsApp groups, (especially Facebook Group and their subsequent WhatsApp Groups - ‘Network Capital’)  Instagram Stories has been at the forefront of providing resources directly to the affected persons. Personally, the author knows of multiple people getting the required help (disclosure is retained due to privacy of the patients), and often not through the ‘official channels’.
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            People, not necessarily doctors or government officials are working round the clock – and are
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/twitter-becomes-platform-of-hope-amid-the-despair-of-india-s-covid-19-crisis-101618999539917.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           developing search engines
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           , to quickly search and access the resources available across the country. Google Spreadsheets and Google Docs are also other mediums through which information on such resources are available and is updated every single minute after verifying the requisite information. It often is demarcated by the resources and is updated daily (often hourly) after verifying which resources/persons have been exhausted and often runs into multiple pages. Existing and new WhatsApp groups have been turned into another resource for collating information on an urgent basis. 
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           While there have been some cases of misinformation and misuse of the situation by extorting exorbitant money or extorting money on false leads, however, overall, the benefits have far outweighed the disadvantages. These disadvantages seem minuscule, especially with the lack of any information from the Centre or the State Governments. These platforms (because of their user base as well) have helped transform and provide a glimmer of hope in light of failing democratic institutions within the country. It is only when the public institutions fail the common man, that one turns to strangers – and in this case, it is the kindness of strangers that has truly come through and restored the author’s faith in humanity.
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
            
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;h3&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Conclusion
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/h3&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           The situation, while dire, is also a beacon of change and hope through the power of social media platforms. These platforms have had a real-life impact on the lives of many – especially during a pandemic and at a time where there is a severe resource crunch, and a lack of response from public officials and institutions. There has been a massive change from social-media movements just being a form of ‘armchair activism’ to changing the lives of many at the grass-roots level, and is directly responsible for saving the lives of many individuals in this situation. Yes, the reality is that even these movements have not been able to save all lives, they do depict the perseverance of the human spirit and the ability of strangers to rally against the inefficiencies of the Government and come together in times of need to provide a glimmer of hope. 
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           This is a developing story in India. Some of the information might be outdated at the time of publication due to the rapid changes in the situation. It stands updated as on 21st April 2021, at 5 PM IST. 
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;&#xD;
&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;p&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Raushan
          
                    &#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            pursued her LLM at the University of Cambridge as a Commonwealth Shared Cambridge Trust Scholar with a specialisation in International Law. She is currently an Advocate at the Supreme Court of India and a Lecturer at Jindal Global Law School. At our institute, she leads the Digital Human Rights cycle. She has a host of publications in the area of human rights and technology – often how technology impacts civil and political rights and how it can be leveraged to attain human rights.
           
                      &#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
  &lt;/p&gt;&#xD;
&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
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      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Apr 2021 21:00:45 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/power-of-social-media-in-a-raging-pandemic-the-indian-experience-while-battling-its-second-wave-of-covid-19</guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>To Trust or Antitrust? Digital Competition</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/justtalking/trust-or-antitrust-digital-competition</link>
      <description>What is the current shape of Competition Law and Policy in the Digital Era? Changes in the digital environment and in technology business models increasingly unleash conundrums for both theory of competition law, policymaking and enforcement. There doesn’t seem to be one answer that fits all.</description>
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           ABOUT
          
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           What is the current shape of Competition Law and Policy in the Digital Era? Changes in the digital environment and in technology business models increasingly unleash conundrums for both theory of competition law, policymaking and enforcement. There doesn’t seem to be one answer that fits all.This conversation aims to cover some important topics in this context. First, the current efforts by regulators when assessing Big Tech companies in their relevant markets. The fear of presumed competition harm as a result of novelties in digital markets has, as a default reaction, the request for new regulatory interventions. The question, however, is whether or not this reaction is justified and necessary. On the other hand, we will focus on data-intensive markets in a discussion of whether authorities have shown a good understanding of their nature and the consistent rules while analyzing companies competing in such environment. We will also jump back to some classic examples of tech-based antitrust case law to reconsider if the authorities have to review lessons from the past in shaping how they oversee contemporary challenges in digital antitrust.
          
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           SPEAKERS
          
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           Prof. Dr. Dirk Auer is a Senior Fellow at the International Center for Law &amp;amp; Economics. His work focuses on the law and economics of antitrust, with an emphasis on innovation policy, digital markets and European competition law. Dirk is also an Adjunct Professor UCLouvain and ULiège, in Belgium, where he teaches courses on American law and on the economics of competition law.
          
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      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Apr 2021 15:10:57 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/justtalking/trust-or-antitrust-digital-competition</guid>
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      <title>IGF+ Next Generation Internet Governance</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/digitalcinema/igfplus-next-generation-internet-governance</link>
      <description>Enhancing Internet governance requires multiple actions and reforms to make it more responsive and relevant to current digital issues, in particular, to ensure that technology is harnessed for good, seek the opportunity to manage its impact and ensure that it presents a level playing field for all. The role of the IGF+ becomes key on digital issues, but also it will face some important challenges. For instance, it will need to address how to ensure the cooperation and participation of different stakeholders (business, academia, civil society and technical organisations) that will help to respond to digital issues and evaluate trade-offs as they emerge. Another challenge is to overcome the silos between technical knowledge, civil society and policymakers, which can be critical for adopting and implementing policies. In particular, it will be essential to address how to strengthen institutional links between the IGF+ and the UN for an effective action.</description>
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           ABOUT
          
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           Enhancing Internet governance requires multiple actions and reforms to make it more responsive and relevant to current digital issues, in particular, to ensure that technology is harnessed for good, seek the opportunity to manage its impact and ensure that it presents a level playing field for all. The role of the IGF+ becomes key on digital issues, but also it will face some important challenges. For instance, it will need to address how to ensure the cooperation and participation of different stakeholders (business, academia, civil society and technical organisations) that will help to respond to digital issues and evaluate trade-offs as they emerge. Another challenge is to overcome the silos between technical knowledge, civil society and policymakers, which can be critical for adopting and implementing policies. In particular, it will be essential to address how to strengthen institutional links between the IGF+ and the UN for an effective action. Not less important will be the discussion around the ways to ensure participation, and concrete policy recommendations and the tools that must be implemented to achieve the goals sought. Join us on a discussion about the IGF+ reforms towards an agile and inclusive internet governance.
          
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           SPEAKERS
          
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           Jorge Cancio
          
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            is Deputy Head of the International Relations Team at the Federal Office of Communications (OFCOM), Switzerland. As such he has managerial and coordination duties and represents Switzerland in a number of international fora and processes related to Internet Governance and Digital Cooperation (notably UN, UN Commission on Science and Technology for Development (CSTD), UN IGF, EuroDIG, Council of Europe Expert Groups, European Union High Level Group on Internet Governance, the UN High Level Panel on Digital Cooperation and follow-up work, the Geneva Internet Platform, or the Swiss IGF). Amongst his duties, he acts as Swiss Representative within the Governmental Advisory Committee (GAC) to the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), where he currently is one of the Vice-Chairs. Prior joining OFCOM in 2015, Mr. Cancio held different positions within the Spanish Administration, in the fields of Copyright, Internet Law and Policy, including Internet intermediary liability, Open Data, Internet Governance, and Telecommunications. He holds a law degree from the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid as well as an LL.M. from the Benjamin N. Cardozo Law School, New York. Mr. Cancio is fluent in Spanish, English and German, and has a working knowledge of French.
           
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           Prof. em. Dr. Wolfgang Kleinwächter
          
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            is P
           
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            rofessor Emeritus of Internet Policy and Regulation at Aarhus University. He is a member of the Global Commission on Stability in Cyberspace (GCSC) as well as a former member of the ICANN Board of Directors and Special Ambassador of the NetMundial Initiative (NMI). He is a long-time participant in international negotiations on Internet Governance (ICANN, WSIS, UN, ITU, G7, EU and IGF). He served as a member of the UN Working Group on Internet Governance (2003 - 2005), as personal advisor to the chair of the UN Internet Governance Forum, Nitin Desai (2005 - 2010), as chair of the "Cross Border Internet Expert Group" of the Council of Europe (2009 - 2011). He is the founder and chair of the Summer School on Internet Governance (SSIG). He also founded and acted as first Chair of the IGF Dynamic Coalition on Internet of Things (DC.IOT@IGF). He was a member of the government delegations of Denmark at the UN World Summit on the Information Society/WSIS (Tunis 2005) and Germany at the ITU World Conference on International Telecommunication/WCIT (Dubai 2012). He is the author of numerous publications and has been invited as an expert at hearings in the European Parliament and the German Bundestag. He has been awarded the eco Internet Award in 2012.
           
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           Sorina Teleanu
          
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            is an independent consultant with expertise in Internet governance and digital policy. Sorina previously worked with DiploFoundation as Digital Policy Senior Researcher, and with the Romanian Parliament, as advisor dealing with ICT-related legislation and policies. Between 2011 and 2016, she served as the alternate representative of the Romanian Government to ICANN’s Governmental Advisory Committee. Sorina also served as the Chair of the Executive Committee of the South Eastern European Dialogue on Internet Governance (SEEDIG), and was a member of the Multistakeholder Advisory Group (MAG) which provides advice to the UN Secretary-General on the programme and schedule of the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) meetings. She has been a long-time volunteer to the IGF Secretariat and EuroDIG, and also worked as a fellow and consultant at the IGF Secretariat. Sorina is an alumna of DiploFoundation’s Internet Governance Capacity Building Programme, ICANN’s Fellowship Programme, the Internet Society’s Next Generation Leadership programme, and the European Summer School on Internet Governance. Her educational background is in international relations and European studies, having received a bachelor and a master's degree from the Lucian Blaga University in Sibiu, Romania.
           
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      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Apr 2021 15:03:40 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/events/digitalcinema/igfplus-next-generation-internet-governance</guid>
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      <title>One Way Ticket to Luxembourg - Facebook v. Bundeskartellamt at the ECJ</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/one-way-ticket-to-luxembourg-facebook-v-bundeskartellamt-at-the-ecj</link>
      <description>A landmark competition-privacy case has been sent to the  European Court of Justice. The Higher Regional Court in Düsseldorf has decided that the GDPR-related concerns on the much-expected Bundeskartellamt v. Facebook dominance dispute shall be interpreted by the ECJ before a final ruling is set in German Courts.</description>
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           BIG DATA &amp;amp; ANTITRUST
          
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           One Way Ticket to Luxembourg - Facebook v. Bundeskartellamt at the ECJ
          
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            A landmark competition-privacy case has been sent to the  European Court of Justice. The Higher Regional Court in Düsseldorf has decided that the GDPR-related concerns on the much-expected Bundeskartellamt v. Facebook dominance dispute shall be interpreted by the ECJ before a final ruling is set in German Courts.
           
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           By Mario Tavares Moyrón &amp;amp; Petar Pešić
          
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           April 14, 2021
          
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           “We have very good reason to do away with anachronistic laws and norms, as they can lead to unfairness and to the delay of progress. That is why Zuckerberg hinting that privacy had become obsolete was so significant. Since then, wanting to reassure users and keep up with competitors who are more serious about privacy, Zuckerberg has changed his tune and in 2019 claimed that ‘the future is private’. Just one month later, however, Facebook’s lawyer argued in court that users had ‘no privacy interest’, because by the sheer act of using the platform they had ‘negated any reasonable expectation of privacy’. 
          
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           Privacy is Power
          
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            The middle of the year 2020 was coming to an end when the Federal Court of Justice (Bundesgerichtshof) of Germany confirmed the Federal Cartel Office’s (Bundeskartellamt)
           
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            on Facebook dominance. The company quickly appealed the ruling, to be referred to the Higher Regional Court (Oberlandesgericht) of Düsseldorf. After analyzing the substantial arguments of the case, the Competition Chamber of the Oberlandesgericht
           
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            to send the dockets to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) for a formal interpretation of the European Regulations at stake. 
           
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           In light of the above, it is worth a step back to remember the context of this dispute and have a short recap to  see why it is now a matter of resolution for the ECJ.
          
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           Summary of the case
          
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           In February 2019 the German competition authority determined that Facebook was holding a dominant position in the social network’s market. As a consequence, the referred Office imposed a series of guidelines to prevent the company from abusing its powers in the relevant market, such as restrictions to the data processing activities, which, according to the Bundeskartellamt, compelled users to allow broad access to their data for further exploitation, without the user’s previous, informed and explicit consent.
          
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            The Bundeskartellamt was not aiming to financially punish Facebook but rather intended to establish
           
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            measures against possible abuses of dominance that also impacted the scope of the data protection legislation. In specific, those from the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). These measures required an action plan for Facebook to amend its data processing practices in order to enhance its users' privacy rights.
           
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           Facebook quickly challenged the decision from the Bundeskartellamt and asked for interim relief from execution of the decision before the Düsseldorf’s Oberlandesgericht, where its judges granted an injunction to the effect that the company could omit the action plan ordered by the competition authority. In consequence, the Bundeskartellamt appealed the ruling, which forwarded it to the chambers of the Federal Court of Justice in Karlsruhe. And as anticipated in the introduction, on June 23rd of 2020, the federal judges confirmed the decision of the Bundeskartellamt. 
          
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           Now, again, it was the turn of the Higher Regional Court in Düsseldorf.
          
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           Initial legal assessment by the German Competition Authority
          
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            The German competition watchdog was of the idea that Facebook systematically abused its market power, reducing the options of products offered to its users as a result of systematically displaying undemanded
           
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           targeted advertisements
          
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           . According to the results of the Bundeskartellamt’s  3-year investigation, Facebook created profiles of its users built from the analysis of personal data and online behavior, without having properly fulfilled the regulatory requirements to collect such data.
          
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           The Bundeskartellamt considered that the data handled by Facebook allowed not only to generate highly targeted advertisement but also to strengthen the entry barriers to the social media market through network and lock-in effects.
          
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           Under its own interpretation of the GDPR, the Bundeskartellamt noted that users could not provide their consent freely, in an informed way, and with clear and specific purposes to authorize the combination of data. Facebook was conditioning the use of the social network to the acceptance of the terms of use.
          
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           Although Facebook disclosed the purposes of processing personal data on its privacy policy, together with the legal basis for such purpose, it did not provide an alternative (
          
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           ) for the user to refuse the combination of data.
          
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           Furthermore, the combination of data was not disclosed, neither only sourced from the Facebook page or app, but also by other interfaces connected to Facebook and third-party websites integrated through plugins, such as the Like button or the Share option. Additionally, the latter is a possible trigger for leaking users’ personal data.
          
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           The Competition Authority resorted to substantiate this case following a civil law doctrine from the Federal Court of Justice on “abusive commercial terms”. According to the referred doctrine, an abusive commercial term would be there when one of the parties to a contract had unbalanced power during the negotiation and leveraged it to prevent the other party from any bargaining capacity. As a consequence of the lack of contractual autonomy, constitutional rights (such as informational self-determination, in the case of relevance) of the disadvantaged party of the negotiation could be undermined, hence requiring the involvement of the Court.
          
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           In light of the above, the Competition Authority considered that when investigating companies like Facebook, competition watchdogs should assess their data processing activities to test their level of compliance with privacy laws, as their ultimate purpose is to safeguard a right constitutionally acknowledged.
          
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           Why was the dispute referred to the ECJ Chambers?
          
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           The ECJ acts as the final interpreter of the EU Law and as such is the right addressee in cases where courts of Member States need to decide on a matter related to the Union Law. In those situations, national courts may refer such queries -as is the case with the GDPR- to the ECJ for further clarification.
          
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            When it comes to this dispute, the final list of questions is yet to be published. However, Düsseldorf’s Oberlandesgericht was emphatic on the fact that the core of the case was by no means settled yet after the Bundesgerichtshof decision. The
           
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           central question
          
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            being: are competition authorities allowed to use antitrust law as a tool to enforce
           
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           data protection
          
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            regulation or do they exceed their competence in doing so? Another query that could be expected to be rendered to the Chambers relates to the bundling of the social network users’ data from the various resources harvested by Facebook without consent. 
           
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            Other
           
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            are related to the procedural aspect of the case and include whether the right entities of Facebook were targeted during the proceedings and whether Facebook was granted a fair hearing.
           
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            Data protection regulation has been a sort of a
           
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            for competition law. Many experts argue that there is a frontier between antitrust and data protection that should not be crossed, even if these areas of law get to interact within many technology-related cases. 
           
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           Wrap-up before a Court’s ruling
          
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            The case has already proven to be groundbreaking. The German Parliament (Bundestag) recently introduced an amendment to the Act against Restraints of Competition, which now establishes the Bundesgerichtshof as the first and last instance of appeal to Bundeskartellamt’s
           
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           decisions
          
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           . This will likely speed up the process of deciding on similar disputes. 
          
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           As it concerns Facebook, the company has been systematically bundling all of the data gathered from its users, using its platforms and third-party sources to strengthen profiles, which matches the company’s business model driven towards advertising. In essence, they use this practice to increase their revenue by offering advertisers better personalization and performance of their campaigns. On the other side of the pond, questions arise as to whether acquisitions of Whatsapp and Instagram by Facebook were mistakenly cleared from antitrust concerns. 
          
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           If we are looked at as consumers and we take that the goal of the EU competition law is to strive for consumer welfare and to promote a “highly competitive social market economy” as stated in the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU, then we must wonder if this practice is harming consumers or not. Privacy threats included. What we are getting as consumers is an ever-increasing amount of ads for our “
          
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           free
          
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           ” use of Facebook’s platforms. 
          
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           Facebook increases its revenue using our data, that we must opt to surrender if we wish to use their services, and every possible competitor has driven away from this industry because of network effects. It is hardly plausible that a new entrant to the market can offer similar advertising services as Facebook does, because they simply cannot gather that much data. 
          
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           What is interesting is that we still perceive Facebook as a social media company, although their business model revolves around advertising. If they would be seen as advertisers, would their business model and their approach to collection and use of data be seen as exploitative practice? In any case, consumers expect to see the European Court of Justice focusing on the substance of the case and providing clear answers. This dispute has already taken years to decide and a tortoise approach to such highly important cases, is hampering the effectiveness of an eventual decision. By the time this case finally gets resolved, we might realize that the practice that was in the focus of this case has become obsolete. 
          
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           What is still true is that this can become the next landmark case to be used as reference for matters related to the intersection of the data protection  and competition law. Whether this will be the case, only time will tell. 
          
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           Mario
          
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            is a legal counsel based in Paris. He underwent his graduate studies in Regulation of New Technologies, Data Privacy, and Fintech. His work experience has been focused on TMT, Contract Law, Compliance for Financial Institutions, Privacy, and Competition Law. He Co-leads the Institute’s Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust cycle.
           
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           Petar
          
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            is a qualified lawyer from Serbia working in the IT industry. He has completed his LLM degree at the University of Cambridge, specializing in the area of Competition/Antitrust Law. During undergraduate studies at the University of Nis, Serbia, he was participating in numerous Moot Court Competition, of which most notable results were 1st place at the Trans-European Moot Court Competition before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, and Price E. Monroe Media Law Moot Court. He previously completed a traineeship in a reputable Serbian law firm and worked in the Legal Team in the iGaming industry. His areas of interest include AI, IT Law, and Human Rights. 
           
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      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 20:27:43 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/one-way-ticket-to-luxembourg-facebook-v-bundeskartellamt-at-the-ecj</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cs_datamergers,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Data-Driven Mergers</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/data-driven-mergers</link>
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            COSMONAUT
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           S E R I E S
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           Data-Driven Mergers
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           Chris Gannon
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           Privacy &amp;amp; Antitrust
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           The current approach to data-driven mergers largely ignores the potentially detrimental effects of concentration of personal data on consumers. However, there must be a route that enables the integration of privacy concerns into competition law analysis to ensure that privacy, considered as a fundamental aspect of consumer welfare, is not degraded by the merger.
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           Ben Chamberlain
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           Data accumulation as barrier to entry?
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           A dynamic digital environment requires antitrust authorities to meticulously and creatively assess a broad range of determinants in deciding on the competitive effect of some merger. Data accumulation in that regard can be taken as a red flag, but not as solid proof of detrimental anti-competitive effect.
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           Jignesh Gajjar
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           Acquisition on condition
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           By the end of 2020, the European Commission approves Google's acquisition of Fitbit on conditions. Google had to commit to not using location, health, and well-being data from Fitbit users for 10 years to target ads. The company also assured that the deal will not affect Fitbit's competitors using Android and has indicated that it will not interfere with the operation of Fitbit devices on other operating systems. The European regulator also demanded that users have the option to disable data sharing with other Google services.
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           Johnkutty KM
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           Our Series
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      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 18:59:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/data-driven-mergers</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,cosmonautseries,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>WhatsApp’s Privacy Policy in the Light of the Bundeskartellamt’s Facebook Decision and the Turkish experience</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/whatsapps-privacy-policy-in-the-light-of-the-bundeskartellamts-facebook-decision-and-the-turkish-experience</link>
      <description>WhatsApp was acquired by Facebook in February 2014. It was unforeseen the massive relevance that both companies' combined data would eventually have for Facebook’s business model. We currently see a clearer perspective of the above in light of WhatsApp’s new privacy policy.</description>
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           BIG DATA &amp;amp; ANTITRUST
          
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           WhatsApp’s Privacy Policy in the Light of the Bundeskartellamt’s Facebook Decision and the Turkish experience
          
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           WhatsApp was acquired by Facebook in February 2014. It was unforeseen the massive relevance that both companies' combined data would eventually have for Facebook’s business model. We currently see a clearer perspective of the above in light of WhatsApp’s new privacy policy.
          
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           By Gözde Diktas
          
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           April 14, 2021
          
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           In early January of this year, all WhatsApp users received a notification with respect to its new terms and conditions and privacy policy. According to such notification, by granting your consent, your data would be fully integrated with Facebook. A refusal to accept the referred terms would be equal to the inability to use WhatsApp anymore. As network effects are important, WhatsApp could expect that most of the users would unquestionably accept these updates, but many persons preferred to migrate to different messaging applications promising to offer more privacy-friendly practices.   
          
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           While in the European Economic Area, WhatsApp is somewhat restricted to limitlessly sharing its data thanks to the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), this is not necessarily the case for other jurisdictions. This article will flag some key items to consider for Turkey, after a quick revision of a piece of case-law that sits data protection regulation together with antitrust law.
          
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            The Bundeskartellamt v. Facebook Case 
           
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            In the case
           
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           Bundeskartellamt v. Facebook
          
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           , the German Competition Authority started an investigation on Facebook for collecting user and device-related data from third-parties partnered with Facebook (including WhatsApp) and combining such data with information from the platform’s user account.
          
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           Facebook asserted that its conduct was performed legitimately by receiving users’ consents. But the Bundeskartellamt argued that for the collection of consent as a legal basis for data processing to be valid, it should not be granted under coercion. In other words, users were conditioned to accept the terms and conditions if they wanted to use the app. Consequently, the terms of use and privacy of Facebook were in breach of the principles enshrined in the GDPR.
          
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            In addition to the above, the conduct of Facebook constituted an abuse of dominance in the form of exploitative contractual terms. According to German case-law, where one contractual party is so powerful and it is practically able to dictate the terms of the contract, it can be considered as an abuse of dominance, in order to protect constitutional rights of the ‘weak’ parties to the agreement. In this context, Bundeskartellamt stressed that a violation of GDPR should be considered
           
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           too
          
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            a violation of constitutional rights since the GDPR protects the fundamental rights to privacy and the protection of personal data. 
           
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           The Bundeskartellamt pointed out Facebook’s market share and strong direct network effects preventing its users from switching to another social network. It additionally mentioned that other advertising platforms found it difficult to thrive in a market captured by Facebook. It was also with this case that a myth was challenged: that of free of charge services allowing the platform to dispose of the users’ data as it pleased them, where data becomes the token for exchange. 
          
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           This whole context comes to relevance when we look at WhatsApp’s situation: (i) a messaging application with massive outreach and, (ii) an inexistent wiggle room for the terms and conditions. Bundeskartellamt’s decision should be a route map when leading with what might be indeed abusive contractual terms that would prevent a user from connecting to the app. 
          
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           Turkey
          
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           Jumping to another jurisdiction, it is worth clarifying an enforceability point of the Turkish Competition Act (
          
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           ‘Law No. 4054’
          
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            ), where  in the absence of the Facebook Turkey office, the Turkish Competition Authority (“TCA”) is based on
           
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            effect doctrine
           
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            rather than the principle of territoriality.
           
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           Accordingly, all agreements, conducts and decisions restricting competition in any of the markets in Turkey could be subject to the Law. 4054. Therefore, even in the absence of physical presence in Turkey, any undertaking causing anti-competitive effects in Turkish markets could be investigated by the Turkish Competition Authority.
          
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            According to the 2020 Report by Gemius, Instagram has 40,080,825 users in Turkey and Facebook has 31,236,479 users. These figures are relevant as it is Facebook who owns WhatsApp.
           
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           For messaging applications
          
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           , WhatsApp has 50,038,812 users, Facebook Messenger has 29,602,803 users and BIP (local messaging application in Turkey operated by Turkcell) has 9,528,919 users.
          
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            With these figures in mind, the TCA filed a lawsuit and launched an investigation with the
           
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           ex efficio
          
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            decision numbered 21-02/25-10 dated 11/01/2021 on interim measures against Facebook for its recent implementation concerning data sharing preferences to detect whether there is an infringement under the Article 6 of Law No. 4054 on abuse of dominant position.
           
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            At this point, TCA has the authority to launch an investigation either with a preliminary examination on whether an in-depth investigation is required or without any preliminary examination based on Art. 40 of the Law No. 4054. However, in practice, TCA has mostly initiated investigations with a preliminary examination before launching a full-fledged investigation in an effort to collect information about the factual background of the allegations. 
           
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            Nevertheless, TCA this time initiated an in-depth investigation directly rather than following that two-step approach.
           
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           Competition experts
          
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            justify this decision by the position of the TCA to provide sufficient information on legitimate competition law concerns which need to be assessed in an in-depth investigation.
           
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           TCA
          
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            also decided to implement preventive measures by obliging Facebook to withdraw WhatsApp's policy updates, meant to enter into force by February 8th, 2021 and notify its withdrawal from the latest update to its users who have already accepted the updated terms or received the notification.
           
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           According to Art. 9 /4 of Law No. 4054, where there is an objective possibility that the investigated conduct could cause significant and irreparable damage, the TCA may take measures, not going beyond the scope of the Board's final decision, to protect the situation prior to the investigated conduct. Once this authority is exercised, the TCA must provide adequate reasoning for its decision and persuasive indicators demonstrating the possible damages in the absence of the interim measure.
          
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            With respect to abuse of dominance, the competition authorities generally use comparative tools or value tests to determine whether a dominant undertaking has an exploitative strategy, and prove its possible harm. Abuse of dominance is regulated and prohibited by Art. 6 Law No. 4054 with several behaviors as examples of abuse of dominance.
           
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           In reference to exploitative abuses, restrictions in production, marketing or technical development for consumers' disadvantage is one of the counted examples, and unlike German legislation, there is no other Article than this regulating the criteria to rely on in determining abusive behaviors. Thus, the TCA published in 2014 the Guidelines on the Assessment of Exclusionary Abusive Conduct by Dominant Undertakings (“Guideline”). Exploitative conducts, however, were not in scope.
          
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            On the other hand, it should be also
           
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           noted
          
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            that the examples in Art. 6 are not counted as
           
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           numerus clausus
          
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           , and there are other examples just brought with the case-law, such as excessive pricing as an exploitative abuse. Turkish competition law does not foresee such detailed rules on deciding market power and abuse of dominance as German competition law, and the Guideline does not cover exploitative abuse, unlawful access (with respect to the privacy concerns) to data affecting competition by an undertaking. However, Turkish courts may determine exploitative abuse on the basis of existing case-law. 
          
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           Generally, TCA’s investigation is quite similar to Bundeskartellamt’s Facebook Decision. It was decided that subsidiaries of Facebook such as Instagram or WhatsApp can continue collecting data of users only separately if there is no real consent of users for their data to be processed by another subsidiary or Facebook. Even if it is currently hard to get a clear conclusion in a non-EU country without examining allegations in detail, it would not be wrong from the announcements and allegations to say that WhatsApp indeed attempted to abuse on the basis of its dominant position. 
          
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           Final note
          
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           As the loss of control over personal data is also regarded as a topic of interest for data protection authorities, the Turkish Data Protection Authority initiated an investigation against Facebook and WhatsApp on following bases;
          
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            The consent mentioned in the policy update is demanded only for processing of the data, not for the transfer of data to  third parties abroad.
           
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            Transfer of data to an undertaking in another country might be against the required elements in  Art. 9 of the Turkish Law on the Protection of Personal Data.
           
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            Coerced consent may not be considered as “explicitly given” which is a minimum requirement of the Law before any processing is performed. 
           
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           It is very likely that as in the Turkish case, many other competition authorities start looking at the intertwined connection between antitrust law and data protection when, as in the case referred above, data becomes essential for the undertaker's strategy and potentially threatens fundamental rights for the sake of their own profit.
          
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           Gözde Diktas
          
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            is a fresh lawyer admitted to the Istanbul Bar Association in Turkey. She experienced an international traineeship on Information Technology Law, Competition Law and Data Privacy (based on GDPR) in Ukraine, and is expecting to perform two more in Malta and Portugal. She studied the US. Common Law during bachelor program, and she has publications in the field of competition law and an international report on internet censorship. She is a researcher in Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust Research Cycle in the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society.  She is fluent in English and Turkish, and can communicate in French.
           
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
      <enclosure url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1611604548018-d56bbd85d681.jpg" length="179580" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 18:24:38 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/whatsapps-privacy-policy-in-the-light-of-the-bundeskartellamts-facebook-decision-and-the-turkish-experience</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,cs_datamergers,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1611604548018-d56bbd85d681.jpg">
        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
      </media:content>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1611604548018-d56bbd85d681.jpg">
        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>(Sensitive) Data Mergers and Consumer Welfare</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/sensitive-data-mergers-and-consumer-welfare</link>
      <description>The acquisition of Fitbit by Google is an emblematic case, as it represents an attempt by Google to expand their participation in the wearables and the health market. This text aims to provide a short overview of the main antitrust and privacy discussions surrounding the case, including the particularities involving sensitive data and the impacts of the merge when it comes to consumer welfare.</description>
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           BIG DATA &amp;amp; ANTITRUST
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           (Sensitive) Data Mergers and Consumer Welfare
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           The acquisition of Fitbit by Google is an emblematic case, as it represents an attempt by Google to expand its participation in the wearables and the health market. This text aims to provide a short overview of the main antitrust and privacy discussions surrounding the case, including the particularities involving sensitive data and the impacts of the merger when it comes to consumer welfare.
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           By Juliana Novaes
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           April 14, 2021
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           One of the most remarkable antitrust cases in 2020 was the acquisition of Fitbit by Google, which started in 2019 when the $2.1 billion deal was announced. Fitbit is a company focused on fitness and electronic products, such as smartwatches and wearable technology in general. This is an emblematic case, as it represents an attempt from Google to expand its participation in the wearables and the health market.
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           Antitrust concerns in the Google/Fitbit case
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           Fitbit is part of the fitness and health industry and has as part of its business model the development of electronic devices that are able to gather and analyze personal metrics from its consumer relating to their health and physical activity habits. 
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           As a consequence, a significant part of the data processed by the company is of sensitive nature, involving information such as heart rate, quality of sleep, steps climbed, and information that generally provides insights on health habits maintained by users.
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           The merger would hence mean that Google would have access to the databases belonging to Fitbit. Some concerns involving the case are based on the premise that Google could use this data for improving even more its profiling and personalization mechanisms, which would increase entry barriers and damage competition in general. This is based on the discussion around the potential of data as a competitive asset that can create barriers and exclude competitors who do not have access to the same amounts of information and therefore have reduced possibilities of developing personalized products and services with the same precision. This would hence open loopholes for large companies to abuse their power of dominance generated by vast amounts of data.
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           Data collected by Fitbit could strengthen Google's power in digital economy markets, such as online advertising and search engines, having the potential to leverage its position in additional markets, like those linked to health.
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           Consequently, following the announcement by Google, the European Commission began investigating the case, due to the high amounts of data that would be obtained from the acquired company and the potential effects this would have on competition.
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           Consumer welfare concerns
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           Following the announcement involving the deal, several civil society organizations wrote a
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           joint declaration
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           stating their concerns regarding the merger. The declaration is part of an international initiative that presses competition authorities from around the world to analyze carefully the impacts of the Google-Fitbit operation from a consumer welfare perspective.
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           This discussion inserts itself in a context in which consumer privacy has become a critical public policy topic. The merger raised concerns among civil society organizations on what are the possible impacts of such a merger when it comes to the privacy of customers.
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           The very nature of the personal data processed by Fitbit is of high concern, as it provides insights into consumers’ health conditions. This not only affects the right to privacy but could lead to other consequences in the long-term associated with discrimination of individuals and misuse. Health-related data is considered of sensitive nature by the General Data Protection Regulation and it is subject to particularly strict rules due to the long-term consequences for individuals if not correctly protected.
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           In this sense, one of the arguments presented by civil society organizations is that, as the merger could have potential impacts of lowering competition in the sector, there would be not enough incentives for Google to offer services with high quality in terms of privacy and data protection after acquiring Fitbit. This could therefore potentially decrease the level of informational autonomy and protection that would be designated to the customers who share their data with the devices offered by the company.
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           Civil society organizations also raise awareness of the possibility of Google imposing entry barriers to other competitors through interoperability mechanisms involving the Android operating system. This would also damage consumers, as they would have fewer options when choosing a similar service. 
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           Moreover, the organizations are concerned with the autonomy of customers when choosing which data to share with the company. They reinforce the need for Google to allow for the possibility of current Fitbit consumers not wanting to have their data integrated after the acquisition. 
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           The Outcomes
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           By the end of 2020, the
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           European Commission decided to approve the acquisition
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           . Nonetheless, there were commitments involved in the decision. Google had to commit to not using location, health, and well-being data from Fitbit users for 10 years to target ads. The company also assured that the deal will not affect Fitbit's competitors using Android and has indicated that it will not interfere with the operation of Fitbit devices on other operating systems. The European regulator also demanded that users have the option to disable data sharing with other Google services.
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           Juliana Novaes is a Law Student at the University of Sao Paulo also enrolled in a double-degree program at the University of Lyon. She is a researcher in the law and technology field and a digital rights activist. She is currently part of the Directive Council of the Internet Society’s Youth Observatory (Youth SIG) and is an Internet of Rights Fellow at ARTICLE 19. Her main topics of interest are infrastructure regulation, digital economy and freedom of expression.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 18:07:58 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/sensitive-data-mergers-and-consumer-welfare</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,cs_datamergers,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Privacy as an Element of Product Quality in the Assessment of Data-Driven Mergers</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/privacy-as-an-element-of-product-quality-in-assessment-of-data-driven-mergers</link>
      <description>The current approach to data-driven mergers largely ignores the potentially detrimental effects of concentration of personal data on consumers. However, there must be a route that enables the integration of privacy concerns into competition law analysis to ensure that privacy, considered as a fundamental aspect of consumer welfare, is not degraded by the merger.</description>
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           BIG DATA &amp;amp; ANTITRUST
          
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           Privacy as an Element of Product Quality in Assessment of Data-Driven Mergers
          
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           The current approach to data-driven mergers largely ignores the potentially detrimental effects of concentration of personal data on consumers. However, there must be a route that enables the integration of privacy concerns into competition law analysis to ensure that privacy, considered as a fundamental aspect of consumer welfare, is not degraded by the merger.
          
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           By Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli
          
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           April 14, 2021
          
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            In the debate on the intersection between big data, privacy, and antitrust, one of the main
           
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           issues
          
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            is that the current approach to data-driven mergers largely ignores the potentially detrimental effects of concentration of personal data on consumers.
           
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            Competition authorities constantly assess the role of data as a source of market power, and how the
           
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           aggregation of data
          
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            by the merging parties could potentially constitute a barrier to market entry for competitors. When it comes to privacy-related issues, the present
           
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           assumption
          
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            is that it does not constitute an antitrust concern, and it should be addressed only by consumer protection laws or privacy legislation.
           
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            This view equates privacy and personal data protection as other non-economic interests and therefore falls outside the scope of competition law analysis. Several attempts have already been made to address the detrimental effects of the accumulation of data by advancing theories consumers’ harm as a method to include privacy concerns in the competition law analysis. One of these arguments was pursued by
           
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           analyzing
          
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            the harm to consumers due to the diminution of product quality.
           
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           Consumer Protection in the European Competition Legal framework
          
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            Consumer protection is an inherent feature of competition law. In the European legal framework, the prohibition of abuse of dominance entails an extension of the consumer-protection function, with a further focus on consumer choice and implications for innovation.
           
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            Accordingly, also the
           
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           European Merger Regulation
          
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            refers to consumer welfare: when conducting a merger review, the Commission should take into account the interests of consumers, and that the technical and economic progress brought about by a merger is to the advantage of consumers.The areas of abuse of dominance and mergers are intertwined, as the legal test applicable to mergers is based on the creation or strengthening of a dominant position following the merger. 
           
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           Privacy as an element of product quality
          
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            The root to comprehend privacy and data in the scope of competition law is to
           
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           consider
          
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            privacy as an element of product quality, which constitutes a significant non-price parameter of competition in online markets.In this respect, the EU already highlighted the importance of non-price parameters of competition, such as product quality within the scope of merger analysis. The ECJ confirmed this approach in
           
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           Microsoft/Skype
          
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            where it assessed the merger’s potentially detrimental impact on non-price competition in the form of degradation of innovation and service quality.
           
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            However, competition authorities are still reluctant to block a merger on the sole ground of its negative effect on product quality or other parameters of non-price competition.The Commission approach in 
           
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            Facebook/WhatsApp
           
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           case clearly reflects this line of thought
          
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            .
           
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            After the merger, Facebook
           
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           changed
          
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            WhatsApp’s privacy policy to enable it to combine WhatsApp user data with Facebook user data. Consequently, WhatsApp users received a notice that WhatsApp would transfer their data to Facebook in a
           
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           take-it-or-leave-it
          
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            choice.
           
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            Whereas the
           
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           Commission
          
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            acknowledged that privacy is increasingly valued by consumers, it still refrained from actually assessing whether the merger would lead to a decrease in the future quality of the privacy offered by both undertakings.In this respect, the EU Commission
           
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           stated
          
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            that any privacy-related concerns deriving from the data aggregation within the control of Facebook do not fall within the EU competition legal framework.In this case, the
           
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           Commission
          
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           pointed out that the merged entity will continue to be bound by EU data protection regulation after the merger. This case is emblematic in showing that instead of looking in potential privacy-related damage on consumer welfare in the merger, the Commission stated that privacy concerns should not fall under the competition law framework.
          
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            The
           
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            Facebook/WhatsApp
           
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            case illustrates how the present antitrust authorities
           
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           lack
          
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            the adequate tools and methodologies to account for privacy as a non-price dimension of product quality. It could be argued that, by following this theory of harm to consumers, competition authorities face the problem that product quality is difficult to measure and might give rise to imprecise and complex comparisons. On one hand, it could lead to harm to consumers who value privacy as product quality. On the other hand, the benefits that consumers will derive from a merger must be evaluated, as access to more user data may also
           
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           enable
          
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            an online platform to improve the overall product quality.
           
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            For this reason, what can be understood is that under the current legal framework, degradation of the quality of privacy is primarily perceived as relating solely to consumer laws and data protection regulations. However, the
           
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           focus of consumer law
          
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            is on advertising and on quality, hence it would not be a proper tool in this context, as it is not equipped to deal either with monopolistic powers or with mergers.Accordingly, privacy-related consumer harm
           
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           should not be
          
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            conceived as irrelevant in the competition assessment, as a merger which entails a decrease in privacy protection will not necessarily violate EU data protection laws.
           
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           Concluding Remarks
          
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           Since the volume and variety of data aggregated by technology companies entail broad societal implications it is necessary to broaden the scope of competition assessment in data-driven mergers. What is now desirable is to find a route that will enable the integration of privacy concerns into competition law analysis to ensure that privacy, considered as a fundamental aspect of consumer welfare, is not degraded by the merger. This article presented one of the theories on the appropriate role of data and privacy in the competition law assessment which will empower competition authorities to integrate potential consumer harm arising from a decrease in privacy protection into their merger assessment.
          
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           Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli is currently completing Master of Laws degree in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. As an undergraduate, she studied European Law at Maastricht University where she graduated with the Business Law specialization. During her bachelor's she participated in the Erasmus program in London where she studied English law at Westminster University. She is fluent in Italian and English and can communicate in Dutch, French and Chinese.
          
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      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 17:00:12 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/privacy-as-an-element-of-product-quality-in-assessment-of-data-driven-mergers</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cs_datamergers,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Propensity of Data Accumulation to Raise ‘Barriers to Entry’</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/propensity-of-data-accumulation-to-raise-barriers-to-entry</link>
      <description>A dynamic digital environment requires antitrust authorities to meticulously and creatively assess a broad range of determinants in deciding on the competitive effect of some merger. Data accumulation in that regard can be taken as a red flag, but not as solid proof of detrimental anti-competitive effect.</description>
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           BIG DATA &amp;amp; ANTITRUST
          
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           Propensity of Data Accumulation to Raise ‘Barriers to Entry’
          
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           A dynamic digital environment requires antitrust authorities to meticulously and creatively assess a broad range of determinants in deciding on the competitive effect of some merger. Data accumulation in that regard can be taken as a red flag, but not as solid proof of detrimental anti-competitive effect.
          
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           By Miljana Todorovic
          
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           April 11, 2021
          
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            Entry barriers can be
           
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           defined
          
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           as factors that could make a new entry on the market less likely or less rapid by affecting the expected sunk costs of entry and/or the expected profits for new entrants once they are in the market, or by establishing physical, geographic or legal obstacles to entry. Those difficulties may prevent the competitor from expanding his production or discourage potential competitors in providing effective competition to the dominant undertaking. That is why barriers to entry are important to be examined when assessing if an undertaking abuses its dominant position, which is prohibited by Article 102 TFEU. 
          
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            In the case of digital markets, the collection and use of large volumes of data have attracted
           
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           substantial attention
          
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           , also in regard to barriers to entry. There are several strategies for companies to get better access to data. For example, acquiring another company owning large datasets or merging with it, mergers of two companies that already hold strong market positions in separate upstream or downstream markets, or acquisitions by dominant platforms of small start-ups with a quickly growing user base.
          
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           Is Big Data a Big Problem for competition?
          
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           Apart from the undoubtedly procompetitive effects of these mergers, its frequency over the last decade gave rise to concerns about whether the mergers with specific data resources can significantly impede competition. They could result in a concentration in control over valuable and non-replicable data resources, and consequently in better data access for the merging parties than for their competitors. The question that needs to be examined is whether the collection and exploitation of data may raise barriers to entry and be a source of market power. 
          
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            We talk about entry barriers resulting from data collection when new entrants are unable either to collect the data or to buy access to the same kind of data, in terms of volume and/or variety, as established companies.
           
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           The French-German study on competition law and data
          
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            identifies five types of conduct that can lead to exclusion of competition: refusal to provide access to data, discriminatory access, exclusive contracts, tied sales and cross-usage of datasets, and data as a vehicle for discriminatory pricing.
           
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           However, even though there is a big hype around data, there are challenging opinions that the anticompetitive danger of data accumulation cannot be taken as a general statement. Examples have shown that data-driven markets are characterized by low entry barriers and new entrants can fastly establish themselves despite existing network effects (some examples are Slack, Tinder, and Snapchat). Data accumulation, by itself, does not create a barrier to entry and does not automatically endow a firm with either the incentive or the ability to foreclose rivals, expand its monopoly, or harm competition in other ways.
          
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           Important pieces in the assessment puzzle
          
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            The importance of data varies from market to market and its propensity to raise or lower barriers to entry depends on the nature and use of the data and the availability of alternative data sources. Big Data is well-known to be defined by three V’s, Volume, Velocity, and Variety, however, there is much more to know about the characteristics of particular data to make a right assessment of its importance for a specific market and its influence on competition.
           
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            One should make a distinction between first-party and third-party data, and further between those collected on its own assets, and those on the company’s customers. Next to it, other features of data have to be explored, such as their uniqueness, replaceability, portability, and interoperability. It is also
           
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           pointed out
          
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            that a combination of different data troves could raise competition concerns if the combination of data makes it impossible for competitors to replicate the information extracted from it. This shows the necessity to evaluate data on a case-by-case basis.
           
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           It is, however, important to notice that a thorough assessment of data is not sufficient to conclude on possible entry barriers. Another major part of this equation is market concentration because only when the level of market concentration is relatively high, data collection can provoke the rise of entry barriers and reduced competition. 
          
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            With everything noted above, the story on the assessment of barriers to entry is still not complete.
           
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           It is emphasized
          
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            that antitrust authorities will need to look more closely not only at the substitutability of different types of data for different purposes but also at the role of related but distinct factors such as the availability of algorithms or other software to process such data.
           
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           Final notes
          
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           Data accumulation does not necessarily pose a significant antitrust risk. Competitive concerns of raising barriers to entry are limited to a specific set of circumstances. They include certain features of particular data, the level of market concentration, and other factors related to data processing. A dynamic digital environment requires antitrust authorities to meticulously and creatively assess a broad range of determinants in deciding on the competitive effect of some merger. Data accumulation in that regard can be taken as a red flag, but not as solid proof of detrimental anti-competitive effect.
          
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            Miljana Todorovic is a doctor in law from the University of Belgrade. She has publications in the field of Constitutional Law, Criminal law and Property Law, and participated in numerous scientific conferences. At the Université libre de Bruxelles she completed an LL.M. in International Business Law. Miljana is a scientific collaborator at the University of Ghent and a mother of two. In the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society she is co-leader of the Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust Research Cycle.
           
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 22:23:24 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/propensity-of-data-accumulation-to-raise-barriers-to-entry</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,cs_datamergers,binoculars,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Tracing and COVID-19 - The Israeli Case</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-tracing-and-covid-19-the-israeli-case</link>
      <description>Israel has been the only western democracy which used secret service tools to fight the Coronavirus. The challenges presented by the pandemic put in balance human rights as privacy, freedom and health. Many countries find digital tracing a method to contain the propagation of the virus. However, this approach has confronted human rights.</description>
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           PRIVACY
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            Digital Tracing and COVID-19 -
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            ﻿
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           The Israeli Case
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            Israel has been the only western democracy which used secret service tools to fight the Coronavirus. The challenges presented by the pandemic put in balance human rights as privacy, freedom and health. Many countries find digital tracing a method to contain the propagation of the virus. However, this approach has confronted human rights.
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           By Alice Bryk Silveira
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           April 11, 2021
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           Introduction
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           During the current COVID-19 pandemic the governments have been using tools to protect public health and contain the spread of the coronavirus. However, certain human rights have been restricted by those public health measures which brings the discussion of the legality of such human rights restrictions. For instance, some countries have been using Digital Tracing as a tool to contain the growth and proliferation of the virus. The
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           Digital Tracing mainly consists of tapping into cell phone location data to track infection spread and then notify people who may have been exposed
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           . This method puts in balance the right to privacy and freedom.
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           Explaining Digital Tracing 
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           First, it is important to note that there are two types of technologies used to track data. The first one is called centralized in which the information can be stored by the government and the processing can be done by civilian government agencies, for instance healthcare authorities or by security agencies that enjoy direct access to the cellular infrastructure. The second type is the digital tracing established on made-to-order apps which can be voluntary or mandatory.  This second approach sends the information straight to the other users of the app, in which case the data is decoded and processed on each user’s cellular device. This
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           decentralized method
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           has been used in countries such as Italy, Germany, Switzerland, and few states of the USA .
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           The Israeli Case
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           In
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           March 2020
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           , the Israeli government approved a non-voluntary emergent mass surveillance program allowing the location tracking of citizens as part of a national effort to slow the spread of COVID19. The digital contact tracing has been headed by the Israeli Security Agency (ISA), known by Shin Bet, which is responsible to fight against terrorism and espionage. The mobile-phone location data helped to identify people who had crossed paths with patients who had been positive for COVID19- and then they were put into mandatory quarantine.
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           In response to the implementation of this mass-surveillance program for contact tracing, human rights organizations
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           submitted a petition to the Israeli High Court of Justice
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           arguing a violation of basic human rights, as human dignity and privacy. In April,
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           the High Court of Justice ruled that Shin Bet security service’s cell phone tracking of confirmed coronavirus carriers could not continue to operate due to the lack of legislation
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           the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) passed a temporary law authorizing the use of the Shin Bet to track civilians for six months
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           once authorized the Shin Bet to use extreme mass surveillance tools which have been used for national security for civilian matters. 
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           High Court of Justice restricted the activity of Shin Bet
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           which after March 14th can only be used for the people who don’t cooperate with epidemiological investigations, thus  the tracing system will be used as a “complementary tool” for individual cases. It is crucial to highlight that the method used by Shin Bet has been proved not to be very efficient and it
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           has been reported several cases of people who have been sent wrongfully to quarantine
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           Closing remarks
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           As we can see, the Israeli case brings to discussion the limits of public health tools and human rights in a democracy. In the case presented above, it is possible to affirm that the means used by the Israeli government are disproportionate. Countries have been using an “emergency state law” to justify abuses to democracy. It is undeniable that the current pandemic brought many challenges to the countries and governments all around the world. However, we can never forget to ensure that the human rights as privacy and freedom will be respected along with the right to health.
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           Therefore, it is crucial to take into account the
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           principles for maintaining privacy and civil liberties with the cellphone tracking
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           , as the principle that the data access should be permitted to as few people as possible; the limitation of time of the program; the supervision based on transparency; the knowledge of the public about what data are collected and how those data will be used, stored and shared; the principle that civilian operators (telecommunication and software industries) should preferably operate the mass contact-tracing systems; the encouragement of  voluntary participation and most importantly the principle of proportionality to determine if the limitations on the human rights are truly necessary. Thus, it is an  accomplishment that even after a long process Israel recognized the value of the population's human rights and limited the use of controversial measures as contact tracing.
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           Alice Bryk Silveira is a Brazilian lawyer, member of the Brazilian Bar Association and she recently completed her LLM in International Law &amp;amp; Human Rights at Tel Aviv University. She holds a Bachelor's Degree in Law from Pontifícia Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS). During Law School, she has been an intern at the Federal Public Defender’s Office of Brazil and the State Public Defender’s Office. Also, she has been a volunteer at ACRI - The Association for Civil Rights in Israel doing legal research, where she has done research about the privacy impacts of Facial Recognition Technology. Her research interests are the intersection between human rights and technology. She is fluent in Portuguese and English and can communicate in in French and Spanish.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:36 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-tracing-and-covid-19-the-israeli-case</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,cs_facialprofiling,privacy,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>I didn’t do it, my brain made me do it</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/i-didnt-do-it-my-brain-made-me-do-it</link>
      <description>In the past two decades, as significant advances in neuroscience have ameliorated our understanding of brain structure and function, along with increasing advancements of brain imaging techniques and state-of-the-art analytic tools, neurocriminology, the study of biological factors contributing to crime, has resurfaced.</description>
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           NEUROSCIENCE
          
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           I didn’t do it, my brain made me do it
          
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           In the past two decades, as significant advances in neuroscience have ameliorated our understanding of brain structure and function, along with increasing advancements of brain imaging techniques and state-of-the-art analytic tools, neurocriminology, the study of biological factors contributing to crime, has resurfaced. 
          
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           By Tereza Bountioukou
          
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           April 11, 2021
          
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           From phrenology to neurocriminology
          
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           Nowadays dismissed as pseudoscience, phrenology - from the ancient Greek φρήν (mind) and λόγος (knowledge) - established by Franz Joseph Gall, constituted man’s first attempt to trace specific behaviour or personality traits to brain morphology. Even though substantially problematic and often used to justify superiority against “lesser races'', the study of phrenology was surprisingly the first to advocate the idea of rehabilitation of criminals in favour of punishment. Influenced by Gall’s research, Cesare Lombardo, the nineteenth-century Italian criminologist and advocate of biological determinism – the idea that all human characteristics are determined by hereditary factors - , supported that criminal behavior was in fact inherited and “born” criminals could be identified by primitive, ape-looking physical features, e.g. asymmetry of the face, prognathism, etc.
          
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           As expected, in the following years, the development of human thought and the emergence of the sociological theory of crime and epigenetics, shifted attention away from the biological roots of criminal behaviour. In the past two decades, as significant advances in neuroscience have ameliorated our understanding of brain structure and function, along with increasing advancements of brain imaging techniques and state-of-the-art analytic tools, neurocriminology, the study of biological factors contributing to crime, has resurfaced. Although most neurocriminologists agree on underlying biological factors as the primary causes of aberrant behaviour, they nonetheless don’t undermine the significance of social and environmental factors.
          
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           The ever-changing concept of criminal responsibility
          
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            The identification of a neural basis behind criminal behavior has raised a reconsideration of the crucial issue of criminal responsibility. As Richard Dawkins states, “A truly scientific, mechanistic view of the nervous system make[s] nonsense of the very idea of responsibility”. On the contrary, others believe that such scientific evidence can help establish criminal responsibility and aid the prosecution of crime. In hope of a reformation of the criminal justice system, Sapolsky emphasizes the need of treatment, not punishment, and envisions that neurocriminology will bring a “world of criminal justice in which there is no blame and only prior causes”.
           
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           Recent advancements in neuroscience have changed our perception on various societal issues; for example, drug addiction is considered from being a personal responsibility before to a multi-faceted disease now. The novel interdisciplinary field of neurolaw attempts to address this change of public perception of crime and how it may affect practices in the legal system, either to predict or convict crime. Despite the growing interest in this field, it is important to comprehend the limits of the neuroscientific tools available and draw the line between scientific facts and what is termed as normative in legal and social practices.
          
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           The mind of a psychopath deciphered
          
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            The first case to suggest the brain’s role in determining personality occurred due to Phineas’ Gage extraordinary case study. In 1848, Gage, an American railroad worker was accidentally involved in an accident, resulting in an iron rod penetrating his left prefrontal cortex. According to descriptions of the time, he turned overnight from a kind, reliable man, to a disinhibited, unreliable individual. Since then, further research into the prefrontal cortex links damage to it with antisocial behaviour and impaired impulse control.
           
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           It is important to consider that as a society we do not punish violent acts altogether but we punish them in the wrong context and the prefrontal cortex (PFC) has been proven to be involved in learning and imposing context. Research has shown that the main role of the PFC is to bias the individual into doing the harder rather than the easiest thing; essentially the backbone of our civilized society.
          
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           Rats possessing a lesioned PFC
          
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           , compared to normal rats, are unable to postpone their gratification to get a bigger food reward after some delay and instead opt for the most impulsive choice of instant gratification but lesser reward.
          
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           Research conducted by Adrian Raine, one of the first neuroscientists to investigate
          
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           psychopathy
          
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           using neuroimaging, highlights the starring role of the prefrontal cortex and its association with the impaired emotional processing in psychopaths and individuals exhibiting antisocial behavior. Although Raine is enthusiastic about the promising possibilities of neurocriminology in the future, he acknowledges that our exaggerated reliance on neuroscientific evidence could introduce dangerous implications to our free will agency. As an alternative, he proposes that neuroimaging can be best employed to support
          
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           partial responsibility of guilt
          
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           and possibly implement mitigating factors in the courtroom.
          
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           Neuroscience in the courtroom
          
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           One of the most memorable instances of bringing up criminal responsibility was the McNaughton insanity defence rule that first appeared in the 19th century. This test of insanity requires that the perpetrator, because of some mental disease, was unable to understand the nature or quality of the act that he or she performed, or did not know that the act was wrong. This rule was heavily criticized, mainly about its dismissal of impaired volition in certain mental health cases. Now that our understanding of the PFC and its role in regulating behavior is developed, we can understand how an individual that is frontally damaged may be able to differentiate between what’s right or wrong, but unable to act upon that knowledge. 
          
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           A more recent case of neuroscientific evidence used to influence court decision was the
          
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           Roper vs. Simmons case
          
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           that was considered by many as signifying a new era of neuroscience applied in the courtroom. In 1994, Christopher Simmons, 17 at the time, brutally murdered a young woman and was not sentenced to death because of an appeal of the defence to neuroscientific evidence regarding the immaturity of the adolescent brains, citing the lack of complete myelination of cortical neurons in adolescents. While advocates for juveniles saw this as a triumph, other neuroscientists and psychologists believed that neurolaw was turning in the wrong direction. 
          
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           Stephen Morse in what he highlights as the
          
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           “brain overclaim syndrome”
          
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           , meaning the increasing attempts of neuroscientists to find causation of behaviour using imaging techniques, when in fact they don’t know causation. For him, neurolaw should not bring disputes regarding criminal responsibility or function in an exculpatory way; ‘to treat persons otherwise is to treat them as less than human’.
          
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           Tereza Bountioukou is currently pursuing her Bachelor’s Degree in Neuroscience at the Universe of Bristol. She has volunteered in Ithaca Laundry and has organized a fundraising event to raise funds for Steps in an attempt to alleviate poverty and improve the lives of people living in street conditions. She is a member of the British Neuroscience Association (BNA) and Data Science Society of the University of People. She has been awarded the Bristol PLUS Award for her extracurricular activities. She is fluent in English and Greek and advanced in French and Spanish.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/i-didnt-do-it-my-brain-made-me-do-it</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,binoculars,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Neuralink – Black Mirror’s Next Unreleased Episode</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/neuralink-black-mirrors-next-unreleased-episode</link>
      <description>Elon Musk, after his success with SpaceX and Tesla Motors, has focused his gaze onto something far closer, our own brains. In 2016, he created “Neuralink”, an overambitious – as some people would say -company, that is primarily working on the production of the “Link”.</description>
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           NEUROETHICS
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           Neuralink – Black Mirror’s Next Unreleased Episode
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            Elon Musk, after his success with SpaceX and Tesla Motors, has focused his gaze onto something far closer, our own brains. In 2016, he created “Neuralink”, an overambitious –
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           as some people would say
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            -company, that is primarily working on the production of the “Link”. 
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           By Adriana Papasavva Ortiz
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           April  11, 2021
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           The Link is a neural implant, or more simplistically a chip with a number of micro-electrodes, which are inserted into the brain and connect to several neurons. It has the size of a coin and once it is placed in the skull, no one would know that you are carrying it (at least if you have substantially long hair). Additionally, Neuralink’s team is working on the development of a robotic system that a neurosurgeon will use to successfully insert the electrodes. 
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           But what is the problem?
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           Neuralink’s main goal according to its official website, is to
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           let you control a computer or mobile device anywhere you go
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           , something possible through the processing, stimulation and transmission of electrical signals to specific neurons, to imitate the communication of normal neural signalling. However, Elon Musk himself, stated in a product presentation that took place in August 2020, that Neuralink’s goal is to solve “important spine and brain problems” with an affordable and user-friendly device. These problems include blindness, paralysis, insomnia, addiction and generally all sorts of diseases that have to do with the nervous system. Not only that, but he also stated that the Link could be used to share data to our friends, save memories and even entertain us by playing music. 
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           Apart from the informational contradiction and inaccuracy that exists around the company’s ultimate intentions, we also have to consider the limits of neuroscience. Currently, brain reading technology is being developed, but it’s still in a primitive stage. Scientists have achieved to create computational models that encode and decode brain activity from specific areas of the brain – like
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           high level visual area
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           s – however, they still don’t produce highly accurate results about semantic relationships. So, it seems almost delusional that a chip would be able to send specific messages, such as colours, to decode largely complex processes, as emotions, activate specific neurons in synchrony to play music, and on top of that cure diseases such as Alzheimer’s and epilepsy. 
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           The Internet and our Brains
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            As these goals seem rose-coloured, we owe to process the potential negative impacts of such an advancement. The digitalisation of our society has undeniably ameliorated numerous aspects of our lives, but it has also taken a toll on our privacy. The mere use of several platforms on the internet helps the – notorious – algorithm understand better what we like, so as to present us more attractive and personalised posts and advertisements, something we comply with in exchange of using a particular app for free.
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           Do the phrases “Terms and Conditions” and “Privacy Statement” sound familiar? Probably, but we all know that nobody actually reads them, however, they include a tricky section that you should be aware of. Usually, the company expresses that if our personal data end up in the hands of “third party companies”, they will not bear any responsibility for the use they will make. These mysterious companies create individual profiles composed of our interactions on the internet and then sell them to companies that want to increase their sales, by getting a better understanding of their customers. So, in all probability, an extensive list of things you like and repel you, constituting your profile, is floating in a huge computer, waiting to be sold.
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           Our sense of privacy has been also threatened through the development of facial recognition. Here the theory of
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           obscurity plays
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           an important role, as it states that “information is safe – at least to some degree - when it is hard to obtain or understand”. In contrast, “Yandex” a Russian browsing tool, allows you by uploading an image of a person to find available photos on the internet of them. So, when platforms allow you to find personal photos of random people you may encounter with in the streets, this poses a menace to the sense of anonymity. At the same time, our online behaviour is pretty paradoxical; we live increasingly lonely lives yet we share plenty of personal details. This complex behaviour is known as the
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           . So, our transparent behaviour on social media contributes to the creation of a vicious cycle.
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           The Link and our brains
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            So, coming back to our main subject, if at some point in the future, a chip that allows us to have direct access into people’s minds is developed, how are we going to ensure that it is going to be used ethically? Taking into consideration how naively we have used the internet until now, what are going to be the consequences when we’ll interact with A.I. without filtering our actions through our thumbs? How is that information going to be used? Will the chip be able to affect our subconscious levels of information processing?
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           The only sure thing is that this whole story can propel our imagination into a dystopian science fiction story. If in the end a chip like that is developed, it would be interesting if only for once we don’t let history repeat itself, and actually take action and encounter the variety of ethical issues that could arise, before it is too late. 
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           Adriana Papasavva is completing her bachelor’s degree in Neuroscience at the University of Bristol. She holds the Bristol Plus Award for her extracurricular activities. She is a member of the British Neuroscience Association and the Data Science Society of the University of Bristol. She has received the iKEEP project training for business intrapreneurship, organised by the University of Exeter. She has published literary articles in magazines such as ‘El Pensador’. She is fluent in Greek, Spanish, English, and French.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:29 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/neuralink-black-mirrors-next-unreleased-episode</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,fair,fair+,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>John Snow, Cholera and Democracy</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/john-snow-the-cholera-and-democracy</link>
      <description>Democratizing data and its access represents an important means of keeping the government in check and ensuring it takes proportionate decisions, adapted to the situation. This is even more important in situations such as the pandemic, during which many governments have tended to bypass parliamentary power when implementing restrictions.</description>
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           OPEN DATA
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           John Snow, Cholera &amp;amp; Democracy
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           Democratizing data and its access represents an important means of keeping the government in check and ensuring it takes proportionate decisions, adapted to the situation. This is even more important in situations such as the pandemic, during which many governments have tended to bypass parliamentary power when implementing restrictions.
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           By Nathan Lefievre
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           April 11, 2021
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           On January 22, 2020, more than a month before the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared the Covid-19 a pandemic, John Hopkins University unveiled its
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           global coronavirus tracker
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           . Today a wide variety of trackers can be found online, but John Hopkins’s remains a reference in coronavirus data visualisation and a great step for data democratization. While the WHO was publishing daily reports of the virus spread, shown in tables and numbers, the University’s tracker proved a clear and simple way of obtaining information on the pandemic, via charts, curves and maps. The University’s initiative is an excellent example of the importance and benefits of open data for democracy in times of crisis.
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           The Covid-19 pandemic has undeniably affected and weakened democracy and human rights protection across the globe: 70% of countries covered by
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           The Economist
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           ’s Democracy Index have recorded a decline in their
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           . But on a more positive note, the pandemic has proved a significant catalyst for the development of open data and open science. There are of course serious concerns that, considered as an end in itself, open science can reinforce the strength of surveillance capitalism – by legitimizing the collection of health data by Big Tech companies
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           . However, in the context of the pandemic, open data – if provided in an effort of data democratization – can have major positive consequences for the spread and control of the virus.
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           All over the globe, scientists have kept repeating for the past year that to tame the spread of the virus, governments need to step out of the fog. In order to take timely decisions, adapted to the situation, the most public data available is needed. But the need for public data to deal with epidemics did not appear with the Covid-19. It takes its roots in the 1854 cholera epidemic in London. At the time, the disease was thought to be transmitted by miasmas. However, a doctor named John Snow – not that one – does not believe in this theory and attempts to study the spread of the disease in the Soho neighbourhood. By marking the houses affected by the disease and cross checking the data with a map, the doctor found a link with a public water pump in Broad Street, proving that the disease is transmitted by water and
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           not by air
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           . As early as 1854, John Snow had proven the need for public, open data for governments and citizens alike.
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           Law for a Digital Republic,
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           stating that any data must become public except if it presents too sensitive information. On the dedicated website,
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           , one can today find thousands of public datasets from bacteriological analysis of public drinking water to the list of all objects owned by the
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           French state
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           . Since its launch, the website and data made available have mostly been used by scientists and researchers, rather than the public. But the Covid-19 pandemic has put the website in the foreground in France, being reused by citizens to display in a clear and easy to understand manner the numbers of the pandemic: daily cases, incidence rate, share of variants, etc.
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           Through their work, made possible by the opening of data, any citizen can follow in a precise manner the evolution of the pandemic and thus, understand the stakes and adapt their
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           behaviour
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           . By increasing transparency and justifying the decisions, open data can reduce the prevalence of conspiracy theories and improve the relationship between citizens and their governments. Additionally, providing citizens with such data can increase the likeliness that they will accept and adhere to the necessary restrictions to be implemented.
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           Indeed, in times of crisis, having access to clear, precise and up-to-date data is the key to manage and reduce risks. Open data is key to such risk management, as it gives to every individual the power to understand the risks and challenges. As such, individuals can become actors of the crisis by acting as informed agents who can take timely and relevant decisions to reduce the impact of such disasters. International initiatives such as Our World in Data, the Worldometer, have demonstrated the importance of open data by offering to the world easily accessible global and country-specific information on the spread of the virus. Such initiatives have truly shown the power and relevance of civil society initiatives in times of crisis when governments and international bodies could not or did not wish to provide such amount of information in a clear fashion. 
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           Knowledge is a key component of any democratic regime. In order to fully enjoy their democratic rights citizens must be aware of them and of their limits. Moreover, knowledge allows any individual to take part and sustain the public debate. Democratizing data and its access represents an important means of keeping the government in check and ensuring it takes proportionate decisions, adapted to the situation. This is even more important in situations such as the Covid-19 pandemic, during which many governments have tended to bypass parliamentary power when implementing restrictions.
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            ﻿
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           Open data should be a key component of any modern democratic regime. By providing every citizen with crucial knowledge on a wide variety of topics, governments can stem the rise of populist threats that often rely on fake information to gain influence. Finally, open data is absolutely necessary for democracies in times of crisis, by harnessing the power and expertise of each and every citizen, making them an actor of the country’s resilience.
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            Nathan is in the first year of a dual Master in European Affairs and Public Policy between Sciences Po Paris and the National University of Singapore. He has previously worked for the International Action Network on Small Arms on Gender-Based Armed Violence and with the Institute for Sustainable Energy Policies.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp.cdn-website.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1517281862878-d312fe477d71.jpg" length="87056" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:26 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/john-snow-the-cholera-and-democracy</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Surveillance - A Real Threat to Information Security and Journalism</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/surveillance-a-real-threat-to-information-security-and-journalism</link>
      <description>Why the German basic right to the internet is at stake.</description>
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           PRIVACY
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           Surveillance - A Real Threat to Information Security and Journalism
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           Why the German basic right to the internet is at stake.
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           By Pia Staudenmaier
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           April 11, 2021
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           Whenever there is a new surveillance law that affects digital systems, people interested in internet politics are up in arms against it,
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           plainest to see on Twitter
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            .  However, the outrage is usually not something that has a great effect on the legislation. A few representatives may also feel related to those interested in data protection and the freedom and security online, but after all, the surveillance laws usually pass. By protests on the streets, especially with so-called 'freedom not fear' demonstrations, privacy activists also tried to gain attention for topics such as data retention policies and government spying malware.
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           However, all of this only had a very limited effect and was mostly ignored by lawmakers. So civil rights activists filed constitutional complaints, which lead to two interesting decisions by the Federal Constitutional Court in Germany in 2008 and 2016, restricting the use of trojans used for government surveillance and, by the opinion of some computer experts, practically making lawful use of them technologically impossible.
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           Why should anyone care for their country's criminal procedure law?
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           Criminal procedure law regulates the manner in which executive power conducts criminal law cases. Most people believe it does not concern them, but this might be just a little short-sighted. The new legislation changed inter alia
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           §§ 100a
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           and
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           100b
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           of the Code of Criminal Procedure which gives investigation authorities the right to access the information technology system e.g. your computer or smartphone. There are many ways to get access to private systems without the person being aware of it. It is most likely either through a phishing email or by exploiting existing security gaps. It would then be possible to read every conversation on the phone, see all pictures and data and access the camera. This leads to the following problems. 
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           Firstly, federal authorities have an interest in systems having security gaps. Which means security gaps that are yet unknown to the companies are of use and can be exploited. Ultimately, the security gaps will not be reported but
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           rather kept secret.
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           This means the government would actively support it. This will help cybercriminals, and it will lower information security. This is not just a fictional scenario but actually what happened when NSA's "EternalBlue" exploit was leaked and used for the WannaCry ransomware, which caused billions of euros in damage. 
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           Secondly, as authoritarian governments can exploit the security gaps, investigative journalism will be a great deal harder and riskier. Two journalists in exile in Germany joined an appeal to the constitutional court initiated by the society for civil rights (
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           Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte - GFF
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           ). Both did research on their government's wrongdoing and are therefore constantly under pressure whilst receiving threatening messages. They claim that security gaps in their phones and computers are most likely to be life-endangering for them. Since anyone could use them to hack into their phones and computers to find sensitive information or even the current location. This is yet another obstacle for people who are fighting for the truth and for the people who are willing to help journalists since the informants will risk their lives likewise.
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           Another raw point of the use of surveillance software is the validity of evidence extracted with it or such evidence that is later found on an infected device since the software could be used to tamper with evidence as well.
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           The Fundamental Right to the Guarantee of the Confidentiality and Integrity of Information Technology Systems
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           In 2008 Germany's constitutional court
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           ruled
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            that the general right of personality encompasses the fundamental right to the guarantee of the confidentiality and integrity of information technology systems. Since a majority of people have computers today and they are used for different purposes, such as for comprehensive administration and archiving of an individual's personal and business matters, as a digital library or for entertainment. Computers are therefore a significant part of personal development. 
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           This increases when the systems are connected through the internet, where many types of communication services help the individual maintain active social contacts. The
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           society for civil right
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            s says in the constitutional complaint, "modern information technology systems resemble an outsourced part of the brain". This being said, one wonders why the federal authorities should have more access. So far, it has already been possible to listen and read all ongoing conversations.
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           The court
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           ruled
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           in 2008 that the secret infiltration shall only be legitimate "if factual indications exist of a concrete danger to a predominantly important legal interest." Which are the life, limb, and freedom of the individual or such interests of the public a threat to which affects the basis or continued existence of the state or the basis of human existence. This restriction applies to broad surveillance. The new legislation thus could avoid it because it is
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           d to permit reading ongoing conversations solely.  In a commentary to the Committee on Legal Affairs and Consumer Protection, Dr. iur. Ulf Buermeyer said it is not possible to distinguish the two procedures from a technological perspective and argued there is no way to control what the authorities will do.
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           Hence the risk that all the sensitive data will be read, be it on purpose or even negligently, without the strict limitation is
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           h. The extended use of this technology, therefore, violates not only fundamental IT rights but also the fundamental rights of others. Experts in the technological field also argue this way; for example, the Chaos Computer Club issued a
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           statement
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              where they demanded that the so-called "Quellen-TKÜ" should be treated equally as an online search of the devices stored data, for which the German Federal Constitutional Court set the mentioned high bar requirements. (The "Quellen-TÜK" is the lawful interception of the communication data on the device before it gets encrypted).
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           This expertise was mostly ignored by the federal government as well as by several governments of German states, who introduced the "Quellen-TKÜ" their new police legislation without meeting the requirements for an online search of the device. It looks like security authorities and domestic politics did not accept yet that classical wire tapping times are over. This leads to an inflated number of cases where government malware is supposed to be used. As the icing on the cake, just a few months ago, even intelligence services were given the competence to use this kind of method to gain access to telecommunication data, despite severe
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           warnings
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           from the federal data protection officer and several civil rights organisations.
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           Closing remarks
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           Coming back to the protest on Twitter. Unfortunately, the protest did not have the desired reach. However, the next outrage against the so-called "Staatstrojaner" is probably only a matter of time. The game the government seems to play also keeps to be the same, even if the laws do not fulfill the court's requirements, there are always a few years until the next decision is made in Karlsruhe, and up until then, the surveillance is in effect.
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           Pia Staudenmaier holds a bachelor of law from Freie Universität Berlin. She specialized in international law at Stockholm University with the main focus on human rights and data privacy law in the US and Europe. She worked for a technology-based Law Firm and in a legal tech startup. She was speaking at the Legal Tech Summer School 2019. In the Law and Technology Circle, she is part of the Digital Human Rights Team, focusing on data privacy.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/surveillance-a-real-threat-to-information-security-and-journalism</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cs_facialprofiling,digitalhumanrights,privacy,law+,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Equal Access to Education in the Digital Age</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/equal-access-to-education-in-the-digital-age</link>
      <description>The Covid 19 pandemic has accelerated the transition to digital education which shows great potential. It simultaneously threatens to increase the inequality gap as less fortunate communities do not have access to the technologies that make digital learning possible.</description>
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           DIGITAL INCLUSION
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           Equal Access to Education in the Digital Age
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           The Covid 19 pandemic has accelerated the transition to digital education which shows great potential. It simultaneously threatens to increase the inequality gap as less fortunate communities do not have access to the technologies that make digital learning possible.
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           By Signe Wolf Børm
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           April 11, 2021
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           Julio Cesar Gonzales Becerra
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           The issue of education during a pandemic
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           Society today finds itself in an era of digital revolution with technologies promising a more efficient and effective society. During the Covid-19 pandemic, we depended on the digital world to maintain societal interests, such as education. In order to hinder the virus from spreading too rapidly and thereby getting out of control, national authorities have shifted to the online sphere. Irrespective of national governments actions to move education online, it should be questioned whether ethical standards are upheld and in this context examine whether human rights are honored, specifically the right to education.
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           Definition and legal context 
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           Digital human rights encompass the idea that human rights must be respected in a digital environment, i.e. it can be considered an
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           extension of the ´´traditional  definition of human rights´´, to the digital environment
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           . Considering the right to access in light of the Covid-19 pandemic such rights now also include the right to education, as this today largely takes place digitally to stop the spread of the coronavirus. In this connection, the following question arises; does the fact that education is now conducted online affect students and their human rights specifically the right to education? This question is essential since education has been moved ; online it is possible that we exclude a part of the population, resulting in societal inequality being reinforced through the failure to grant universal access to the digital world. Digital rights should therefore be considered a fundamental right as it lays the base of the right to exercise a number of other human rights. 
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           It should firstly be noted, that the right to education is ensured in a number of international and Regional Treaties, amongst those being the Convention on the Rights of the Child (general Comment No.13), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 26), the European Charter of Human Rights (Article 2 Protocol 1), and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (Article 11). This means that ratifying states should ensure access to education is granted in all parts of society and as the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has stated,
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           education in all forms and on all levels shall be:
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           available, accessible, acceptable, and adaptable.
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           This clearly illustrates that where this is not the case, measures must be taken to ensure such.
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           Solutions to ensure education for all
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           One may assume that a stable internet connection is a given in our modern world however this is far from the truth. Access to education has become increasingly difficult during the pandemic but
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           it is particularly the most vulnerable that suffer
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           , which leads to an increased risk of school dropouts. Overall, we are facing an increasing gap between positive learning outcomes, as well as a generation of students with serious deficits in their education. It is clear that states have struggled to respond to Covid at a pace matching the speed with which the pandemic developed. A number of
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           initiatives have already been taken
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           to combat the issue however, greater measures on an international scale are required. One solution to the issue could be the creation of a
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           treaty on the right of everyone in the digital age.
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           Such a solution would encompass the need to include technological changes of this era and the societal changes this brings about into the fundamental rights framework.
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           Conclusion
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           Overall, it has become clear that the digitalization of education might be the future of learning as it may afford some individuals with greater opportunity and easier access to education. It has simultaneously made it more difficult for particularly vulnerable individuals to access education. Resources not being accessible to students and difficulties for educators to carry out their work will most likely lead to an educational gap in the future. A gap which must be limited by ensuring equal access to education. This necessitates consideration as to how the right to education can be ensured. One option worth considering is a Treaty on Digital Human Rights.
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           Considering this, in the context of the ongoing pandemic, it is necessary to work towards ensuring all students have access to the resources necessary to obtain their education, including laptops, the internet and in some cases even electricity. 
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           Signe Wolf Børm is completing her Master's degrees in International Technology law at the Vrije Universitet Amsterdam and in European Competition Law and Regulation at the University of Amsterdam. As an undergraduate, she studied European Law at Maastricht University. Through her studies and internships she has specialized within the field of technology and law. She has moreover applied her legal background in the development of the Digital Human Rights Lawyer at the Public and International Law and Policy Group.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:19 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/equal-access-to-education-in-the-digital-age</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Free Speech vs Misinformation - The Imperative Role of State Legislation</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/free-speech-vs-misinformation-the-imperative-role-of-state-legislation</link>
      <description>Freedom of expression is a component of the human act of communication and interaction within society; the Human Rights Commission states that freedoms of opinion and expression constitute the ‘foundation stone[s] for every free and democratic society’.</description>
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           FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
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            Free Speech vs Misinformation -
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           The Imperative Role of State Legislation
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            Freedom of expression is a component of the human act of communication and interaction within society; the Human Rights Commission
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           states
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            that freedoms of opinion and expression constitute the ‘foundation stone[s] for every free and democratic society’.
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           By Kar Lok Pang
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           April 11, 2021
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           Dmitry S
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           Potential for denigration of human rights
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            Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights enshrines freedom of expression as a fundamental human right, and this has been accorded recognition in the constitutions of many jurisdictions across the world. The constitutional right to freedom of expression is protected by Article 10 of the Human Rights Act in the United KIngdom, and the concomitant right to free speech is protected by the First Amendment in the United States.
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           However, freedom of expression is not an
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           absolute
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           right. Governments have restricted freedom of expression in the form of public assemblies where there is a perceived or actual threat to wider societal interests. For instance, while Article 14(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore guarantees citizens the right to freedom of speech and expression, Human Rights Watch
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           reports
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           that ‘the Singapore government’s use of overly broad criminal laws, oppressive regulations, and civil lawsuits severely curtails freedom of speech and assembly’.
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           Freedom of expression may not be absolute, yet it is an indisputably important right that cannot be abolished altogether. As such, constitutional protection serves as a public guarantee against complete erosion. That said, recent developments have sometimes been used as justification for limiting freedom of expression, which has arguably become more important in the digital age where speech need not be verbal in nature. 
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           Social media
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           The 2011 Arab Spring saw social media being harnessed as a tool to spread democracy, but social media is only a tool. Social media users are especially
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    &lt;a href="https://phys.org/news/2021-02-social-media-users-misinformation.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           susceptible
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           to believe misinformation. A tool can be used for both good and evil, and there are
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           signs
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           of the tool being used in the opposite direction of late. The increasing reach of governments into the corporate sphere, as well as the insidious collection of user data without explicit channels for informed consent, point towards the potential of digital technologies to do more harm than good.
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           In particular, the advent of social media has shifted the public construction of human rights as dispensable — in some instances the wider public interest of societal stability is understandably justified, yet the potential for abuse of power by the state is not curtailed, given the lack of government transparency in the absence of constitutional checks and balances.
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           Misinformation and the rise of fake news
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           Popularised by Donald Trump in his presidential campaign, the term ‘
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/nov/22/factitious-taradiddle-dictionary-real-history-fake-news" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           fake news
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           ’ is in fact no stranger to public vocabulary. It is
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    &lt;a href="https://science.sciencemag.org/content/359/6380/1146" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           reported
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           that ‘false news reached more people than the truth; the top 1% of false news cascades diffused to between 1000 and 100,000 people, whereas the truth rarely diffused to more than 1000 people’. Fake news threaten accessibility to accurate, unbiased, and objective information sources, leading to widened cracks in the delicate fabric of social cohesion in an increasingly multicultural and pluralistic world. It is up to governments to straddle the difficult question of balancing the right to freedom of expression with curbing the threat of fake news. Worryingly, false information seems to
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    &lt;a href="https://mitsloan.mit.edu/ideas-made-to-matter/mit-sloan-research-about-social-media-misinformation-and-elections" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           peak
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           during election periods.
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           Given the availability of fact-checking tools and resources, and greater awareness of the phenomenon in the political psyche of the public, it is submitted that state interference needs to (i) be limited to particular circumstances, (ii) transparently communicated, and (iii) err on the side of caution more often than not. To do otherwise would open the proverbial floodgates to abuse of power that has no place in a modern society built on the ideals of human autonomy.
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           The imperative role of the state
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           What states should not do
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           Social media has transformed the landscape in which human rights operate, but the role of the state in protecting human rights remains the same. It is important to adopt a considered approach towards perceiving fake news and developing an appropriate response to tackle any problems that may arise. To this end, states should not:
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            Manipulate transmission of information via social media for the purposes of election manipulation (‘cyber troop’ activity in
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        &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;a href="https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/93/2019/05/India-Profile.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            India
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            ); or 
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            Cut off access to social media to mask oppressive regimes (2021
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        &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;a href="https://www.euronews.com/2021/02/06/myanmar-coup-junta-extends-social-media-ban-to-twitter-and-instagram-as-protests-spread" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            Myanmar
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            junta coup).
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           What states should do
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           States play many roles in social coordination, from normative aspects related to upholding human rights, to regulating the promotion of different perspectives while serving public interests. Since legislation passed by the state has a pervasive reach within individual jurisdictions, it is imperative that states remain accountable for their actions.
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           States should:
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            ﻿
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            Develop educational campaigns to increase general public savviness (2020 summer of
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/summer-digital-protest-how-2020-became-summer-activism-both-online-n1241001" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            digital activism
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            );
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            Work alongside industry stakeholders to strengthen existing digital infrastructure and promote press freedom;
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            Only wield legislation sparingly and in clear, unambiguous language, considering its utility as a social tool with communicative purposes.
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           In summary, governments have much to do (and not do) in regulating free speech. Ultimately, transparency must be demanded for, by setting precedents and following detailed qualifications when potentially infringing human rights.
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           Kar Lok Pang is a law undergraduate at the University of Oxford. He is a researcher in the Digital Human Rights team under Law &amp;amp; Technology. Kar Lok is interested in promoting state accountability, harnessing law as a force for good, and the impact of technology on regulatory and human rights issues.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Apr 2021 21:35:17 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/free-speech-vs-misinformation-the-imperative-role-of-state-legislation</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Earth Observation &amp; Climate Change</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/earth-observation-climate-change</link>
      <description>You can’t fix what you can’t see. Discussing the role of Earth Observation in monitoring environmental change and how this can contribute to reaching global climate targets.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;img src="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/Copy+of+Copy+of+Just+Talking+Creative-7a712235.png" alt=""/&gt;&#xD;
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           ABOUT
          
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           You can’t fix what you can’t see. Discussing the role of Earth Observation in monitoring environmental change and how this can contribute to reaching global climate targets. Climate change is having serious impacts in the planet’s atmosphere and ecosystems. Accurate environmental data is key for scientists to understand, assess and predict the impact of the climate crisis and for policy-makers to advance effective strategies to mitigate and adapt to climate change. However, monitoring environmental changes is not an easy task. Satellites offer bird’s eye views that can reveal patterns and track changes that are hard to detect from the ground. The science of Earth Observation (EO) is living a golden age, following recent breakthroughs in satellite design and launch operations, coupled with recent advancements in spatial resolution and Artificial Intelligence (AI). What is the space sector space of art? What is the role of satellites and AI in the fight against climate change? How can EO data improve environmental monitoring? 
          
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           SPEAKERS
          
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           Grace Mitchell
          
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            is a Data Scientist at the environmental tech nonprofit, WattTime. WattTime’s mission is to give everyone the power to choose clean energy. The organization’s core products are marginal emissions data, AER solutions, and consulting. In 2019, Grace led a project proposal that was awarded a $1.7M grant from Google.org. The project is now a part of Climate TRACE, a coalition of over 10 organizations in collaboration with former US VP, Al Gore. At WattTime, Grace works on data pipelines and modeling power plant generation and emissions. This data will eventually enable more effective and transparent climate policy and strategy. Grace is also the co-lead of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion for Women+ in Geospatial, as well as a mentor for Omdena.
           
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           Dr. Rochelle Schneider
          
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            is a Research Fellow in Artificial Intelligence for Earth Observation (AI4EO) at the European Space Agency (ESA). Rochelle is an advocate of extracting knowledge from satellite technologies to health applications (Space4health), unlocking the generation of global impact.
           
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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      &lt;br/&gt;&#xD;
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           SHARE
          
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      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Mar 2021 20:26:21 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/earth-observation-climate-change</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">events,justtalking</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Launching Project Aristotle</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/newsfeed/launching-project-aristotle</link>
      <description>Can a structure of governance for the digital realm be achieved? Which values would it prioritize? Who would be its stakeholders? If these questions intrigue you, keep reading to learn about our flagship project and how you can participate in it! We invite legal aid clinics, research centres, pro bono committees, student organizations interested in conducting impactful research, as well as independent researchers, experts and students to participate in Project Aristotle!</description>
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           PROGRAMS
          
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
        
                        
            Launching 'Project Aristotle'
           
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           Sanskriti Sanghi &amp;amp; Siddhant Chatterjee
          
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           March 12, 2021
          
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           Can a structure of governance for the digital realm be achieved? Which values would it prioritize? Who would be its stakeholders? If these questions intrigue you, keep reading to learn about our flagship project and how you can participate in it! We invite legal aid clinics, research centres, pro bono committees, student organizations interested in conducting impactful research, as well as independent researchers, experts and students to participate in Project Aristotle!
          
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           Project Aristotle will be conducted as a clinic on comparative constitutional law and policy in which our endeavour is to prepare a research guide on what a structure of governance for the digital realm can look like when it is informed by interdisciplinary country-specific legal and policy research and analysis. The project shall aim at understanding how, politically, philosophically, legally, and socially, constitutional models which are proven (
          
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           in a certain sense
          
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            ) structures of governance in the physical world can be translated into the virtual world, whether they even should, and to what extent.
           
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            By participating in, you will be involved in cutting edge research and be part of a global network of thinkers aspiring to influence the architecture of the digital ecosystem.If you would like to collaborate with us, please fill out the following
           
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    &lt;a href="https://lnkd.in/eY3rfg3" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           form
          
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           .
          
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      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Mar 2021 17:27:59 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/newsfeed/launching-project-aristotle</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">coordinates</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Privacy &amp; Covid-19</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalcinema/privacy-covid-19</link>
      <description>Governments are taking unprecedented steps to track, trace, contain and mitigate the spread of Covid-19 by resorting to digital technologies and advanced analytics to collect, analyse and share data for front-line responses. Data is essential for efficiently tackling the pandemic and forecasting the spread of the virus, to assess the resources of health care systems and to evaluate the efficacy of policies restricting the movement of individuals. While contact-tracing technologies can be useful to limit the spread of the virus, if left unchecked, they can also be misused for extensive collection and sharing of personal data, mass surveillance, limiting individual freedoms and challenging democratic governance.</description>
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           ABOUT
          
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           Governments are taking unprecedented steps to track, trace, contain and mitigate the spread of Covid-19 by resorting to digital technologies and advanced analytics to collect, analyse and share data for front-line responses. Data is essential for efficiently tackling the pandemic and forecasting the spread of the virus, to assess the resources of health care systems and to evaluate the efficacy of policies restricting the movement of individuals. While contact-tracing technologies can be useful to limit the spread of the virus, if left unchecked, they can also be misused for extensive collection and sharing of personal data, mass surveillance, limiting individual freedoms and challenging democratic governance. Transparency and effective communication are not solely dictated by data protection objectives. They are crucial for establishing public trust in the emergency measures taken and a broad compliance hereto as a requisite for effective democratic governance. Join us for a discussion with young experts sharing their
          
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           insights
          
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            from their respective jurisdictions about the effects of regulatory measures on the right to privacy.
           
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           SPEAKERS
          
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           Dr. jur. Ma. Angela Leonor Aguinaldo, J.D., LL.M.
          
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             is an Attorney at Law; specializes also in EU and ASEAN affairs, Criminology, International (Criminal) Law, international cooperation in criminal matters, and online evidence. She was a member of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Crime, Security and Law and the International Max Planck School for Comparative Criminal Law when she finished her Ph.D. degree from the Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg with magna cum laude honors.
          
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           Daniel Becker
          
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            is partner at Lima ≡ Feigelson Advogados and Director of New Technologies at the Brazilian Center for Mediation and Arbitration (CBMA). Dispute resolution attorney focusing on contractual disputes from regulated sectors. Invited professor at several institutions, frequent speaker and author of several articles published in national and international books and magazines on the topics of arbitration, civil procedure, regulation and technology. Organizer of the books “Tomorrow Lawyer”, “Regulation 4.0, vol. I and II”, "Litigation 4.0" and “Comments on the Brazilian Data Protection Law”, all of them published in Portuguese by Thomson Reuters.
            
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           Merel van Gils
          
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            works as a human rights lawyer for 'Climate Justice through the Courts'. She has participated at International Humanitarian Law Clinic of the Kalshoven-Gieskes Forum on International Humanitarian Law. She holds a B.A. in law from Leiden University and a M.A. in criminal law and public international law from the University of Amsterdam and Leiden University, respectively.
           
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           Alina Škiljić, CIPP/E,
          
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            is a Croatian lawyer primarily focused on data protection and privacy law, corporate law and technology transactions. She graduated from the University of Zagreb and is currently working as a third-year associate in the Zagreb office of the global law firm. She is an active member of the International Association of Privacy Professionals and is currently serving a one-year Young Privacy Professional - volunteer mandate in Croatia. She has been published several times in international law journals and has previously interned in the European Parliament and participated in projects of the European Court of Human Rights. 
           
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           Vinitika Vij
          
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            is a lecturer at Jindal Global Law School secured her B.A. LL.B. (Hons.) from Jindal Global Law School in 2018. She acquired her LL.M. in International Law from the University of Cambridge in 2019. Her area of interest is public international law, mainly international trade law, IP law, investment law, international environmental law and international criminal law. Her research areas focus on the various linkages between these fields. Her previous publications have explored contemporary issues in public international law, especially international trade law. She has also been associated with the Geneva-Georgetown Trade Lab.
           
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           SHARE
          
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      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Mar 2021 21:40:02 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalcinema/privacy-covid-19</guid>
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      <title>Collective Intelligence - A New Path for Journalism</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/collective-intelligence-a-new-path-for-journalism</link>
      <description>What the modern challenges for mainstream investigative journalism are and how an interdisciplinary collaboration can overcome them.</description>
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           LIQUID INTELLIGENCE
          
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           Collective Intelligence - A New Path For Journalism
          
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           What the modern challenges for mainstream investigative journalism are and how an interdisciplinary collaboration can overcome them.
          
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           By Sonia Sangiovanni
          
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           March 7, 2021
          
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            Five months after being poisoned with a nerve agent called Novichok, the Russian opposition leader and activist Alexei Navalny returned to Moscow. As his flight landed in the Russian capital, border police detained him on the basis of violated terms of probation. His unjust incarceration, however, was not the only cause for public protests across Russia. A two-hours long
           
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           documentary
          
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            on Putin’s secret palace was released by Navalny’s team on the same day.
           
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            Through an in-depth investigation that involved aerial and satellite imagery, open source data, leaked documents and 3D modelling, the video uncovered not only the lavish luxury of the Russian President, but also his corruption schemes and abuses of power.
           
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            Beyond its striking revelations, the documentary showcased new roads for investigative journalism. The same technology used by intelligence services can, in fact, be at the service of the fourth estate. To do so, however, it’s necessary to follow unbeaten paths. Driving away from the traditional tools of journalism, reporters can now fight against the threats of digital surveillance by joining a new interdisciplinary movement based on collective intelligence.
           
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            In this article, I want to explain what the modern challenges for mainstream investigative journalism are and how an interdisciplinary collaboration can overcome them. As this collective approach to journalistic investigations is still at its early stages, I will also introduce some of the leading initiatives in this field, hoping to inspire the readers of this article in rethinking the traditional power structures of surveillance and intelligence.
           
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           Liquid intelligence against traditional investigative journalism
          
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            As I explained in the
           
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           previous article
          
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           , my theory on liquid intelligence is a grim one. Secret services and private intelligence companies are described as more powerful than ever: thanks to globalisation and our digitalized society, they can now oversee vast populations and single out individuals, by accessing their private information almost instantaneously. As the focus of intelligence agencies depends on both the regime and national agenda of each country, investigative journalists can be targeted for various reasons. Beyond the tragic cases in which they are considered political enemies, they might also be spied on, in order to access a particular network and information.
          
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            As multiple researchers have argued after the Snowden’s revelations in 2013, being aware of governmental mass surveillance, like a panopticon, can create a
           
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           “chilling effect”
          
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            . By introducing potential private intelligence companies to the mix, the threat of being hacked and spied on becomes even more real for journalists and activists. On this matter, Dan McCrum, John Scott-Railton, Lorenzo Franceschi-Bicchierai and Runa Sandvik shared a great testimony at the panel discussion
           
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           I’ve been hacked!
          
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            for the Logan Symposium, organized by the
           
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           Centre for Investigative Journalism
          
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            . The four speakers shared their stories and struggles, while reporting on cyber spying and hacking companies. From having their sources leaked, to living with excessive paranoia, they all had to look for alternative routes to protect themselves and their work.
           
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            The outcome of being silently spied on can have tragic consequences for journalists. Even the late Jamal Kashoggi might have been one of the victims of cyber spying. As it was reported by the
           
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           Citizen Lab
          
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            , Omar Abdulaziz, a Saudi opposition activist and collaborator of Kashoggi was being spied by the NSO group, at the time of the murder. While it’s unclear whether or not the tapping might have been linked to the death of the journalist in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul, we shouldn’t exclude the possibility that the information gathered through Abdullaziz’s device might have been used to target Kashoggi. As Ron Deibert, head of the Citizen Lab, commented
           
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           in an interview for The Guardian
          
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           , “even though software typically can’t kill people directly in the way that bullets can, the end result is often the same.”
          
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           Collective intelligence: a common fight for more democracy and transparency
          
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            Yet, globalization and a connected society can also be at the service of investigative journalism. While it might require breaking away from the traditional techniques of investigation, reporters can enhance their work through forms of “collective intelligence.” By collaborating with technologists, hackers, civil society and whistle-blowers, it is possible to both collect and analyse evidence of injustice and human rights abuses, despite the challenges of liquid intelligence.
           
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            However, how can we ensure that investigative journalists and civil society are not using, in their turn, intrusive technology against citizens? Like for Intelligence agencies, this is obviously not an easy question to answer, nor one to underestimate. Here are a few things to keep in mind.
           
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           First, while both journalists and intelligence agencies (along their contractors) might use similar tools, their approaches and goals are often different. As governmental intelligence focuses on national defence, its approach is often rooted in the so-called “security dilemma”: to take an advantage over my enemy and protect my citizens, I need to increase my defence tools; my enemy feels threatened by them and therefore increases its own resources. The need for opacity, in this case, becomes necessary in order to avoid con
          
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           flicts (
          
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           As I did not want to derail the whole article into a debate over goals and scopes of national defence, please, forgive my reckless oversimplification). 
          
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           n the other hand, journalists need transparency to make their investigations reliable a
          
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            nd verifiable. Their role, in fact, is to show an injustice as it’s made, rather than to predict one. For this reason, it’s important that the gathered data shows the facts in full transparency and that leaked information might be used only in case of necessity and after a thorough verification.
           
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            The second aspect to keep in mind is also the scale and scope of the investigation. In the case of secret services, the allocated resources for such operations are way higher than the journalistic ones. As a consequence, journalists need to rely on open source not only for transparency reasons, but also budgetary ones. The scalability of their operations is also limited by the scope of their work. While journalists might be interested in mapping a terrorist network just as much as an intelligence agency, it’s unlikely that they would do so in a similar capacity, as they won’t need that much data.
           
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            Nonetheless, while transparency is at the core of journalistic investigations, it’s still important to be sensible in how to use it. Sources need to be protected even when they share their content online and on social media, as they might be affected after the release of the investigation. Especially when using open source imagery, it’s up to the journalists to make sure that people are not just used as evidence of injustice, but they are also being protected from it.
           
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            These are obviously just some of the aspects to keep into consideration when using intelligence tools for journalism. Many more decisions will need to be made depending on the topic and related risks for the reporters, their sources and civil society at large. While these choices are not easy ones, the core of collective intelligence is also to find and share ethical advice with one another. As I will present in the next paragraphs, in this new ecosystem there are already a few organizations and initiatives that aim at helping reporters, researchers and whistle-blowers in how to protect themselves and others.
           
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           New investigative paths for a better and more democratic future
          
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            The most well-known platform for this type of investigative journalism is probably
           
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           WikiLeaks.
          
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            Over the years, the platform has helped to uncover multiple human rights abuses, such as those in the Afghan and Iraq wars. The added value of the platform for journalists is to quickly access leaked documents in a centralized way and to look for evidence independently. When using content from it, it is generally recommended to still treat the leaked material as such. This will obviously include verifying if it might be directly harmful to someone, how and why it has been leaked and whether or not it is supported by other evidence.
           
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            Open Source databases are also one of the most common collective solutions for investigative journalism. While they aren’t inherently new, they are often hard to analyse without any knowledge in data science. For this reason, collaboration with data-scientists and technologists can help journalists in accessing and analysing unprecedented amounts of information. Among some easy to access database initiatives for journalists, the following have also been recommended at the
           
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           Logan Symposium on Collective Intelligence
          
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            Opencorporates
           
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             , one of the biggest open source databases on corporations across the globe. It is extremely
            
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            easy to use
           
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             and it proved to be particularly useful in case of fraud and corruption investigations.
            
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            OCCRP Aleph
           
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            , it collects data from a variety of sources to “track assets and corporate ownership, government expenditure, and information on individuals and groups of journalistic interest”. It’s important to notice that the access to data is limited and reporters need to submit an official request. As explained on the website, this procedure has been put in place for “concerns about data protection and civil rights.”
           
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            Tech Inquiry,
           
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             launched by a former Google employee and whistle-blower, it hosts a “Procurement and Lobby explorer” that allows to search for “entities and awards associated with US federal contracts, listed in the U.S.”
            
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            Two other initiatives that deserve to be mentioned are
           
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           Bellingcat
          
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            and
           
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           Forensic Architecture
          
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           The first one is an independent collective of researchers and digital investigators that analyse open source data (mostly imagery) in order to uncover human rights abuses. Their most important cases covered the use of chemical weapons in Syria, the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 over Ukraine and the Skripals poisoning. Thanks to their transparency and toolkits on how to conduct digital investigations, Bellingcat defines itself as “
          
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           An Intelligence Agency for the People
          
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            .”
           
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            A similar title could equally be awarded to Forensic Architecture, an interdisciplinary collective that uses architecture and digital tools to report on human rights and violence abuses. Linked to the Goldsmith University of London, this research centre has produced compelling visualisations that have served both journalistic investigations and court cases. Among these, it’s worth mentioning
           
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           the trial of the Greek Neo-Nazi group, Golden Dawn, for the murder of Pavlos Fyssas.
          
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            Another domain of collective intelligence is focused on the protection of journalists and their sources. As I explained before, the consequences of cyber spying can often have negative consequences in the offline world. For this reason, it is crucial that reporters can protect their devices and sources. To do so, there are already accessible encryption communications tools like the Signal App and Telegram. Another toolbox is the
           
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           Security Planner
          
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            by Consumer reports: created with the collaboration of the Citizen Lab, it provides free guides for staying safe online.
           
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            In case of sensitive information, leaked documents and contacts with whistle-blowers, journalists can also reach out to initiatives such as the
           
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           Signals Network for Whistleblowers
          
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            and
           
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           Reporters without Borders
          
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           . Both NGOs would be able to provide help and tools for protecting both journalists and their sources, from external harms. The latter can also assist them with physical security concerns, as well as legal advice.
          
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            These collective intelligence solutions are emerging out of a necessity: to empower journalists in their investigations. This type of collaboration allows them to investigate injustices and abuses of power, without facing the direct risks of being hacked, incarcerated or even killed. As stories like the ones of Kashoggi and Navalny continue to unfold, it is our duty to create safe spaces and platforms to continue to tell them. Even if that requires new collaborations and intelligence tools.
           
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            Sonia Sangiovanni is a young professional, specialized in Technology and Public Affairs. During her Master’s in International Security at Sciences Po, she studied  the social and political impacts of big data and AI. Her Master Thesis focused on the digitalisation and privatisation of Intelligence services in the UK and investigated companies such as Cambridge Analytica, Black Cube and Hakluyt. After her graduation, Sonia started her career by working as consultant for the French Public Sector. Read more articles like this on
           
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           LiquidIntelligence
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Mar 2021 21:11:12 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/collective-intelligence-a-new-path-for-journalism</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1557597774-9d273605dfa9.jpg">
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sensitive Souls Connected</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/sensitive-souls-connected</link>
      <description>Why are some individuals more sensitive to their environment? And what is the neurobiology behind it? This blog article sheds light into the neurobiological trait sensory processing sensitivity, the historical development of the concept and the interplay between genes and environments.</description>
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           ENVIRONMENTAL SENSITIVITY
          
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           Sensitive Souls Connected
          
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            Why are some individuals more sensitive to their environment? And what is the neurobiology behind it? This blog article sheds light into the neurobiological trait sensory processing sensitivity, the historical development of the concept and the interplay between genes and environments.
           
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           By Nico Amiri
          
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           March 7, 2021
          
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           Numbers
          
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           Roughly three out of ten individuals are highly sensitive. That means that more than a quarter of society has a special trait and, that is, sensory processing sensitivity (SPS) - or high sensitivity. What does it mean exactly to be a highly sensitive person (HSP)? The trait refers to the intensity of processing internal and external stimuli, which is relatively higher in comparison to the non-highly sensitive portion of the general population, and higher empathy as well as increased emotional reactivity
          
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           (Greven et al., 2019)
          
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           Neurobiology
          
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           Both terminologies and the biopsychological concept were coined and developed by psychologist Elaine Aron and her husband Arthur Aron in 1996 and the years thereafter. In the early years of research, the trait was qualitatively measured by the Highly Sensitive Person Scale (HSPS) questionnaire
          
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           (Booth et al., 2015)
          
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           . Over the course of the last 20 years, the primary psychology-oriented research has been extended and enriched by gene and genome studies as well as brain imaging studies. The concept has been given a biomedical fundament.
          
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           There is a variety of genes, thought to play a crucial role in the neurobiological development of SPS. Among them there is the serotonin transporter, encoding for the corresponding gene 5’-HTTLPR gene. This gene is present in two variants: a short (S) and a long (L) variant. Each individual carries one gene (variant) from the mother and on from the father, thus there can either be S/S or S/L or L/L combinations in the offspring. Carriers of the two short variants are more likely to develop SPS and subsequently to be highly sensitive
          
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           Genes and gene variants are one side of the coin, the other is the environment. There is epigenetics, for instance, referring to the package of DNA, for instance; it regulates if certain genes are actually translated into proteins and subsequent traits. Through so-called gene-environment interactions, the environment influences how the genetic ‘toolbox’ is used. In the case of SPS, the circumstances an individual lives in are crucial to determine how they are affected by their trait. This is called the differential-susceptibility hypothesis
          
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           (Ellis et al., 2011)
          
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            Figure 1. Illustration of the different models describing individual differences in Environmental Sensitivity: Diathesis-Stress (1.1) describes variability in response to adverse exposures, and Vantage Sensitivity (1.2) variability in response to supportive exposures, whereas the remaining three models Differential Susceptibility (1.3), Biological Sensitivity to Context (1.4), and Sensory Processing Sensitivity (1.5) describe individual differences in response to both negative and positive experiences. Consequently, Models 1.3, 1.4, and 1.5 reflect the combination of Models 1.1 and 1.2. Adapted from Figure 1 in “Individual Differences in Environmental Sensitivity”
           
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           (Pluess, 2015)
          
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            , Author: Mpluess,
           
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           CC BY-SA 4.0
          
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            As shown in Figure 1,  the type of environmental exposure is crucial for the level of individual functioning. Negative exposures as, for instance, an adverse childhood, are reported to affect the highly sensitive person negatively
           
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           (Aron et al., 2005)
          
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            . A positive environment, however, can mean benefits for the HSP, as “developmental enhancements”
           
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           (Ellis et al., 2011)
          
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           To grasp the essence of this biopsychological model, we can, for the sake of simplicity assume that there is a dichotomy, meaning there are only two categories: highly-sensitive individuals and individuals without SPS. However, it has to be mentioned that there might be actually more than two categories. It could be the case that SPS is a ‘spectral’ trait: humans might be neither highly sensitive and empathetic or cold-hearted and non-empaths; it could rather be the case that the intricate play between (epi)genetics and the environment determines where on the spectrum an individual is located at a given time point in life.
          
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           Nico Amiri, 24, holds a bachelor’s degree of Biomedical Sciences from Maastricht University with a semester at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, following a minor in neurosciences. As of September 2020, he is following a Research Master in Biomedical Sciences, specialising in Genetics &amp;amp; Genomics. His research interests are neurogenomics, sensory processing sensitivity, and Alzheimer’s Disease. He is a member of the Neuroethics cycle at the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Mar 2021 20:42:58 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/sensitive-souls-connected</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,frontpage,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Enablers of Sharing Economy</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-enablers-of-sharing-economy</link>
      <description>Most of the things each of us own stay unused most of the time. In the United States and the United Kingdom around 80% of all items owned are used less than once per month leaving a large amount of goods unused, when they could be useful elsewhere. The way of life of modern societies is characterized by growing consumption of resources, increasingly at the expense of the environment. A digital sharing economy offers a way for citizens to share, rent and replace under-utilized assets by the help of digital solutions and alleviate the pressure of the planet’s resources.</description>
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           SUSTAINABILITY
          
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           Digital Enablers of Sharing Economy
          
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            Most of the things each of us own stay unused most of the time. In the United States and the United Kingdom around 80% of all items owned are used less than once per month leaving a large amount of goods unused, when they could be useful elsewhere. The way of life of modern societies is characterized by growing consumption of resources, increasingly at the expense of the environment. A digital sharing economy offers a way for citizens to share, rent and replace under-utilized assets by the help of digital solutions and alleviate the pressure of the planet’s resources. 
           
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           By Josephine Andersen
          
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           March 7, 2021
          
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            hat is the
           
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            sharing economy
           
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            Adding to the list of hyped solutions, the sharing economy might seem like  yet another “green” approach that offers little but buzzwords. However, sharing is a basic premise  of society. The sharing economy is a wide concept that covers different activities and services with the aim of increasing the circulation of assets by capitalizing on the underutilization of goods and products.  It can be described as
           
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           “consumers granting each other temporary access to under-utilized physical assets”
          
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           . It is about consumer-to-consumer sharing through platforms where they provide each other with temporary access to a good, thus the transfer of ownership through second-hand shopping, or leasing of cars as an example, does not fall under the concept of the sharing economy. By making existing goods available  for those who need it, the sharing economy seeks to develop efficient use of physical assets among citizens and typical goods that circulate in a sharing economy are cars, tools, clothes - even homes.
          
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           Environmental benefits of sharing
          
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            There is a strong consensus that new consumption patterns are needed to tackle the current overexploitation of natural resources and generation of greenhouse gases (GHGs) related to production. By enabling access over ownership, the sharing economy holds the potential to promote more sustainable consumption practices based on sharing can address contemporary urban challenges such as waste generation and local pollution, but also social aspects like unemployment and social segregation. As such,
           
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           dematerialization of the economy
          
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             through sharing, might offer a sustainable solution to the growing environmental and urban challenges. Sharing as a concept is by no means new, but by connecting citizens and their communities through digital platforms, the need for new products can be reduced  by capitalizing on the
           
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           idling capacity
          
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           Digital technologies as enabler of the sharing economy
          
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            The sharing economy is to a large extent ICT-enabled as it relies on technology to facilitate the sharing by providing access to information and mediating the exchange through  apps or platforms. Such platforms can provide a faster access to goods, with no or low intermediary costs and innovative ways of offering services. Bike pools are well known and widely used across cities.
           
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            is a Swedish municipal initiative for renting electric cargo bikes through the service platform Triply. Another example is
           
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           an app for neighborhoods that allow the residents  to borrow tools, sports equipment or other everyday objects for free by either searching for objects available for borrowing or making a request for a specific object. 
          
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            By establishing the connection within communities digital technologies can help us to connect with strangers to rent and borrow.  We have already observed  several such solutions, with some of the most well-known such as  the likes of AirBnb and Uber. However, these  companies have provoked loud criticism for their impact on society and working practices and have added a dent to the idea of a  digital sharing economy.  An alternative to such models  is a sharing economy in the form of more local solutions, steered by local municipalities. This can be referred to as the
           
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           sharing city
          
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            where municipalities or community organisations facilitate solutions that ensure delivery of public benefits and at the same time restricting those that might bring about negative impacts on society. 
           
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            The city of Amsterdam was in 2015 named the first
           
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           European Sharing City
          
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            . Building on its experimental approach to digital transformation, the
           
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            has fostered solutions such as
           
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            where citizens can rent or lend a wide range of tools,
           
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            which connects boats that are unused 92% of the time which tourists and locals. The motivation for the city to encourage this development, aside from the facilitation of better access and more sustainable consumption, is the idea that the sharing economy cultivates interest in participation and contribution to the city by harnessing the connectivity provided by digital technologies. 
           
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           Closing remarks
          
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           The environmental benefits of the sharing economy may seem obvious as it increases the utilization of already existing resources which should reduce the need for extraction of new resources. However, a significant research gap still exists concerning the benefits of the sharing economy and its possible rebound effects related to the circulation of goods and increased digitalization. If done right, the sharing economy can reduce the current negative impact from consumption and production and create greater access to resources by harnessing the possibilities of digital tools. 
          
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           Josephine Andersen is a graduate student at Sciences Po Paris where she is completing her masters in International Public Management. She has a Bachelor degree in Political Science from the University of Oslo. She is currently an intern with the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels where she does research on European environmental and energy policies and she is involved in several research projects on circular economy. Josephine is fluent in English, Norwegian and Danish, and with basic knowledge in French. 
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Mar 2021 20:21:55 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-enablers-of-sharing-economy</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,sustainability,cosmonaut,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Why Facebook´s Market Power Will Grow</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/why-facebooks-market-power-will-grow</link>
      <description>While Facebook seems to lose users in North America and Europe, its “Free Basics” initiative is about to tap a massive reservoir of potential users in developing countries.</description>
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            BIG TECH
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           Why Facebook´s Market Power Will Grow
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           While Facebook seems to lose users in North America and Europe, its “Free Basics” initiative is about to tap a massive reservoir of potential users in developing countries.
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           By Marco Schmidt
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           March 7, 2021
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           Abdul Latif
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           Facebook is undoubtedly the biggest social media platform in the world with around
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           active users per month as of the third quarter of 2020. Nonetheless, its rapid growth has not only come to a halt, in fact, the number of users in North America has decreased from the second to the third quarter of 2020 by
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           one million
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           . This is the first time ever that Facebook's user base in North America shrunk and one probable reason is the increasing popularity of platforms like Tik-Tok or Instagram (which, in all fairness, belongs to the Facebook group), especially among people aged 15-25. But does that mean that Facebook´s importance will diminish in the near future as North Americans and Europeans alike turn towards other social media platforms? Not at all, here is why:
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           Internet.org and Free Basics
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           Through its internet.org initiative, Facebook has committed to connecting the remaining half of humankind to the internet that, until today, still does not have access to it. A part of this initiative that was launched in 2013 is the “Free Basics” service. The idea is rather simple, as approximately 85% of the world population lives in areas with mobile coverage, many of those are still not able to pay for mobile data and are therefore excluded from using online services. Through cooperation with mobile operators, “Free Basics” offers access to certain apps and platforms free of charge. As Mark Zuckerberg, the founder of Facebook, proclaimed in the United Nations General Assembly internet access as a basic human right, this seems to be another step of Facebook in order to fulfill that goal.
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           This program has not been enrolled in most of the developed world due to the fact that the percentage of people that are already connected is a lot higher than in countries of the global south. Until now, the program focuses on countries like Guinea, Iraq, the Philippines, Honduras or Peru. The logic behind the project is clear; in places where people are not yet connected to the internet, the potential to acquire new users is enormous. Facebook does also have an inherent interest in getting people connected to the internet. Without the internet their very own platform cannot be used. Facebook claims to provide “Free Basics” users with news, health information, local jobs, education and communication tools. The latter obviously being Facebook.
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           The Success and its consequences on markets
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           The success of that approach is evident. Facebook, being the first player to penetrate the social media market in many places, enables people to access the internet, and not just that, Facebook is also the only choice among comparative offers as only selected platforms are accessible via “Free Basics”. It also stands out that the number of internet users in some Free Basics countries
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           almost matches
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           the number of Facebook subscribers, which is the case e.g., in Algeria, Guinea or Madagascar. The
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           same goes
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           for some Asian countries like the Philippines or Laos. On a global scale, while the number of Facebook users in developed countries might stagnate, the number of people that are enabled to get in touch with the internet through “Free Basics” are potential future Facebook users. There are already 2.7 billion Facebook users and approximately half of the world population, meaning another 4 billion people, are not even connected to the internet yet. Therefore, Facebook definitely has the chance to double its number of users in the future and remain the dominant force in the global social media market.
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           As the example of India has shown though, Facebook certainly cannot continue growing as smoothly as they might envision. In 2016 already, “Free Basics” was
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           declared illegal
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           by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India for violating the rules of net neutrality. The concept of net neutrality establishes the prohibition of discriminatory behavior of an internet service provider to other apps, websites or platforms. As “Free Basics”, through a pre-selection done by Facebook, just allows the consumer to access certain content without paying for mobile data, many competing companies are denied access to the market. That, of course, is great for Facebook that is meanwhile establishing its dominant position in that very market.
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           The effects that “Free Basics” has on the functionality of the internet market in countries that are just starting to get their population connected are to be examined closely. A relatively high percentage of the population in India already has access to the internet (
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           54,4%
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           ), so Facebook´s “Free Basics” will be a lot more influential in countries where this percentage is lower, mainly on the
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           African continent
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           . Facebook will continue to grow in these areas and almost naturally become the dominant social media platform. However, the consequences on the functionality of the growing and developing internet markets should be monitored and critically looked upon.
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           Marco Schmidt is about to finish his law degree at the University of Trier, Germany. He is particularly interested in matters of antitrust law and plans to pursue a LL.M. in Law and Economics at the University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. Being a German native, he is also fluent in English and Spanish. 
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            ﻿
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Mar 2021 20:21:40 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/why-facebooks-market-power-will-grow</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>The Massive Brazilian Data Leakage and International Human Rights Law</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-massive-brazilian-data-leakage-and-international-human-rights-law</link>
      <description>By the end of January 2021, Brazilian news outlets were announcing a major data leakage of the CPF (Código de Pessoa Física, in Portuguese, the Brazilian equivalent to a Social Security Number and Tax Identification Number).</description>
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           PRIVACY
          
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           The Massive Brazilian Data Leakage and International Human Rights Law
          
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           By the end of January 2021, Brazilian news outlets were announcing a major data leakage of the CPF (Código de Pessoa Física, in Portuguese, the Brazilian equivalent to a Social Security Number and Tax Identification Number). 
          
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           By Julia Cirne Lima Weston
          
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           February 28
           
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           , 2021
          
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           The Leakage
          
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           Two leakages have been registered
          
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            , one of them containing 223 million CPF numbers, as well as full name, gender, date of birth, and vehicle registry, circulating on the internet freely; and the other including information on social benefits, which is being sold to criminals.  As the
           
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           number of CPFs transcends the total number of the Brazilian population
          
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           , now estimated to be around 212 million people, it is likely that information belonging to the deceased has also been made public.  This event has, of course, major repercussions on the Human Rights of the Brazilian population. It is important to understand which of those are seen as having been affected, in order to make the affair notable internationally and to call upon best practices for safeguarding said data. 
          
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            This problematic situation of data leakage comes not so long after the creation of the
           
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           Brazilian General Law on Data Protection
          
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            (LGPD), which was homologated in 2018. The law, among other issues, regulates the usage, transfer and storage of data by public and private actors alike.  In terms of content, it does not deviate much from the basics of its international predecessor, the notable European Union General Data Protection Regulation. 
           
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           A noteworthy aspect to keep in mind for this brief article can be found on the foundations of the Brazilian LGPD, one of which is that of Human Rights, including “free development of the personality, dignity and the exercise of citizenship by natural persons”.  As such, Brazil has a national regulation which protects personal data, both in private and public settings, in a legislation guided by Human Rights. With such a leak, we have a breach of Brazilian Law. But how about the international law aspects, if any, of such a leakage?
          
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           The Applicable International Human Rights 
          
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            As we speak of data, we speak of personal information and, consequently, of privacy. As such, this article, with basis on General Comments from the Human Rights Committee and a General Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, argues that there is a breach of the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The
           
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           ICCPR’s
          
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            article 17 foresees that there shall be no unlawful or arbitrary interference with one’s privacy, something which shall be protected by law against interference and attacks. Brazil, among other Latin American States, is also a party to the
           
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           American Convention on Human Rights
          
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            . A similarly worded provision to the ICCPR is also contained in this document, on its
           
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           article 11
          
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            . 
           
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            The
           
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           Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
          
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            on the right to privacy in the digital age specifically applies said ICCPR article to the issue of technology and data transfer, among other situations brought forward by digital platforms. 
           
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    &lt;a href="https://www.refworld.org/docid/453883f922.html" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           General Comment number 16 of the Human Rights Committee
          
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            applies this to attacks and interference emanating both from State authorities or other natural or legal persons, and requires States to adopt legislation and other measures to increase protection and give effect to the prohibition in question.  A relevant excerpt from General Comment 16 to this issue reads as follows: 
           
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           "Effective measures have to be taken by States to ensure that information concerning a person’s private life does not reach the hands of persons who are not authorized by law to receive, process and use it, and is never used for purposes incompatible with the Covenant. "
          
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            As such, according to the understanding of International Human Rights Law, effective measures should have been taken by Brazilian authorities to prevent said exposure of its citizens’ private information. As this is a rather recent event, there are
           
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    &lt;a href="https://g1.globo.com/economia/tecnologia/blog/altieres-rohr/post/2021/01/25/vazamentos-de-dados-expoem-informacoes-de-223-milhoes-de-numeros-de-cpf.ghtml" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           no conclusive investigations
          
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            on the matter and on the measures to be taken by authorities. However, it is important that Brazil considers these dispositions when investigating and remediating said occurrence. It is also important that this is taken into consideration when formulating better policies for data protection in the future within the Brazilian legislative, as another occurrence of the sort can harm Brazil’s reputation globally in terms of data protection.
           
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           Julia Cirne Lima Weston is an LL.M graduate in International Law from University College London and is a qualified lawyer at the Brazilian Bar Association.
           
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      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Feb 2021 19:59:58 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-massive-brazilian-data-leakage-and-international-human-rights-law</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalhumanrights,privacy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>AI Courts Where You Vacation</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ai-courts-where-you-vacation</link>
      <description>Costa Rica amazes day in and day out with its crystal-clear waters, year-round warm temperatures and pristine rainforest. This Central American country has only 0.03% of the world’s surface, but astonishingly houses 6% of the world’s biodiversity. Due to its natural resources, this nation has become a global pioneer in sustainable travel and ecotourism. But in addition to its natural reputation, it seems that Costa Rica is willing to show the world that they can also lead by example in the application of technology. Recently, the Costa Rican judiciary announced their first AI project to be used in its courts.</description>
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           LEGAL TECH
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           AI Courts Where You Vacation
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            Costa Rica amazes day in and day out with its crystal-clear waters, year-round warm temperatures and pristine rainforest. This Central American country has only 0.03% of the world’s surface, but astonishingly houses
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           6% of the world’s biodiversity
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            . Due to its natural resources, this nation has become a
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           global pioneer in sustainable travel and ecotourism
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            . But in addition to its natural reputation, it seems that Costa Rica is willing to show the world that they can also lead by example in the application of technology. Recently, the Costa Rican judiciary announced their
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           first AI project to be used in its courts
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           .
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           By Gabriel Obando-Chacon
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           February 27, 2021
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           Luis Quintanilla
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           How can AI be used in courts?
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            The first thing that comes into mind when someone talks about AI in courts is possibly a robot judge. Nevertheless, while this is not entirely impossible, the state of the art is just not quite there yet. The current AI systems are more likely to assist judges and court officials, as opposed to replacing their roles. The present-day technology is still incapable of rendering complex legal decisions on its own (or at least to the standard desired for judicial decision-making) and will likely continue to be designed to assist judicial courts in the near future.
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           Some countries have already experienced different assistive applications of AI in their judicial systems. For example, it’s likely that you have already heard of the
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           heavily criticized COMPAS
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           , an algorithmic system that is currently in use in several US courts. This AI system is supposed to measure the chances of a prosecuted felon of committing another crime (“recidivism”). This AI system is considered to be assistive as the judge weighs in how heavily she wants to rely on the algorithmic output for her final decision. The algorithm becomes another piece of the decision-making puzzle.
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           But other countries seem to be convinced that AI could potentially replace judges. In 2018, Estonia announced that they would launch a
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           small claims court whose decisions would be entirely produced by an algorithm
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           , without the assistance of a human judge. However, two years after the project was announced, it has not really taken off. It seems that the task is far too expensive or complex, even for Estonia, a forerunner in the application of technology in tasks related to public administration.
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           So, what is the Costa Rican judiciary going to do?
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           T
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           he Costa Rican judiciary is keeping things simple. Instead of being overly ambitious, the Costa Rican judiciary have trained an algorithm that is able to categorize the type of requests that a party to a collection proceeding makes before the court. In short, a party files a letter, for example, requesting the court to change their email address to receive court notices, then, the system labels this brief as a “change in notices”, allowing the judge to preemptively know what the brief is about.
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           While this might not sound revolutionary (and it’s not!) the positive impact that a minor change like this in terms of time consumption could be huge. In a country of only 5 million people,
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           there are over 733.169 active collection cases, assigned to a taskforce of 86 judges nationwide
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           . In other words, that is over 8.500 collection cases per judge. With the AI system implemented, the judges will be able to prioritize their attention to certain briefs as they consult a file. In general terms, involving AI could make a difference in case management. Of course, it will not be the ultimate solution for all issues related with judicial administration, but it’s a start.
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           What are some challenges in the near future?
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           Innovating in the public sector is not easy. The Costa Rican judiciary faces many challenges ahead with its first AI project. For instance, the training period for the algorithm will have to be heavily supervised. There is little margin for error in judicial environments and one mistake could have negative effects in thousands of files and people’s lives. Adequately, the Costa Rican judiciary is taking precautions by implementing a pilot project in Perez Zeledon (a town South of the capital) to evaluate the success of the AI system, before it is used anywhere else.
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           Furthermore, projects like this should catalyze the discussion for further privacy regulations in Costa Rica. As the application of technology becomes the norm in public administration and, in judicial decision-making particularly, clear and enforceable rules will be required to make sure that the citizenry’s data is processed in accordance with the rule of law. As of now, Costa Rica has a privacy act, but this is far from the standards promoted by the EU’s GDPR, which appears to be the metric for this type of regulation in the world. Modernizing the legal framework is not easy, but it is certainly of essence.
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           Despite these challenges, this small Central American nation appears to be willing to take risks through a technological leap in its courts. Positive experiences with
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           AI in courts have already been reported in Mexico, Colombia and Argentina
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           , so Costa Rica should not be an exception.While the application of technology should always be welcomed, as a society, we should remain vigilant to guarantee that the rule of law and our data are always well protected. 
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           Gabriel holds an LLM from McGill University. His research focused on privacy concerns related to the collection of data by governmental agencies to implement judicial AI. Before that, he obtained an LL.L from the University of Costa Rica with a concentration in Human Rights Law. He has worked in 'Big Law' and boutique firms in Costa Rica. Most recently, he joined Nelson Champagne Avocats in Montreal where he's part of the class actions team. He's also the co-founder of algoritLaw, a blog that explores the intersection of AI and Law. He's fluent in English and Spanish, and proficient in French.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/46541-nature-visite-travel.gif" length="1758285" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Feb 2021 23:10:53 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ai-courts-where-you-vacation</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Space Revolution the Earth Needs</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-space-revolution-the-earth-needs</link>
      <description>Earth observation is living a golden age. What is the role of satellite technology in the fight against the climate crisis?</description>
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           ENVIRONMENTAL MONITORING
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           The Space Revolution the Earth Needs 
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           Earth observation is living a golden age. What is the role of satellite technology in the fight against the climate crisis?
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           By Javier Canales Luna
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           February 26, 2021
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           Luis Quintanilla
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            On 4 October 1957, a small aluminium sphere 58 centimeters in diameter with four radio antennas broke in the Earth’s orbit. It was Sputnik I, the world's first artificial satellite. Launched by the Soviet Union, Sputnik inaugurated the so-called
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           “space race”
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            with the United States, a competition between the two rivals during the Cold War to achieve space exploration milestones. 
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            In those days, the space was seen as a theater, a far and well-suited place for the two great powers of the moment to show technological power and, by extension, ideological superiority. Things have changed quite a lot since the end of the conflict, and the space ecosystem is no exception. Today’s society would be hardly possible without satellite technology. Cuts in launching cost and developments in satellite miniaturisation are revolutionising aerospace, opening the gate for
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           new players
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            in a market traditionally monopolised by large national space organizations from a restricted group of countries.
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            According to the
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           Union of Concerned Scientist
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            , more than 2.700 operational satellites, both public and commercial, are currently circling the planet (and the number is expected to rise dramatically in 2020s, in line with space activity growth
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           predictions
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           ), providing a wide range of applications, including Internet connectivity, GPS and Earth Observation (EO).
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           EO data is proving increasingly helpful in environment matters. Data collected from satellite remote sensing provide valuable information to monitor and assess the status of natural and man-made systems. Satellite availability, coupled with recent advancements in spatial resolution and Artificial Intelligence (AI) algorithms, have resulted in new series of breakthroughs, leading climate researchers to speak of a golden age of EO. 
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           If you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it
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            Climate change is having serious impacts in the planet’s atmosphere and ecosystems. Accurate environmental data is key for scientists to understand, assess and predict the impact of the climate crisis and for policy-makers to advance effective strategies to mitigate and adapt to climate change. However, monitoring environmental changes is not an easy task. As stressed by María Fernanda Espinosa Garcés, former President of the United Nations General Assembly,
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           “If you can’t measure it, you can’t manage it”
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            . Great hurdles remain in traditional monitoring systems using sensors on the land, including the
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           limited coverage
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            (about 30% of the planet’s surface is covered, mostly land areas), the lack of measurement uniformity, and the risk of technical failure or human tampering. 
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            Here is where EO comes to the rescue. Satellites offer bird’s eye views that can reveal patterns and track changes that are hard to detect from the ground. 
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           Over 450 satellites
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            are currently in orbit for EO purposes. A tiny portion are heavy multisensor infrastructures operated by official space organizations like NASA or the European Space Agency (ESA), aiming to monitor specific aspects of Earth’s natural system. The rest belongs to large constellations of smaller, low-cost satellites, launched by private companies such as SpaceX and Planet Labs, which are contributing to the increasing imagery availability, coverage and granularity. 
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            Once the image data is available, the next question is what to do with it. The problem is that EO satellites output a
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           huge amount of image data
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            (only the ESA/EU Copernicus satellites produce tens of terabytes per day). Fortunately,  AI is helping
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           automate a task
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            otherwise impossible for humans to process alone. In short, machine learning algorithms can be used to classify imagery from large datasets, thereby facilitating the process of information discovery.
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            As a result of these advances, the
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           environmental applications
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            of EO data has not ceased to increase in the last decade. Satellites provide wider and continuous observation capability, as the same sensor can be used at different places in the world, including remote and inhospitable zones. This will make it easier to detect illegal environmental practices or track progress in areas such as
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           agriculture
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            ,
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           fisheries
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            and
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           forest policies
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            .  The space revolution will also provide new ammunition to tackle climate change. Having a reliable and disaggregated account for global carbon emissions is key to assess progress in countries commitments under the Paris Agreement. Provided that satellites can provide unequivocal and uniform evidence across countries, EO methodologies could be adopted to validate emissions reported by companies and governments, enhancing transparency and accountability. This is the idea behind TRACE (“Tracking Real-time Atmospheric Carbon Emissions”), an international initiative working to
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           track real-time global carbon emissions
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            from major polluters using a mix of satellite image processing and machine learning. 
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           Towards a new paradigm in environmental monitoring?
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            Yet the important advances in recent years, there are still several challenges ahead for satellite remote sensing before it can be accepted as a reliable and well-understood measurement technique (Ruf et al,
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           2018
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            ). At the technical level, space-based environmental monitoring methodologies remain in an early stage, an further progress is need to calibrate the raw measuring devices, correctly interpret the the measurements(a
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           task
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            that is becoming very complex when using certain AI algorithms) and smoothly combine these measurements  with terrestrial sources (eg, meteorology stations or emission estimates from open datasets).
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            Plus, there is the question on how to make the space revolution beneficial from end-users and the public sector. Despite the hype provoked by Elon Musk’s plans
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           to colonise Mars
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            or Joe Bezos's Blue Origin announcement of incoming
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           tourist trips into orbit
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            , the space is still very far from regular people. There is the need to accelerate the development of the space downstream market. Improving user engagement is central in this process, as only by working with local problems users can judge whether a given space-based solution is fit for purpose, thus providing valuable feedback to improve the service. However, there are still
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           significant barriers
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            such as restricted data access (though there is a growing trend towards the democratisation of the use of satellite data) and users’ lack of EO relevant digital skills.
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            Limited awareness and understanding of what is going on above the sky not only compromise the rapid expansion of the space market, it also slows down the integration of EO applications within the public sector.  Evidence from satellite data could be used by decision-makers and legislative authorities to improve or reform current environmental policies and regulatory frameworks. EO-based applications would then become crucial to ensure compliance and standardise monitoring and verification processes.
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           Javier Canales holds a Dual Bachelor in Law and Political Science from Carlos III University and a LL.M. in European Law from Maastricht University. After completing his legal studies, he specialised in the field of data science. He currently works as a Data Analyst at Trecone Solutions and part-time instructor at Datahack, where he teaches course of Big Data and Python Programming.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Feb 2021 22:42:18 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-space-revolution-the-earth-needs</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,sustainability,cosmonaut,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Platform Governance</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/platform-governance</link>
      <description>The cycle on Digital Constitutionalism presents a series about the platform governance with a focus on Facebook's Oversight Board and Article 19's Social Media Councils.</description>
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            COSMONAUT
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           S E R I E S
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           Platform Governance
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           Ittai Rosas
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           Facebook's Oversight Board
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           Facebook's novel experiment in global governance is posited to conduct independent and external assessment of controversial cases the determination of which are likely to have far-reaching implications for human rights. Whether  this endeavor presents true promise, or whether it is a smokescreen to gain greater legitimacy with minimal changes to its corporate structure remains to be seen.
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           Darya
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           Social Media Councils
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            Article 19 proposes a decentralized network of content moderators as a set of open, participatory and accountable bodies made up of various actors working at the national level to safeguard freedom of expression online.  This model aspires to
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           unbundle content moderation currently monopolized by social media companies.
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           Lordicon
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           Governors' Dilemma
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           Both public and private actors are increasingly under pressure to play a more active role in online content moderation inevitably raising other concerns. Social media companies like Facebook, Youtube and Twitter are criticized for their lack of transparency and democratic legitimacy in taking such decisions. On the other hand, governments tend to outsource human rights decisions constitutionally reserved for courts to private actors.
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           Daniel
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           Our Series
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      <pubDate>Sat, 20 Feb 2021 00:11:10 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/platform-governance</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalconstitutionalism,digitalgovde,cosmonautseries</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Privacy &amp; Covid 19 - Country Reports</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/publications/privacy-covid19</link>
      <description>The objective of the country reports is to offer an overview of the main, or most problematic, measures, and to highlight “alarm bells” and “best practices” in assessing the state of privacy and data protection amidst the current pandemic. We hope to contribute to the global policy and research discourse for an efficient and human rights compliant handling of the Covid-19 pandemic.</description>
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           PUBLICATION
          
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           Privacy &amp;amp; Covid-19
          
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           The objective of the country reports is to offer an overview of the main, or most problematic, measures, and to highlight “alarm bells” and “best practices” in assessing the state of privacy and data protection amidst the current pandemic. We hope to contribute to the global policy and research discourse for an efficient and human rights compliant handling of the Covid-19 pandemic.
          
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           By Andreu Wilson; Daniel Becker; Natália Brigagão; Victor Silveira; Vinícius Alvarez; Alina Škiljić; Mikko Rudanko; Cian Henry; Matthew Nuding; Merel van Gils; Dr. jur. Ma. Angela Leonor Aguinaldo, J.D., LL.M
          
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           February 19,  2021
          
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           “Balcony Concerts”, Catherine Cordasco
          
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           We shouldn't have to make a choice between health and privacy. For this, we publish a collection of country reports on the legislative and regulatory measures taken in the respective jurisdictions in response to Covid-19 from a human rights and rule of law perspective, with particular focus on privacy rights. The objective of the country reports is to offer an overview of the main, or most problematic, measures, and to highlight “alarm bells” and “best practices” in assessing the state of privacy and data protection amidst the current pandemic.
          
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           Download Report
          
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    &lt;img src="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/Copy+of+Copy+of+Privacy+%26+Covid-19.png" alt="Download Report"/&gt;&#xD;
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           Data is crucial in the fight against the pandemic but not unchecked
          
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           Governments are taking unprecedented steps to track, trace, contain and mitigate the spread of Covid-19 by resorting to digital technologies and advanced analytics to collect, analyse and share data for front-line responses. Data is essential for efficiently tackling the pandemic and forecasting the spread of the virus, to assess the resources of health care systems and to evaluate the efficacy of policies restricting the movement of individuals.
          
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           While contact-tracing technologies can be useful to limit the spread of the virus, if left unchecked, they can also be misused for extensive collection and sharing of personal data, mass surveillance, limiting individual freedoms and challenging democratic governance.
          
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           Core principles of data protection should apply
          
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           According to the European Data Protection Board, data subjects should receive transparent information on the processing activities that are being carried out and their main features, including the retention period for collected data and the purposes of the processing. Measures implemented to manage the current emergency and the underlying decision-making process should be appropriately documented. Transparency and effective communication are not solely dictated by data protection objectives. They are crucial for establishing public trust in the emergency measures taken and a broad compliance hereto as a requisite for effective democratic governance.
          
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           Governments, in multistakeholder consultations, must therefore reconcile the risks with the benefits of the data processing while guaranteeing that any extraordinary measures are proportionate to the risks and are implemented with full transparency, accountability and a commitment to immediately cease or reverse exceptional uses of data when the crisis is over.
          
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           With the following publication, we hope to contribute to the global policy and research discourse for an efficient and human rights compliant handling of the Covid-19 pandemic.
          
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           I would personally like to wholeheartedly thank our authors for shedding light in the measures of their respective jurisdictions. Special thanks to Ruby Rosselle Tugade and Raphael Lorenzo A. Pangalangan for their outstanding work in managing and coordinating an international team of editors, without whom this result would not have been possible.
          
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           Of course, we all at our institute could not be prouder since we are presenting you our very first publication.
          
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           Foreword by Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
          
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      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Feb 2021 23:20:10 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/publications/privacy-covid19</guid>
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      <title>Legal Issues of Deepfakes</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/legal-issues-of-deepfakes</link>
      <description>Deepfake contents initially were only about celebrities, however even ordinary people can create their own deepfake content today. With the widespread use of deepfake content, problems such as manipulation of the public, attacks on personal rights, violations of rights of intellectual property and personal data protection are becoming more common. Legislators and Big Tech are looking for an effective solution against increasing problems of deepfakes.</description>
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           DISINFORMATION
          
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           Legal Issues of Deepfakes
          
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           Deepfake contents initially were only about celebrities, however even ordinary people can create their own deepfake content today. With the widespread use of deepfake content, problems such as manipulation of the public, attacks on personal rights, violations of rights of intellectual property and personal data protection are becoming more common. Legislators and Big Tech are looking for an effective solution against increasing problems of deepfakes.
          
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           By Betül Çolak
          
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           January 19,  2021
          
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           Definition &amp;amp; History
          
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           Deepfake is a new phenomenon heard by many internet users today. It is a
          
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           combination of “Deep Learning” and “Fake”
          
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           . As it is understood from combination, deepfakes are created by using artificial intelligence technology, in specific
          
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           machine learning
          
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           technique. Algorithms work on massive data sets —
          
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           fairly convincing deepfake can be done with as few as 300 images
          
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           — belongs to the source person to create deepfakes. Then, algorithms swap one face —the source— to another —the target— with the face swap technic. However, there are three essential technics to create Deepfake contents that
          
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           face swap, expression swap, Generative Adversarial Networks (“GAN”)
          
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           . Regardless of which technic is used, the process  has generally same steps that are extraction, training and creation. Also, there is no need to massive data sets anymore. Today, even
          
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           one single photo of a source is enough
          
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           to create deepfake contents. 
          
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           In 2017, a software developer nicknamed "deepfakes" on Reddit online platform posted his creations that he swapped the Hollywood celebrities’ faces onto the faces of porn artists. After the creations spread rapidly, deepfake became a new trend.
          
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           Numerous applications
          
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           have emerged to create deepfake contents for the last 4 years. Because the applications are easily accessible and free, many people create deepfake contents of themselves or celebrities such as politicians, actors/actresses, artists and singers. Some famous examples of deepfakes are about Obama, Trump, Zuckerberg and Dalí. Moreover, they are quite convincing. In other words, it is difficult to distinguish which one is real. Therefore, it is exciting to hear your favorite artist calling out to you in a video or to watch your favorite actors in another movie that they didn't perform. 
          
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           Deepfakes have a wide usage from the entertainment industry to the health sector. For example, it has been used in the health sector to
          
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           detect tumors
          
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           . However, deepfakes have some drawbacks such as for post truth politics and harassment of women in the form of revenge porn, manipulation of the public, intervention to the elections, violations of personal data protection rights and intellectual property rights. Although there are numerous issues about deepfakes, this article will focus on intellectual property rights and personal data protection rights regarding deepfake contents. 
          
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           Legal Issues of Deepfakes
          
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           The World Intellectual Property Organization (“WIPO”) published the “
          
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           Draft Issues Paper On Intellectual Property Policy And Artificial Intelligence
          
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           ” on December 2019. The draft holds problems of deepfake contents in terms of intellectual property rights. There are two questions addressed specifically to deepfake issue on the Draft:
          
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           “(i)
          
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           Since deep fakes are created on the basis of data that may be the subject of copyright,
          
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           to whom should the copyright in a deep fake belong
          
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           ? 
          
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           (ii)
          
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           Should there be a system of equitable remuneration for persons whose likenesses and “performances” are used in a deep fake?
          
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           ”
          
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           WIPO
          
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           states that deepfakes may cause more severe problems such as violation of the human rights, right of privacy, personal data protection right, etc. than the copyright infringements. Therefore according to WIPO, the main concern here is whether copyright should even be accorded to deep fake imagery, rather than to whom copyright in a deep fake should belong. As a response, WIPO states that if the deepfake contents are completely contradictory with the victom’s life, the deepfake contents should not be rewarded with copyright protection. For the previous questions, WIPO also mentions that
          
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           if deepfakes are subject to copyright, it should belong to the inventor of deepfakes
          
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            . As for the reason that there is no intervention of the source person whose image, sound or other feature is used during the creation of deepfakes but just his/her consent.
           
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           Accordingly, copyright is not a good weapon to be put against deepfake, as the victim of deepfakes does not own a copyright interest in their own image. On the other side, the victim of deepfake can take to the right of personal data protection. According to
          
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           Article 5 (1) of EU General Data Protection Regulation
          
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           (“GDPR”), “
          
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           personal data shall be accurate and, where necessary, kept up to date; every reasonable step must be taken to ensure that personal data that are inaccurate, having regard to the purposes for which they are processed, are erased or rectified without delay(‘accuracy’)”.
          
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           I
           
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           n the light of the Article 5, if a deepfake content is irrelevant,
          
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           inaccurate
          
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           or falsity, they should be erased or rectified without delay. Moreover, even the deepfake content is true or accurate, a data subject —a victim of a deepfake— may exercise the right to be forgotten, granted to European residents in
          
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           Article 17 of GDPR
          
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           as the “right to erasure”. In accordance with Article 17, the data subject shall have the right to obtain from the controller the erasure of personal data concerning him or her without undue delay and the data controller shall have the obligation to erase personal data without undue. 
          
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           Conclusion
          
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           Today both states and BigTechs take action against the problems of deepfakes. As an example,
          
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           BigTechs
          
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           develop the tools to detect challenges of deepfake contents.
          
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           Virginia, Texas and California
          
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           is first states in the US that have regulations against legal issues of deepfakes. The law in Virginia imposes criminal penalties on the distribution of nonconsensual deepfake pornography, whereas the law in Texas prohibits the creation and distribution of deepfake videos intended to harm candidates for public office or influence elections. When current problems are taken into consideration, more legislation and technological tools against deepfakes will probably occur soon.
          
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           Betül Çolak is a lawyer specializing in IP and Technology law from Turkey, and is a Researcher in the AI and Fairness research cycle of the Institute. She completed her undergraduate degree in law where she developed a passion for AI and exploring regulation of emerging technologies. She has researched on issues such as fair algorithms and antitrust cases of BigTechs, personal data protection and IP regulation. 
          
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      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Feb 2021 20:30:03 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/legal-issues-of-deepfakes</guid>
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      <title>India's Struggle Against Fake News</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/indias-struggle-against-fakenews</link>
      <description>How disinformation and the failed attempts against it have aggravated ethnic and religious tensions in India.</description>
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           COMMUNALISM
          
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           India's Struggle Against Fake News
          
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           How disinformation and the failed attempts against it have aggravated ethic and religious tensions in India.
          
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           By Srishti Nair
          
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           February  7,  2021
          
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           India’s diversity- boon Or bane?
          
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            As rightfully said by Rabindranath Tagore,
           
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           If God had so wished, he would have made all Indians speak with one language ... the unity of India has been and shall always be a unity in diversity."
          
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            India’s diversity is reflected in the variety of rituals, customs, religions, customs and social structures spread across a population of 1.3 billion individuals. It is reinforced by the multicultural and secular approach adopted by the country which has propelled its growth and global significance. However, these persisting differences have also increased the likelihood of social conflicts within the society which are often voiced in a rather morally reprehensible and violent manner. From the 1984 Sikh riots ("
           
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           1984 Anti-Sikh riots - history and aftermath
          
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           ,"2018) and the 2002 Godhra riots in Gujarat ("
          
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           Timeline of the riots in Modi’s Gujarat (Published 2014)
          
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           ," 2018) to the recent riots in North- East Delhi, India’s tryst with communal related violence has been rather fateful.
          
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           Communalism is the product of a particular situation of a particular society, economic and polity. It can be described as an effort of the community to fight for a possible solution of their personal and social crisis without correctly getting hold of what the social state of affairs are. More often than not, such clashes are more ideological than physical thereby, emphasising upon the increasing need to drive home the falsity of communal assumption, of communal logic, of communal answer etc.
          
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           The widening gap between truth and lies
          
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           With the advent of technology, fighting such ideologies has become all the more difficult given the consumer driven media platforms which believe in giving people what they want rather than what they need, making it difficult to distinguish between right and wrong for each side has its own sea of digital supporters. Digital platforms including social media have gone on to become carriers of fake news which is often targeted at not destroying the truth, rather; to manipulate and weaponize information to achieve political or societal goals (
          
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           Gioe,2017
          
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           Fake news misleads people, spreads false propaganda, malign people and communities. Thus, playing an instrumental role in creating communal hatred and instigating violence (
          
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           Panigrahi &amp;amp; Sigh, 2017, p. 2
          
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           ). India too has faced many incidents wherein violence has been triggered by fake news and rumours circulated through social media and internet messaging platforms. The recent Delhi riots was one such incident which opened our eyes to the harsh reality of the hatred and mayhem caused due to spread of fake news on digital platforms.
          
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            Role played by fake news in aggravating communal violence during the 2020
           
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           Delhi riots
          
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           The infamous Delhi riots of 2020 initially started off as a protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act which was seen as discriminatory against the Muslim minority and a threat to the constitutional principles of secularism and equality. Peaceful protests and demonstrations were being carried out all over the country with the exception of a few incidents of stone-pelting and burning of vehicles. On the 23 Feb, 2020 following the Northeast Delhi, BJP leader Kapil Mishra’s speech calling out people to come out in support of the Act and against the protesters, clashes broke out between anti- and pro-CAA demonstrators all over Delhi-NCR.
          
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           These clashes were manifested in forms of arson, vandalism of property, stone pelting and burning of places of worship. In parts of the city, shops and houses owned by Hindus were torched by a Muslim mob, subsequently, mosques were vandalised, a tyre market largely owned by Muslims was set on fire by crowd that screamed "Jai Shri Ram” and mutilated bodies were found at different sites. Over 10,000 emergency calls were made to the police control room during the whole ordeal (
          
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           Standard, B.
          
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           (2020)).
          
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           Muslim migration into Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh, how to spot 12 signs of Jihad, and calls for economic boycott of Muslims were some of the misleading WhatsApp messages being forwarded all over the country during the anti-CAA protest phase (
          
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           J, 2020
          
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           ). Several videos, live streams and pictures of older mob attacks that happened in different cities way before 2020 were edited and circulated to falsely suggest that the Muslims being attacked in the videos were in Delhi, clippings of young Syrian women and children were also circulated to manipulate sentiments of the masses ("
          
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           Delhi endures tense night amid false rumours of violence
          
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           " 2020). Even credible news channels went ahead to publish misinformation around the identity of a gun-wielding man pictured during the Delhi riots. Furthermore, certified social media accounts with large public following also thoughtlessly promoted these viral videos without checking the authenticity. More than 1000 pictures and videos were found to be circulated on all the digital platforms from accounts on Twitter, Facebook, Instagram as well as WhatsApp groups.
          
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           Law and fake news
          
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           In today’s technologically advanced world, social media has proved itself to be an essential tool of communication and self-expression. Globally, there are more than 3 billion individuals who are a part of this massive and ever evolving web-based community. Given the significant role played by such digital spaces in facilitating the exercise of the freedom of speech and expression, it often becomes difficult to regulate data available on these platforms.
          
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           In nations which are less speech friendly, spreading fake news is seldom not talked about as a piece of free discourse. In Ireland, for instance, a new law proposed would criminalize spreading fake news on social media (
          
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           Jaegar
          
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           ,2017). In Germany, a social media law came into force in October of 2017 that requires social media sites to remove fake news within 24 hours of being cautioned of the same ("
          
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           Germany starts enforcing hate speech law
          
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           ," 2018). However, in countries like India and USA regulation of such freedom is a tightrope walk.
          
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           Presently, there are no laws in India which directly govern the regulation of fake news nevertheless, there are some provisions in the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Information Technology Act (IT Act), and the Disaster Management Act which attempt to control the effect of fake news. These provisions are as follows:
          
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            Section 66D of Information Technology Act- “Whoever, by means for any communication device or computer resources cheats by personating shall be punished with the imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine which may extend to one lakh rupees”.
           
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            Section 54 of the Disaster Management Act- “Whoever makes or circulates a false alarm or warning as to disaster or its severity or magnitude, leading to panic shall be punished with the imprisonment which may extend to one year or with fine”.
           
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            Section 124A. Sedition: “Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards, the Government established by law in India, shall be punished with [various combinations of terms of imprisonment and/or fines].”
           
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            Section 505(1) of Indian Penal Code, 1860- “Whoever by making, publishing or circulating any statement, rumour or report which may cause fear for an alarm to the public, or to any section of the public shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years, or with fine or with both”.
           
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            Section 153 of Indian Penal Code- “Whoever malignantly, or wantonly, by doing anything illegal, gives provocation to any person intending or knowing it to be likely that such provocation will cause the offense of rioting to be committed, shall, if the offense of rioting be committed in consequence of such provocation be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to one year, or with fine, or with both; and if the offense of rioting be not committed, with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to six months, or with fine, or with both”.
           
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            Section 499 and 500 of Indian Penal Code- “Whoever, by words either spoken or intended to be read, or by signs or by visible representations, makes or publishes any imputation concerning any person intending to harm, or knowing or having reason to believe that such imputation will harm, the reputation of such person is said, except in the case hereinafter expected, to defame that person” and “Whoever defames another shall be punished with simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine or with both”.
           
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           There are also pending rules and regulations specifically aimed at controlling the increasing menace of fake news, these include the Draft Information Technology (Intermediaries Guidelines) Rules, 2018 which is intended at strengthening the regulatory framework to make social media platforms more accountable under the law (
          
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           Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, Government of India
          
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           ,2018). Also, following the riots in Delhi, a Peace and Harmony committee was also formed by the Delhi Legislative Assembly with the objective of investigating the application of hate speech rules and policies by social media giants like Facebook (
          
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           Dubey
          
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           , 2020).However, the committee jurisdiction and its power to issue summons continue to debated in the Courts in India ("
          
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           Peace &amp;amp; harmony committee of Delhi assembly lacks jurisdiction: Centre
          
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           ," 2020).
          
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           Similar struggles can also be witnessed in the US for there exists a large possibility that outlawing fake news would create a chilling effect on real news. Nevertheless, defamation litigation is the key legal recourse against fake news. If fake news is at issue in a defamation claim, it is limited to intentional or knowingly false statement. However, following the republication rue anyone who republishes the defamatory statement is said to have adopted it as his own and is held liable for the same (
          
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           Liberty Lobby, Inc. v. Dow Jones &amp;amp; Co.
          
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           , 1988). Intentional infliction of emotional distress (lIED), known as the end-run approach is similar to defamation as a "regularly" raised tort against fake news publishers under state law (
          
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           Klein &amp;amp; Wueller
          
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           , 2017, p. 06). It is raised when one's publication of fake news results in "
          
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           intentionally or recklessly causing another person severe emotional distress
          
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           " through one's extreme or outrageous acts. Fake news publishers can also be subjected to administrative rules and regulations, including the standards of the
          
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           Federal Trade Commission
          
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           (FTC) for unfair and deceptive trade practice which misleads representation, omission, or practice or is likely to mislead a consumer.
          
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           Conclusion
          
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           Undoubtedly, it is difficult to define as to what constitutes fake news? What motivates it? Whether it is real or imagined? However, it will not be wrong to say that the ease with which one can fabricate a rumour or fake news, spread it faster and wider and call for a collective action has become a matter of grave concern as well as a challenge for lawmakers, practitioners, free speech advocates, media professionals etc globally. Laws pertaining to modern technology, especially the Internet are not effective in India and unfortunately are extremely lax with respect to fake news. Bearing in mind the reach of digital technologies especially social media platforms it is extremely vital that countries across the globe review the existing laws or devise new laws that will enable effective regulation of the technological caveats while keeping the right to freedom of speech and expression alive.
          
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           Srishti Nair is a fourth-year law student from Symbiosis International (Deemed) University, India. She is interested in exploring the intersectionality between law and technology especially protection of privacy and digital rights of the community.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Feb 2021 21:11:53 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/indias-struggle-against-fakenews</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalhumanrights,cs_platformgovernance,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Taxes: A Fake Solution For A Real Problem?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-taxes-a-fake-solution-for-a-real-problem</link>
      <description>Real solutions to the tax avoidance and advantageous taxation digital supergroups enjoy can only be international and structural, updating practices of international taxation that have now become obsolete. They cannot be a mere quick fix. Voters demand it, the sustainability of our economic models requires it.</description>
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           DIGITAL ECONOMY
          
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           Digital Taxes: A Fake Solution For A Real Problem 
          
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           Real solutions to the tax avoidance and advantageous taxation digital supergroups enjoy can only be international and structural, updating practices of international taxation that have now become obsolete. They cannot be a mere quick fix. Voters demand it, the sustainability of our economic models requires it.
          
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           By Nicola Bressan
          
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           January 26, 2021
          
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            “We’ve got to be talking about taxes. That’s it: taxes, taxes, taxes. All the rest is bullshit in my opinion.”
           
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            It is with these words that the Dutch historian Rutger Bregman, at the worldwide reunion of private jet users and caviar aficionados that is Davos’ World Economic Summit, addressed one of the most pressing challenges today’s policymakers have to face: tax avoidance. Eroding the depth of public resources, damaging the public’s faith in democracy and the system and causing tension between countries, the phenomenon has recently grown into one of crucial political and policy importance. But what does tax avoidance exactly mean?
           
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           Using the OECD’s definition: 
          
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           ‘A term that is difficult to define but which is generally used to describe the arrangement of a taxpayer's affairs that is intended to reduce his tax liability and that although the arrangement could be strictly legal it is usually in contradiction with the intent of the law it purports to follow.’. 
          
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           As this phrasing points to from the get-go, tax avoidance is indeed a concept whose boundaries are quite blurry, both for experts and - even more so - for the general public. Oft-mistaken with the more immediately comprehendible tax evasion, the confusion surrounding what tax avoidance practically consists of is omnipresent in public debate. Like most things relating to policy, nuance is key: in the spectrum between a perfectly acceptable tax optimisation practice (such as, for example, the use of tax credits for research and development or green energy) and tax evasion (deliberate misreporting of revenue), tax avoidance measures place themselves in the grey middle area.
          
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           An ever-growing problem
          
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           For all practical intents and purposes, the term tax avoidance refers to the multitude of mechanisms put in place by multinational groups so as to move their profits from high-tax jurisdictions to jurisdictions with a lower imposition rate. From sophisticated accounting schemes with creative names – the infamous “Double Irish with a Dutch Sandwich” and the “Single Malt” definitely stand out – to simpler loopholes allowing for artificially inflated transactions between subsidiaries of the same group, the various tools employed are complex and detailing them would go far beyond the scope of this article. What is interesting to note is how these practices have evolved over the years both in terms of scope and public attention, from an exotic matter familiar only to the most daring of tax planners, to an issue that is front, right and centre in the policy agenda.
          
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           Taking a relatively cohesive bloc of countries such as the EU, it is easy to see how corporate tax rates can differ wildly, making the incentive for tax avoidance more than tangible. Source: European Commission. 
          
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           While by no means new – the first OECD report on the matter goes as far back as 1978 – worldwide corporate tax avoidance has grown into a 500 to 600 billion USD yearly hole in public budgets (Crivelli, de Mooij, and Keen 2015; Cobham and Janský 2018), 1% to 1.3% of global GDP. Taking country-specific estimates, the evolution is staggering: the loss in revenue for the French government, for example, went from less than 1 billion EUR in year 2000, to 13 billion in 2008, and past the cap of 30 billion starting from 2013 (Vicard, 2019). This exponential growth can be easily explained by taking into account two phenomena of our generation: the acceleration of economic interdependence and the digitalisation of our economies. 
          
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           Structural legal challenges
          
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           If the former is self-explanatory, the latter isn’t. Among the multi-faceted challenges digitisation brings to our production models, democracies and daily lives, there is that of taxation. The definition of what fair taxation is, as well as its enforcement, are matters that our connected and internet-reliant world makes all the harder to answer. Traditional frameworks to determine taxable entities and their imposable amounts – which stem all the way back to the early 20th century – are in fact hardly applicable to the modern production of added value and profits. 
          
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           One of the most basic of concepts in our tax jurisdictions, the idea of a ‘permanent establishment’, is for instance largely inapplicable to the digital economy: if generally, taxing rights are computed from the profit collected from a fixed presence within a given territory, the business model of most tech and digitally-oriented conglomerates can generate great amounts of revenue with little to no actual physical presence in a country. Defining a ‘nexus’, a taxable presence within a country, therefore becomes far more complicated. 
          
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           Secondly, the intangible nature of the goods and services sold makes it so that defining value creation, and even more importantly linking value creation to tax regimes, is challenging. As Olbert and Spengel (2017) put it, taking the usage of user data as a marketable good as an example, if ‘
          
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           the concept of data as a contributor to value creation is established, the question of how to attribute value to the generation, storage and use of data is still unanswered
          
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           ’. In a more down-to-earth way: if a Brazilian user, by willingly sharing his data, creates value for an American platform, shouldn’t that be taken into account in the calculation of owed tax? In this sense therefore, the usual principle of arms-length transactions and the current transfer-pricing models used to allocate taxable profits within value chains fall short of effectively capturing and appropriately taxing the new, digitalised ways to produce added value.
          
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           As these examples show, the phenomenon of tax avoidance is vastly exacerbated by the digital economy. While crucial, they are by no means the only causes contributing to making digitisation a factor of aggravation: abuses of VAT exemptions, the hardship in ‘characterisation of income’ (many e-commerce transactions may, for instance, be classified as royalties), the heavy reliance on R&amp;amp;D cost subsidies and the advantageous criteria for depreciation specific to digital business models also figure on the list. This discrepancy is one companies in the sector do not fail to capitalise on: if on average, SMEs in Europe are taxed at an implicit corporate tax rate of 23%, the largest companies of the digital sector only pay an effective corporate tax rate of 9% (PwC and ZEW, 2018).  Beyond the ethical concerns and the missing governmental revenue tax avoidance brings forth, the disloyal competition is an aspect that should not be overlooked.
          
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           The relative failure of international policy initiatives
          
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            The growing awareness of this injustice has, slowly but surely, translated itself into a growing policy interest to the matter. Firstly, from an international point of view. The most relevant international initiative tackling the issue is, undoubtedly, the OECD’s ‘Addressing Base Erosion and Profit Shifting’ (BEPS) 2013 document and its ensuing Action Plan, finalised in 2015. With the cooperation of 135 countries on the project (albeit to a varying degree of involvement), and around 85 countries -representing more than 90% of world GDP - having signed the Multilateral Instrument on BEPS, the project is widely seen as a successful soft law endeavour, instrumental in setting a concrete worldwide benchmark, and bringing the topic to the forefront of international cooperation. Its biggest achievement is, arguably, having established universally recognised definitions of Controlled Foreign Company rules, Permanent Establishment status and alignment of transfer pricing criteria to value creation.
           
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           Yet, the process being largely consensus based and having the explicit aim of being flexible and practical enough to be implemented rapidly in vastly different jurisdictions and tax regimes, one cannot imagine it to be a holistic, all-solving framework. In fact, this first truly global initiative on the matter is to be seen as the groundwork upon which to build further so as to tackle and bring down tax avoidance, rather than ‘the final destination of international tax law reform’ (Reuner and Xu, 2019). 
          
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            More directly relevant and impactful to the topic of digital taxation are the recent initiatives contained in what has generally been dubbed ‘BEPS 2.0’. Consisting of two pillars, they aim to solve at the root the specific challenges of the digitalization of the economy that we have addressed earlier: on the one hand, the solving of the territorial and nexus-related issues that plague digital services taxation rights, and on the other the establishment of a minimum global corporate tax rate as well as of a tax on base-eroding payments.
           
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            Both of these areas of development have the potential to significantly disrupt long-standing paradigms in taxation processes, as well as de facto impacting on the level of sovereignty jurisdictions have in setting their effective corporate tax rates. Depending on where the minimum tax is set, for instance, some low-tax jurisdictions such as Hungary or Ireland might see companies legally resident within their territory being taxed above the threshold set by their own legislators. This would be due to the parent company being directly taxed in its territory of residence in case its foreign subsidiaries’ profits were deemed to have been taxed below the OECD-set minimum rate.
           
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           Similarly, the technical difficulty and high sensitivity of the stakes linked to choosing the proper means of allocating taxable profits on the basis of where digital services are consumed rather than where permanent establishments are located characterise the setting of new, digital economy-tailored, profit allocation rules. It is for these reasons that the negotiations on the guidelines to be adopted globally have been fraught with political contrasts and vested interests, which have slowed down the negotiations to a screeching halt: initially meant to be completed ‘before the end of 2020’ (G20, 2019), the initiative is still far from having reached a final stage, with the US Treasury secretary Steven Mnuchin having announced on June 17, 2020 that the talks had ‘reached an impasse’ . While most officials maintain officially that the global option through the OECD is the preferred one, more and more jurisdictions – as we will see – are turning towards unilateral solutions.
          
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           The proliferation of digital services taxes
          
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           These interim solutions have been mostly centred around one typology: digital services taxes (DSTs). Computed on revenues instead of profits, these measures circumvent one of the most crucial of issues plaguing tax avoidance: as revenues are generally harder to underreport without falling into the scope of blatant tax evasion, levies based on pre-VAT gross turnover would manage to capture a higher share of the actual value created in a given jurisdiction. This is, though, only partly applicable to the digital economy. Beyond this issue, the complexities and shortcomings of such solutions are significant. 
          
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            16 countries have either already implemented or announced to be planning to adopt such revenue-based taxes.
           
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           The policy convergence in the field, while not absolute, has been noticeable: it is in fact France’s 2019 ‘Taxe GAFA’ (GAFA being an acronym for Google, Amazon, Facebook and Apple, which should already provide us with a hint of the aimed targets of the initiative) that has spearheaded the worldwide wave of adoption of digital services taxes. While not being the first country to have enacted a specific taxation measure addressing the imbalances in imposition of large digital groups - for example, Italy had adopted (but never implemented) a digital transaction tax in 2017, and India has been imposing an equalization levy on non-resident service providers ever since 2016 – France and its tax have had an incontestable role in establishing a model and a benchmark for what today would be called a fully-fledged DSTs. Firstly, in pushing jurisdictions into accepting DSTs as the tool of choice to tackle these disparities, and secondly in imposing many of its mechanisms as the common pre-OECD consensus policy reference on the matter.
          
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           While not entirely convergent, we can see that the majority of jurisdictions having implemented or having declared to be planning to implement a DST have opted for a rate hovering around 3%. The similarities do not stop there: they also concern the applicable thresholds and, to a lesser extent, the absence of sunset clauses and the definition of imposable services.
          
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            An analysis of the divisive measure, which ever since its adoption by the French Parliament has become the spark of a transatlantic trade dispute, is necessary so as to understand its concrete implications, especially as it is fully possible to take the French example as a relevant case study for the rationale and justifying reasoning behind Digital Services Taxes. Firstly, when it comes to the types of services it is aimed to: digital ‘interfaces’ allowing users to enter in contact with each other with the goal of selling goods and services and targeted advertisement services mobilizing user data. 
           
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            This delimitation of the taxable services falling under the imposable base of the tax is more than relevant, as it excludes first-hand some digital companies (or big multinational companies who source a significant yet not majoritarian part of their income digitally) whose business models do not revolve around these two services: among these, for example, cloud computing, direct provision of intangible content, non-targeted advertisements.
           
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           Companies like Spotify or Netflix, for example, whose business models do not have an intermediation element, and rely mainly on subscriptions for revenue, are not liable to pay the tax. Furthermore, it cuts out some parts of the business ventures of the very companies targeted by the tax itself: in fact Apple and Amazon have a large subset of their revenues which do not fall under the criteria above, either because they are offline sources of income (Apple’s hardware sales being an example) or because they are neither based on targeted publicity nor on intermediation (Amazon’s cloud computing services, for instance).
          
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            Secondly, so as to establish which companies fall within the scope of the DST, the criteria are twofold and both based on the yearly revenue of the services mentioned above: the company has to exceed 750 million EUR of worldwide targeted services’ revenue, and 25 million EUR of targeted services’ revenue in France. The obvious goal being here to limit the tax to multinationals of significant size, partly because they are those responsible for the highest share of tax avoidance eroding French taxes, partly so as to compensate for the network effects and returns to scale they enjoy over their smaller competitors in a market that is characteristically oligopolistic.
           
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           Potentially distortionary, it may be argued that this limitation to companies above an arbitrary threshold leads to differentiated treatment, directly contrary to the principle of tax neutrality. A similar criticism encountered is the one decrying the arbitrary nature of the threshold chosen, which many have interpreted as being deliberately set so high – rather than according to a legal or economic rationale - so as to carve out European and French companies from the imposable criteria, but being formally compliant with non-discrimination principles in WTO, OECD and EU rules. According to governmental and third-party estimates, the number of imposable companies would range from 30 to 40, out of which the only wholly French-owned company would be Criteo. What appears clear is that the face burden of this tax levied would be borne mostly by US-based companies, who in the latter of these estimates comprise as much as 17 companies of the 26 listed.
          
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           The ineffectiveness of digital services taxes: the Google Case study
          
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           Finally, the means of calculation of the tax itself: even when deliberately disregarding the widely documented distortionary effects of revenue-based taxation, the limited effectiveness of these measures are evident. The chosen rate of 3% on the revenues -while higher than most other gross receipt taxes (in the USA for instance, 7 states have gross receipts taxes on the totality of transactions, with statutory rates going from 0.02% in Tennessee to a maximum 1.95% in Delaware) to make up for a smaller tax base - mentioned by the services above is by no means enough to compensate for the discrepancy tax avoidance brings to the table. Even only a superficial look at the revenue created by the tax – in the fiscal year 2019, the French government has only collected 350 million EUR from the tax– would make such a statement clear. Yet, providing a concrete example here would help in better visualising the minimal effect of the tax on the profitability of the firms. 
          
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           As we can see from the estimate above, basing oneself off of market shares, realistic growth factors and the worldwide revenues reported by Alphabet Inc. for the fiscal year of 2019, it is possible to estimate Google France’s 2019 revenue to be around when 3708.5 million EUR, 7 times higher than the amount that we can reliably presume Google to have actually reported to the French authorities. Its breakdown would be the following, with only around 68.7% of its activities (Youtube and Google’s ad revenue) falling under the scope of the digital services tax.
          
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           Note: the calculations for ‘Hedging gains’, ‘Other bets’ and ‘Non-ad revenue from Google &amp;amp; Youtube (excl. Cloud) are estimated by holding constant the global proportion of revenues. Source : calculations from 2019 yearly report, 2018 declared revenues in France, web analytics, industry reports and benchmarks.
          
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           More importantly still, the actual impact of the DST would really only marginally help in making Google’s actual imposition rate fairer and closer to France’s 31% corporate tax rate. Computing the amount of corporate tax actually paid to the theoretical imposable profits, the result is of an estimated effective imposition rate of 2.26%. As the total amount of ad revenues Alphabet receives is of 2472.1 million EUR, the potentially due DST amount is of 74.16 million EUR, by no means enough to compensate the gap with the corporate tax that, basing ourselves off of our prior estimate, ought to be paid in France in the first place : the effective imposition rate, considering that the DST is deductible from corporate income tax, would in fact be of 8.16%. Ironically, Google France would be artificially in deficit for the year, the amount of due DST tax being higher that the net revenues declared so far. 
           
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            Furthermore, this extreme scenario would apply only in the case where the totality of revenues stemming from French users were to be declared by Google as having originated in France. A case that, considering that the due tax will be calculated based on the yearly VAT reports submitted to French authorities, is highly unlikely. Without more structural reforms of taxation regimes in fact, applicable tools characterization of income and linkage of digital revenue sources to one jurisdiction would remain largely insufficient to legally pin down owed tax. And needless to say, Google is unlikely to voluntarily start declaring the totality of its income in a 31% CIT jurisdiction.
           
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            More realistically in fact, the actual impact of the tax would resemble more closely that of the second column, with a constant amount of reported French revenues. The ineffectiveness of the tax here is even clearer: far from a
           
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            solution, the net fiscal impact of the DST is of 7.3 million EUR for a subsidiary we can realistically estimate to be earning 3708.6 million EUR a year in revenues.
           
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           Digital services taxes: an insufficient solution across the board
          
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           While this rapid overview is by no means exhaustive, it is sufficient to get a glimpse of why unilateral initiatives to solve tax avoidance fall short of the mark. The issues start from the point of applicability: from the distortionary effects of gross revenue-based taxation, to the incompatibility with long-established international taxation principles, all the way to the seemingly unfair targeting of foreign companies and the plausible contrasts with privacy regulation. They end with concerns of effectiveness and efficiency. Among the further concerns marring the viability of such taxes, we can note the minor amount of revenue netted, the extensive unintended economic costs, from pass-on costs of the tax to compliance costs and distorted incentives, and finally the significant implementation efforts burdening public administrations. 
          
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            At best, these initiatives are a catalyst for international talks, a means to flex policy muscles and a bargaining chip at the international negotiating table. Judging by the speed of current OECD negotiations, this view could be dubbed as optimistic. At worst, the French and other DSTs are bound to mainly be a political tool for distraction and short-term gain, rather than the solution they are often portrayed to be.
           
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           Real solutions to the tax avoidance and advantageous taxation digital supergroups enjoy can only be international and structural, updating practices of international taxation that have now become obsolete. They cannot be a mere quick fix. Voters demand it, the sustainability of our economic models requires it. Recalcitrant countries, as well as the very groups targeted by these insufficient measures need to understand it: they have got to be talking about taxes. Refusing to sit at the table and stifling progress towards consensus will start not to be enough anymore, as policymakers and citizens start escalating pressure for change. The cost of the proliferation of sub-optimal measures such as the Taxe GAFA risks being massive for all stakeholders involved.
          
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           The world deserves better. Structural reform is as urgent as ever. Our faith in the system depends on it. As Bregman himself would put it: “All the rest is bullshit”.
          
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            OECD ; 2020 ; ‘Statement by the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on BEPS on the Two-Pillar Approach to Address the Tax Challenges Arising from the Digitalisation of the Economy’ ;
           
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            OECD, 2015 ; ‘Addressing the Tax Challenges of the Digital Economy – Action 1: 2015 Final Report’ ;
           
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            ; viewed on 16 August 2020;
           
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            Rees, M. ; 2019 ; ‘Taxe GAFA : la CNIL juge impossible la rétroactivité au 1er janvier 2019’ ;
           
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            SensorTower ; 2019 ; ‘Global App Revenue Grew 23% Year-Over-Year Last Quarter to $21.9 Billion’ ;
           
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            Tang, P. and Bussink , H. ; 2017 ; ‘EU Tax Revenue Loss from Google and Facebook’ ;
           
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            Testa W. A. and Mattoon R. H. ; 2007 ; ‘Is There a Role for Gross Receipts Taxation?‘ ;
           
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            UK Government ; 2016 ; ‘Tax avoidance: an introduction’ ;
           
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            UK Government ; 2020 ; ‘Digital Services Tax’ ;
           
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            UNCTAD ; 2017 ; ‘The top 100 digital MNEs, World Investment Report 2017 – Chapter IV’ ;
           
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            United States Trade Representative ; 2019 ; ‘Report on France’s Digital Services Tax ‘ ;
           
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            Vicard V. ; 2019 ; ‘L’évitement fiscal des multinationales en France : combien et où ?’ ;
           
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            ZEW; 2016 ; ‘The Impact of Tax Planning on Forward-Looking Effective Tax Rates’ ;
           
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           European Commission 
          
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           Nicola Bressan is a public affairs consultant from Italy. Passionate about the thousand ways tech influences society and citizens, his objective is to understand how to leverage digitisation for the greater policy good.
          
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/photo-1585562125287-d748f3097a8f-4c9be245-b4fa98d3-aa91adcc.jpg" length="5376942" type="image/png" />
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Jan 2021 21:36:02 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-taxes-a-fake-solution-for-a-real-problem</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalconstitutionalism,new,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/photo-1585562125287-d748f3097a8f-4c9be245-b4fa98d3-aa91adcc.jpg">
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Solving the Puzzle of Platform Governance</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalcinema/solving-the-puzzle-of-platform-governance</link>
      <description>From the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar to the recent U.S. Capitol riot, society has witnessed social media being used as amplifiers of hate speech and disinformation unraveling the fabric of democracy worldwide. As a result, both public and private actors  are increasingly under pressure to play a more active role in online content moderation inevitably raising other concerns. Social media companies like Facebook, Youtube and Twitter are criticized for their lack of transparency and democratic legitimacy in taking such decisions. On the other hand,  governments tend to outsource human rights decisions constitutionally reserved for courts to private actors. Some are tempted to interfere by censoring political dissent. From Facebook’s Oversight Board to Article 19’s Social Media Councils and the EU Commission’s Digital Services Act, we discuss new emerging concepts that seek to address the challenges of online content moderation in an endeavor to put the pieces of platform governance together.</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;img src="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/Copy+of+Digital+Cinema+Creative+%281%29.png" alt=""/&gt;&#xD;
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           ABOUT
          
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           From the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar to the recent U.S. Capitol riot, society has witnessed social media being used as amplifiers of hate speech and disinformation unraveling the fabric of democracy worldwide. As a result, both public and private actors  are increasingly under pressure to play a more active role in online content moderation inevitably raising other concerns. Social media companies like Facebook, Youtube and Twitter are criticized for their lack of transparency and democratic legitimacy in taking such decisions. On the other hand,  governments tend to outsource human rights decisions constitutionally reserved for courts to private actors. Some are tempted to interfere by censoring political dissent. From Facebook’s Oversight Board to Article 19’s Social Media Councils and the EU Commission’s Digital Services Act, we discuss new emerging concepts that seek to address the challenges of online content moderation in an endeavor to put the pieces of platform governance together.
          
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           SPEAKERS
          
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           Pierre François Docquir
          
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            is a researcher and expert in the fields of Human Rights Law, Internet and Media Law and Regulation working for ARTICLE 19 as the head of the Media Freedom Programme. He holds a Ph.D. in law from Université Libre de Bruxelles.
           
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            Jenny Domino
           
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            is an associate legal advisor at the International Commission of Jurists steering the organization’s policy engagement with social media companies and shaping organizational response to the human rights impact of technology companies. She holds an LL.M. from Harvard Law School a J.D. from the University of the Philippines and B.A. cum laude from Ateneo de Manila University.
           
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           Bence Kertész
          
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            is a policy officer at DG CONNECT of the European Commission, working in the unit Digital Services and Platforms responsible for the recently adopted Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act proposals. Previously, he has worked as advisor for information rights at the BBC. He holds university degrees in law and film production/management from the Eötvös Loránd University and the University of Drama, Film and Television in Budapest, respectively.
           
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           Abhilash Nair
          
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            is senior lecturer at Aston Law School. His principal area of research is within the area of internet law, specifically the regulation of illegal content and internet pornography. Abhilash is secretary of the British and Irish Law, Education and Technology Association and a member of the Evidence Working Group of the UK Council for Internet Safety (UKCIS) as well as of the UN-IGF Dynamic Coalition on Child Online Safety.
           
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           SHARE
          
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Jan 2021 19:36:06 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitalcinema/solving-the-puzzle-of-platform-governance</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalcinema,events</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Arbiters of Truth Online?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/justtalking/online-arbiters-of-truth</link>
      <description>In the aftermath of the US Capitol riot, technology companies from Facebook and Youtube to Shopify, Snapchat, Twitch and TikTok deplatformed the outgoing US president along with myriad of other accounts responsible for spreading disinformation about the US elections and inciting a deadly insurrection at the heart of American democracy. Parler, a right-wing social media company, faced the same fate from its service providers. Despite little sympathy for facilitators of anti-democratic sentiment, this unprecedented move highlights the unchecked power of technology companies. With an eye on legislative efforts in the EU and US, we navigate around questions of accountability and liability for social media companies. While different constitutional traditions shape the global debate, policymakers still face the same dilemmas. How can constitutional safeguards be juxtaposed against corporate responsibility? Where to draw the line between censorship and freedom of speech?</description>
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           ABOUT
          
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           In the aftermath of the US Capitol riot, technology companies from Facebook and Youtube to Shopify, Snapchat, Twitch and TikTok deplatformed the outgoing US president along with myriad of other accounts responsible for spreading disinformation about the US elections and inciting a deadly insurrection at the heart of American democracy. Parler, a right-wing social media company, faced the same fate from its service providers. Despite little sympathy for facilitators of anti-democratic sentiment, this unprecedented move highlights the unchecked power of technology companies. With an eye on legislative efforts in the EU and US, we navigate around questions of accountability and liability for social media companies. While different constitutional traditions shape the global debate, policymakers still face the same dilemmas. How can constitutional safeguards be juxtaposed against corporate responsibility? Where to draw the line between censorship and freedom of speech? And most importantly, who determines what stays online.
          
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           SPEAKER
          
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            Prof. Florence G’sell is the co-director of the Chair Digital, Governance, and Sovereignty at Sciences Po Paris. As a full professor of private law at the University of Lorraine and associate researcher at IHEJ, her main research focus is the issues of private law from a comparative perspective and the issues raised by the digital transition.
           
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      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Jan 2021 01:05:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/justtalking/online-arbiters-of-truth</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">events,justtalking</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Twitter Permanently Bans Donald Trump. What Does That Mean For Us?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/twitter-permanently-bans-donald-trump-what-does-that-mean-for-us</link>
      <description>The social media platform decision to suspend the President’s @realDonaldTrump account “due to the risk of further incitement of violence” sparked questions on platforms’ role when it comes to free speech misinformation and content moderation.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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           Twitter Permanently Bans Donald Trump. What Does That Mean For Us?
          
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           The social media platform decision to suspend the President’s @realDonaldTrump account “due to the risk of further incitement of violence” sparked questions on platforms’ role when it comes to free speech misinformation and content moderation.
          
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           By Francesca Scapolo
          
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           January 10, 2021
          
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           Ina
          
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            blog post
          
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            released on the 8th January 2021 by the Twitter Safety account, the social media giant said it had “permanently suspended” Donald Trump’s account, citing concerns over “the risk of the US president using the platform to incite further violence”. Twitch, Vimeo, Reddit and Shopify, Facebook and YouTube joined Twitter by suspending or limiting Trump’s access to their platforms.
          
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           These actions come after years of criticism that social media companies have not done enough to clamp down on Trump for spreading misinformation and inciting violence. A few hours from its account suspension, Trump tried to bypass it by tweeting from the official presidential account, 
          
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           @POTUS
          
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           . He immediately shared a series of tweets accusing the social media company of “banning free speech” and attacking (again) Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1995. According to Trump, that allows social media platforms like Twitter to get away with labelling or even suppressing his posts which spread lies about the 2020 US Election (Twitter quickly removed the tweets).
          
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           In an attempt to crack down on QAnon conspiracy theory, Twitter also banned some prominent Trump supporters like Michael Flynn, Sidney Powell and Ron Watkins as part of its broader efforts to tackle misinformation. Despite often resisting the calls to moderate its platform, Twitter has taken a stronger stance against conspiracy theories that have been tied to the violence of the past months. In addition to removing 7,000 accounts and limiting many others for dabbling in QAnon, the platform also restricted their content from appearing in its search functions and “Trending Topics” feature.
          
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           Some tweets from US President’s official @POTUS account
          
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           Deplatformisation vs free speech?
          
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           Banning Trump from posting on most social platforms will undoubtedly have an immediate and noticeable impact in decreasing his ability to reach and communicate directly with his followers. As previous examples have shown (yes,
          
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           Trump is not the first one
          
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           *), deplatformisation can lead to an audience reduction and a limitation in terms of reach, but it won’t dismantle the ecosystem of online extremism. Most importantly, it won’t prevent Trump from using alternative service providers to engage with his supporters (i.e.
          
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           his app, which has a news section
          
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           Twitter’s decision has been strongly criticised by Republicans, who saw it as a violation of Trump’s free speech and a decision against the US First Amendment. That has opened a debate on social media platforms’ power in influencing and limiting free speech: what does it mean when a corporation can censor a government official? Who should have the right to decide what we can and can’t say? Will Twitter now ban other government officials who keep inciting violence?
          
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           in-depth analysis by The New York Times
          
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           , it seems that the decision is entirely lawful as the First Amendment prohibits government censorship and does not apply to decisions made by private businesses (in this case, Twitter).
          
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           Those are primarily governed by section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which again leaves Twitter free. As Bietti wrote in a recent piece, insisting on the bad cop vs good cop dualism when talking about Trump and Twitter is misleading as “speech regulation cannot be left exclusively to either of these two characters, because neither of them is — or can be — truly and fully aligned with the public interest, let alone trustworthy.” (Bietti, 2020)
          
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           It is also essential to bear in mind that those platforms are neither neutral nor apolitical, and there is no general requirement for them to become so.
          
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           What is the role of misinformation in all of this?
          
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           In addition to that, the recent shocking images from Washington and the suspension of Trump accounts from various social media platforms also spawned several insightful comments on the role misinformation plays. Early this year, a
          
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           Harvard study found that mainstream news outlets are the largest amplifier of White House disinformation
          
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           as most journalists are now on Twitter and tend to share their initial comments there.
          
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           General claims that the election has been stolen aren’t new;
          
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           they were already widespread in the last US elections
          
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           . One of the main differences seems to be the strong endorsement of these claims by figures of authority, such as the President of the United States, which might have somehow made them more credible (Mercier, 2020). As pointed out in Horowitz’s book The Deadly Ethnic Riot, pre-riot rumours serve to channel and justify functions, and that is especially true in the case of social media where rumours of election theft committed by the opposite side have been effectively used to coordinate harmful and violent actions just a few days ago.
          
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           Misinformation is a serious matter, but that needs to be seen as a tool used to mobilise collective actions. In a piece published last October, Shannon McGregor, Assistant Professor in the Hussman School of Journalism and Media at the University of North Carolina, and Daniel Kreiss, Associate Professor in the Hussman School of Journalism and Media at the University of North Carolina, wrote something extremely relevant in this context:
          
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           “Journalists and voters should pay more attention to the motivations, content, and drivers of mis- and disinformation. Research on those examines how people might share information, regardless of its factual basis, to forge a collective identity with others, how actors strategically utilize racial divisions to further disinformation, and how far-right groups manipulate the media to spread radicalizing conspiracy theories, in turn driving misguided searches for “the truth.” (McGregor, 2020)
          
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           As stressed above, polarisation is rooted in social identity, which results in group identifications, a process that changes how we think and feels about ourselves and our (political) opponents. The campaign and election of Donald Trump in 2016 laid bare this fact of the American electorate, its successful rhetoric of “us versus them” tapping into a powerful current of anger and resentment (Mason, 2018).
          
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           Tweet from Emily Thorson, Associate Professor of Political Science at Syracuse University
          
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           A move towards the harmonisation of content moderation across social media platforms?
          
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           The past months showed how social media platforms aren’t often transparent about their decisions regarding content moderation. That usually leaves them open to claims of censorship which hide the real costs of misinformation.
          
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           If we think about social media as a territory, or a civic public space, where political actors contend for power the same way they do in elections, the notion of content moderation becomes even more problematic. Content moderation isn’t just about content; it also involves behavioural aspects. An example is the #ProudBoys hashtag on Twitter, which has been flooded with images of LGBTQI+ pride, displacing posts made by neo-Nazis and white supremacists using the tag. A harmful hashtag that violated the platform’s terms and conditions turned into a positive campaign overnight. How should a platform deal with it?
          
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           Despite the frequent abdication of responsibility by social media companies, (including the missing endorsement of 
          
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           The Santa Clara Principles on Transparency and Accountability in Content Moderation
          
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            that offers minimum standards for companies of these scales by almost all companies apart from Reddit), the actions taken by the different platforms in the past days, might suggest we are going towards harmonising content moderation policies. Such harmonisation across platforms on speech standards is essential as it’s bound for free expression.
          
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           We need to accept that perfect enforcement in terms of content moderation won’t probably ever be possible, at least at these platforms’ scale. However, we cannot allow the inevitability of errors to come and excuse all mistakes. Platforms should ensure that their decisions about speech are transparent and in line with global human rights standards.
          
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           * Facebook also 
          
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           banned Hezbollah
          
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            because of its status as a US-designated foreign terror organisation, despite the party holding seats in Lebanon’s Parliament.
          
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           Francesca is currently completing a MA in Big Data in Culture and Society at King's College London, and working as Engagement Manager at Commonplace, a cause-led tech startup that operates a map-based website and mobile application that allows residents to comment on their local environment. She hold a MSc in Violence, Conflict and Development from SOAS and a BA in International Relations from the University of Trento. She loves hiking, playing table tennis and collecting books. At our institute, she leads our science communication efforts.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 10 Jan 2021 18:16:18 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/twitter-permanently-bans-donald-trump-what-does-that-mean-for-us</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,cs_uselections,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cs_platformgovernance,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>ClimaTech</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/climatech</link>
      <description>The series aims to raise awareness, engage and explore the role of technology and digital solutions in reaching the goals set out by the Paris Agreement in 2015. Furthermore, it will introduce the core topics that the Technology &amp; Sustainability-cycle will work on in the coming months; (mis)information on social media, the environmental impact of technology and increased digitalisation and the role of green digital technologies.</description>
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           S E R I E S
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           Danielius Ratkevičius
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           Climate change is the single most defining challenge of our generation. Digital technologies offer unique opportunities to enable and accelerate the green transition by enabling a smarter use of resources, decarbonize sectors and help both industries and societies to adapt to the effects of climate change.
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           Digitalization and new technologies have become major drivers of societal change and come with the promise of being the necessary tools to solve global challenges. But digitalization in itself does not achieve sustainable societies. Instead, digital has the potential to accelerate current environmental efforts through increased connectivity and by the gathering, sharing and analysis of data.
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            Due to the current pandemic, the COP26 that was supposed to take place in Glasgow in the last part of November 2020 has been postponed until 2021. A group of young students from the UK decided to create the MOCK COP26 to fill the void of the cancelled event. Read the conversation with the inspiring people behind the MOCK COP26 about the role of young climate activists in accelerating global climate efforts.
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           Our Series
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      <pubDate>Sun, 10 Jan 2021 17:41:55 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/climatech</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,cosmonautseries</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Big Data &amp; Antitrust: 2020 in Review</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/big-data-antitrust-year-in-review</link>
      <description>A non-exhaustive review of some of the most relevant competition law cases held in 2020, featuring analysis of tech-mergers  and the use of personal data as a key advantage for monopolies. The foregoing, with the aim of setting up the discussion for what we believe will be the new competition law and regulation, one that incorporates a digital acumen nurtured by other legal disciplines such as privacy law.</description>
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           Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust: 2020 in Review
          
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           A non-exhaustive review of some of the most relevant competition law cases held in 2020, featuring analysis of tech-mergers  and the use of personal data as a key advantage for monopolies. The foregoing, with the aim of setting up the discussion for what we believe will be the new competition law and regulation, one that incorporates a digital acumen nurtured by other legal disciplines such as privacy law.
          
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           By Juliana Novaes, Mario Tavares Moyron, Miljana Todorovic, Nathalie Alquati Bonisoli, Petar Pešić and Sahil Tharia
          
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           January 10, 2021
          
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           The competition law landscape and its judicial and administrative review were no exceptions for the global challenges faced during 2020. On the one hand, technological development demonstrated that antitrust policy needs to be enhanced and that aspects previously unnoticed, such as massive accumulation of data, should be part of the analysis of cases by the competent authorities, as this information could be essential for the business model of large technology companies. On the other hand, supervisors landed and started investigations against Big Tech in light of a crescent necessity to protect consumer and privacy rights of their citizenship.
          
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           In June 2020, the German Federal Court of Justice provisionally agreed with the Bundeskartellamt and confirmed the allegation of Facebook abusing its dominant position.
          
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           In the assessment of the unilateral behavior of Facebook, the geographical market was found to be Germany, and the relevant product market consisted of private social network services. Since Facebook holds 95% of the market shares it was defined as a dominant undertaking. As the market-dominating network operator, Facebook bears a special responsibility for maintaining still-existing competition in the social networking market.
          
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           Consequently, the German competition authority argued that using and implementing Facebook’s data policy, which allows Facebook to collect user and device-related data from sources outside of Facebook and to merge it with data collected on Facebook, constitutes an abuse of a dominant position on the social network market in the form of exploitative terms and conditions. In light of this assessment, the German authorities prohibited the data processing policy Facebook imposes on its users and its corresponding implementation under sections 19(1) and 32 GWB and ordered the termination of this conduct. 
          
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           It is interesting to note in this case the relationship between data protection and competition law since, from the facts of the docket, it would seem that it is a dispute related only to data protection issues. In this respect, the authorities sustained that a competition law assessment was necessary because the data protection boundaries outlined in the GDPR were overstepped as a consequence of Facebook’s dominant position. To that end, it was
          
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           indispensable to examine
          
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           the conduct of dominant companies under competition law also in terms of their data processing activities, as especially the conduct of online businesses is highly relevant from a competition law perspective.
          
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           United States’ Judiciary Antitrust Subcommittee Investigation
          
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           This year we witnessed a much-anticipated hearing in a major congressional antitrust investigation in Washington. On July 27th, the CEOs of Facebook, Amazon, Apple, and Google's parent company Alphabet, faced intense questioning, as a part of over a year-long investigation of the dominance of digital platforms and the adequacy of existing antitrust laws and their enforcement. Although the hearing had an underlying political tone, it was, nevertheless, a much-needed opportunity to request answers to important questions, which were supposed to help determine if those Big Tech had used their dominant position to repress their competition. 
          
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           The House Judiciary Committee’s Antitrust Subcommittee released in October a
          
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           Report
          
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           of over 400 pages, closing an excessive investigation that included, besides the famous CEOs hearing, the production of nearly 1.3 million internal documents and conducting hundreds of hours of interviews. 
          
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           The Report states that the four businesses enjoy monopoly power, it portrays the challenges due to their domination, and proposes possible remedies to restore competition in the digital economy, strengthen the antitrust laws, and reinvigorate antitrust enforcement. 
          
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           In the months that follow we shall see if this comprehensive report is going to be a roadmap to a more accountable future of digital platforms.
          
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           DOJ v. Google
          
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           2020 was undoubtedly marked by the beginning of a case which is already referred to as “a one time in a generation”, a “monumental case”. The USA, acting under the direction of the Attorney General of the US, along with the Attorney Generals of eleven States, lodged
          
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           the action against Google LLC
          
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           on 20 October. This civil antitrust lawsuit is brought under Section 2 of the Sherman Act, 15 U.S.C. § 2, to restrain Google from unlawfully maintaining monopolies in the markets of general search services, search advertising, and general search text advertising in the United States, through anticompetitive and exclusionary practices. 
          
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           As stated in the complaint, Google has used anti competitive tactics to maintain and extend its monopolies in three cornerstones of its empire. Some of these tactics are: entering into tying and other arrangements that require that Google is set as the default general search engine and entering into exclusivity agreements that forbid preinstallation of any competing search service. 
          
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           The complaint alleges that Google’s anticompetitive practices have had harmful effects on competition and consumers. Google has foreclosed general search engine competitors from gaining vital distribution, scale, and product recognition, which leaves them without any chance to challenge Google. 
          
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           By restricting competition in general search services, Google’s conduct has supposedly harmed consumers by reducing the quality of general search services and their options as it regards to their own  privacy and data protection, lessening choice in general search services, and impeding innovation. 
          
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           This complaint is the first step in a legal battle that is expected to last for years. It is Google’s quest to present its case and prove that it is not unfairly dominating the online search engine space and that its practices are not anti competitive under long-established antitrust law. At the very finish of the year, in a 42 pages document, Google rebutted accusations that its deals violated antitrust laws. 
          
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           T-Mobile/Sprint Merger
          
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           The year 2020 marked the conclusion of one of the longest awaited mergers. Two telecommunications giants in the US began talks about merging in 2013, when Sprint was evaluating an idea to acquire T-Mobile but dropped it as they were not sure whether they could gain regulatory approval. In 2017 though, the situation changed and this time it was T-Mobile that wanted to acquire Sprint. After initial talks fell off, only a year later talks were resumed and they reached a merger agreement.
          
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           That opened up a long wait for the regulatory approval in the US. The deal brought a heavy discussion on whether it should be approved, with a variety of reasons being mentioned in favour of one or the other. FCC approved the merger in 2019 by a 3-2 vote on condition of deploying a 5G network to 97% of US citizens within three years and 90% having speed of at least 100mb/s. The Department of Justice approved the merger on the condition that certain divestitures are made.
          
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           That didn’t prevent 13 different Attorney Generals  from suing back trying to block the merger. In February 2020, the merger was approved. Sprint ceased its operation in August this year and T-Mobile became a third big player in the US market next to AT&amp;amp;T and Verizon. A so-called 4-2-3 merger was argued on the merits as beneficial for the US consumers and one which would create a new and more powerful competitor to the big players. Use of the network, better quality of services and lower prices alongside improvement in 5G network are some of the reasons that prompted the judge to approve the merger. It remains to be seen whether a condition T-Mobile agreed on before FCC will be achieved in the timeline proposed. 
          
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           EC vs Apple: a tax-based case
          
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           This past year was crucial for Apple. They have brought out a plethora of new products but also won their challenge of the European Commission’s ruling that Apple needs to pay Ireland back 13 billion euros in back taxes. This case, originated in 2016, focused on the alleged state aid that Apple received from Ireland for choosing them as their center of operations for the EMEA region. The Commission in its decision stated that Apple paid tax as low as 0,0005% in 2014 on corporate income. A very elaborate arrangement made by Apple in Ireland used all the deficiencies in the international tax system and the state of Irish economy. Apple and Ireland itself appealed, although Ireland was due to receive a seventh of its annual expenditure.
          
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           The General Court decided that the Commission has erred in its findings. In essence, the Commission did not assess the profits and income Apple’s companies in Ireland received, the mutual payments and whether they were in accordance with the “arm’s length” principle. According to the Court, the Commission did not prove that Ireland granted a selective advantage to Apple and that defects in the tax rulings do not prove that there is a selective advantage contrary to the EU State aid rules. 
          
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           The Commission already announced that they would appeal the judgement which would lead to the European Court of Justice who will have a final say on this matter.
          
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           Google’s acquisition of Fitbit
          
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           The past 17th of December the European Commission informed
          
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           its decision
          
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           to approve the acquisition of Fitbit by Google, under the condition of full compliance with the commitments package offered by Google. In June, the Australian regulator
          
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           raised concerns
          
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           that the deal would allow Google to further cement its position and raise barriers to entry for potential rivals. While the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) is undergoing its investigation of the deal, the European approval needs to be examined in light of the previous facts of the case.
          
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           In late 2019, Google announced to acquire Fitbit in a $2.1 billion deal. In June 2020, the European Commission opened an in-depth investigation on Google for this deal. The Commission noticed that the proposed acquisition would further entrench Google's market position in the online advertising markets by increasing the already vast amount of data that Google could use for profiling and personalisation of the ads it provides and displays. The Commission's investigation focused on the data collected via Fitbit's wearable devices and the interoperability of wearable devices with Google's Android operating system for smartphones.
          
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           Far before the above, In March 2014, Google announced its Android wear platform. Companies such as Motorola, Samsung, LG, HTC and Asus were announced as partners. LG watch and Samsung gear were the first ones launched under the new android gear platform.
          
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           Google partnered with all major hardware manufacturers and in October 2014, Google launched its health tracking application Google Fit, supporting almost every blend of Android devices and applications, but for Apple’s.
          
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           The facts stated above anticipated the intention of Google to dominate this market by means of such exclusive deals with all major hardware manufacturers in the wearable segment and in software synchronisation. This situation allowed a data monopoly across all devices and applications to Google. 
          
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           After Fitbit's acquisition and exclusive deals (such as with Fossil), Google has a dominant position in the wearables market. Google Fit and this acquisition could harm present competition for new rivals, provided that Google processes crucial health data for profiling and advertising as a result of Fitbit’s acquisition. As noted before, this deal has a multi-dimensional antitrust probe by considering factors such as “data advantage” over personalisation of ads and dominance in the market by providing Google Fit and WearOS with between  90 to 95 percent of the devices and apps.
          
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           Amazon vs. EU
          
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           The business model developed by Amazon is based on its dual role as a marketplace where independent sellers can sell products directly to consumers and as a retailer on the same marketplace.
          
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           The European Commission
          
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           has been investigating Amazon's dual role since 2019.
          
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           The European Union (EU) vs. Amazon formally started in November 2020 as a result of these investigations.
          
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           A case was filed
          
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           against the company based on allegations that Amazon violated competition laws by unfairly using non-public data from sellers that use its platform to gain unfair advantage. 
          
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           As a marketplace, Amazon processes large amounts of business data from sellers who are dependent on its platform, which provides insights on market trends that could be beneficial for Amazon’s strategy as a competing retailer. The conduct could be considered contrary to Article 102 of the TFEU, which prohibits the abuse of a dominant position. 
          
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           CNIL’s Data Protection Law Enforcement in 2020
          
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            ﻿
           
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           Most of the main technology companies, together with other champions from different markets, were subject to the inspection of Data Protection Authorities and even brought to the courts by breach of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Some other alleged monopolists were scrutinized by the Antitrust authorities whose investigations considered if specific behaviors from such companies, as data controllers, were performed in accordance with the GDPR.
          
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           Even though the national supervisory authorities in Europe varied in their approach to apply the GDPR, it is worth looking at a local example of enforcement to witness where privacy-oriented justice might be heading to.
          
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           The French Supervisory Authority, the Commission nationale de l'informatique et des libertés (CNIL)
          
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           awarded a 60 million euro fine to Google LLC and a 40 million euro fine to Google Ireland Ltd
          
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           , for setting up advertising cookies on computers from google.fr’s users without obtaining prior consent and without adequate information on the scope of the data processing activities –based on non-essential cookies. In addition, Google failed to guarantee the right of opposition by keeping a cookie stored in the browser even if the user had already opted-out from its collection.
          
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           The CNIL
          
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           also served a 35 million euro fine to Amazon
          
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           for invasive collection of metadata from user’s devices. The origin of the claim was due to the intervention of third-parties’ webpages featuring Amazon advertisement, whereby clicking on an ad would result in automatic harvesting of the device’s data, different from what would happen to the user if the access had occurred directly into Amazon’s main webpage.
          
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           The Carrefour group
          
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           together with its Bank were fined by the French Regulator as well. Such penalty was determined by assessing that the companies failed to comply with their information obligation (displayed by a complex privacy notice), through excessive cookie gathering by default when accessing Carrefour Bank, in addition to a failure to comply with the obligation to limit their customer’s data retention periods. The overall fines reached only an amount of 3 million euro due to the existing efforts by the group to solve the referred compliance issues.
          
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           These events may not seem to impact the field of competition law. But as the antitrust trend confirms, one key input on dominance for alleged monopolists has been the availability of massive amounts of data. Particularly, user’s data associated with people’s activities. This data could be perceived as an essential facility, to a lesser extent, as a forecast of buying preferences, but to a higher extent it could also impact sensitive data, as that regarding users’ health or their financial situation. By allowing massive collection of data, the companies under investigation may have undermined customer’s privacy rights at the same time that they consolidate their business model and increase their profits. It is in such regard that Data Protection Authorities will play a vital role together with Competition Authorities, so that data-oriented businesses behave not only in accordance to competition law, but also in compliance with the data protection regulations.
          
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           European Court of Justice’s Schrems II decision
          
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           In July of 2020 the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) ruled in favor of Max Schrems in the context of an action brought before the Irish High Court and originally deriving from an administrative procedure conducted by the Irish Data Protection Authority.
          
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           Schrems’ initial complaint
          
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           targeted Facebook for unlawful data processing and reached the US government, who was systematically running surveillance programs reaching data from the EU. As a consequence of that previous ruling, the first transfer mechanism known as the Safe Harbor was overruled as it did not fulfil the minimum standards of protection for individual’s data.
          
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           Concerning
          
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           Schrems II
          
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           , the Court invalidated the European Commission’s decision on the EU US Privacy Shield, an international instrument successor of the Safe Harbor, aimed to safeguard data transfers between the United States and the European Union –thereby making any transfer of data on the basis of the Privacy Shield illegal.
          
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           The foregoing, as such Privacy Shield, had allowed law enforcement and intelligence agencies in the US to access personal data from EU citizens. Finally, the Court confirmed the 2010’s decision from the European Commission on the Standard Contractual Clauses as a suitable mechanism for data transfers. However, the Court addressed that such mechanism would not guarantee per se the protection of the personal data at stake, but that the data importer and data exporter should assess the conditions of the transfer and provide adequate security measures which shall reach, at least, a level of protection for the data subjects as that required by the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the GDPR.
          
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           Schrems II falls into a similar situation as the data privacy cases mentioned above, as it does not directly address a competition law issue, but it certainly describes one dimension of the elements to consider in antitrust investigations and jurisdictional cases: potential undermining of privacy rights as a consequence of the abuse of dominance by Big Tech companies.
          
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           Closing remarks
          
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           The above mentioned are not the only cases where antitrust and data protection converge. For instance, just in December, Facebook was served with two different lawsuits, one from the DOJ of the US and another from the
          
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           Federal Trade Commission.
          
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           In China, Ant Group is under
          
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           threat of divestiture
          
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           and its sister company, Alibaba, may be soon subject to an inspection by the Chinese Antitrust Authority. A more robust analysis of such dockets will be required, but it certainly readdresses common practices that appear to be a trend amongst the Big Tech. As we start 2021 we already know that these areas of the law will derive into many debates and more than a couple of headlines. And we are looking forward to seeing where this puzzle leads to.
          
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           In the cycle of Big Data &amp;amp; Antitrust, we explore the conundrums of competition law in the digital sphere. Our commitment is to rethink antitrust policy and competition laws' interaction with other types of regulations while keeping pace with the latest technological developments. We endeavor to provide insight into normative and enforcement issues of data technology and competition law.
          
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            ﻿
           
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1549719386-74dfcbf7dbed.jpg" length="315869" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 23:41:15 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/big-data-antitrust-year-in-review</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,law+,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The Fight Against Voter Suppression</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-fight-against-voter-suppression</link>
      <description>How the battle for US democracy continues even after the presidential elections.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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           The Fight Against Voter Suppression 
          
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           How the battle for US democracy continues even after the presidential elections.
          
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           By Yamunna Rao &amp;amp; Johanna Rick
          
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           January 10, 2021
          
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           No matter what Trump, his followers and friends in the Republican Party claim: the 2020 US presidential election is over. This year saw
          
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           a record in voter turnout,
          
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           which is even more impressive considering it occurred in the middle of a pandemic. After four years under Trump, people called this “the most important election ever”. Despite or exactly because of this various strategies were employed by primarily red states to deter citizens from voting.
          
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           Limiting poll stations which resulted in huge queues, limiting the possibility of mail-in ballots, aggressive voter-purging or tougher ID laws
          
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           - the mentors used are plenty. Such attacks on the American democracy are dangerous because they are often systemic and US citizens either fail to realise that this is not the “normal way” or think nothing can be done. That’s why this blogpost takes a closer look at  two grassroot organisations and how they are using offline and online approaches to combat voter suppression. 
          
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           What is “Fair Fight”? 
          
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           “Stacey Abrams” is a name that at least after the recent, chaotic, seemingly endless US election everyone should know. Abrams and her grassroot movement “Fair Fight” is widely credited with turning Georgia blue, thereby delivering 16 electoral votes for Joe Biden. And the fight is not over yet, Georgia is also the state in which the race for
          
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           the Senate will be decided in January 2021
          
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           . Another win for the Democrats here would tip the political power truly in their favor and allow Biden to pursue his agenda in the next four years. With full control over the federal government, the Democrats could push through much needed policy reforms on climate change or health care. Most importantly, they aim to remove current obstacles to
          
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           voting and government work in order to improve America’s democracy.
          
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           So, it’s time to take a closer look into Abrams’ work, especially her work with Fair Fight to battle voter suppression - a fight that remains important also after the election. 
          
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           Abrams and Fair Fight run a voter education and encouragement campaign, where they inform citizens about the efforts to discourage and disenfranchise voters and instead help them find their voice. A year before the 2020 presidential election did Abrams publish her strategy to flip Georgia blue in a playbook that advised to go
          
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           “big and early on digital investments to target all segments of our 1.9 million pool with diverse and compelling content”
          
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           . Fair Fight currently has 140k Instagram followers, 174k Twitter followers and 47k Facebook followers. They use social media channels primarily to advocate against voter suppression: sharing infographics on voting rights on instagram and tweeting about electoral malpractices. Spearheaded by Abrams, who is part of the Democratic Party, Fair Fight’s is more of a bipartisan initiative and their social media feed often includes democratic celebrities. Selena Gomez, for example, participated in their “Civics for culture campaign” and both
          
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           Justin Timberlake and John Legend were part of their fundraising, voter-mobilising “Rock the Runoff” concert
          
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           in December 2020. 
          
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           As a grassroot organisation with the need for volunteers, Fair Fight’s website offers similar information material to their social media channels but also includes a call to ‘Join the Fight’ on their homepage and allows the public to donate. Fair Fight’s online activities are aimed to target new or disenfranchised voters - a plan that worked out. From 2019-2020 Abrams and her organisation
          
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           registered more than 800,000 new voters.
          
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           Keep in mind: according to the last recount Biden won Georgia with a 12,000 vote margin!
          
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           In debt and with a prison record
          
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           This combination sees many people being turned away from their right to vote because they are unable to pay off monies owed to the legal system.
          
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           Florida Rights Restoration Coalition (FRRC)
          
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           raises awareness, funds and extends helplines to individuals seeking to have their voting rights restored. Returning citizens, as they are referred to, are given a second chance at making their voice count and develop a sense of belonging into the society they wish to reintegrate into. FRRC provides a host of resources online to enable returning citizens access resources to restore their names on the electoral list. They are run by other returning citizens, seek to alleviate the sense of disenfranchisement and discrimination against people with convictions. They believe that access and acceptance into the society reduces the chance to reoffend as well as increases the possibility for these individuals to become more involved in their community. 
          
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           FRRC uses a blend of online and offline activities for its outreach. Information is streamlined and hosted on its portal, including step-by-step visual guides and screenshots to help people to register to vote. By hosting and then redirecting individuals from their site to the respective pages, for instance to the Elections Department, the process is made lean. Furthermore, people are immediately able to act on the new information that they possess without having to conduct the search to the Election Department's website themselves. Therefore, FRRC's service comprehensively includes all relevant information and weblinks to empower returning citizens to take action immediately. They bolster their online services with a toll-free hotline, yet another means of ensuring digital inclusion. 
          
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           FRRC maintains 4 social media accounts -
          
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           ,
          
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           ,
          
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           Twitter
          
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           and YouTube. Its Facebook page has garnered nearly 17000 'likes' and has close to 18000 followers. Their Instagram page, with 745 posts as of 11 December, has over 14000 followers. Likewise, on Twitter, they have 2343 tweets and over 12000 followers. Overall, their online engagement constantly sends one clear message - the importance of voting and therefore voting rights of the individual. The FRRC's online presence targets mainly the advocacy and awareness building aspects. Their social media platforms feature stories of returning citizens and their experiences of being able to vote again thanks to FRRC’s help. Not only is their website a repository of resources for returning citizens to find avenues of help, the general public who wishes to contribute towards the cause is able to donate or register to be a volunteer with FRRC. All in, FFRC's online presence bolsters its position as a grassroots organisation, solidifying its work on the ground with continued outreach online. 
          
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           As a grassroots organisation, FRRC is able to speak up for people and harness the voice of the people to reach out to more. They utilise the immense potential afforded by the Internet to share the importance of restoring voting rights of ex-convicts while walking the ground and advocating for real change by speaking to the community. Their local knowledge shapes and empowers the previously disenfranchised and restores their sense of dignity, voice and ownership over the community they are reintegrating into. The Coalition’s unique position makes both their online and offline activities important. FRRC strategically differentiates its online presence from its offline work and uses its website as well as social media platforms to outreach to its target audience. FRRC's offline work alone seems insufficient to fulfil its agenda; hence, the maintenance of a robust online system to facilitate donations, information and resource amalgamation, among others, helps FRRC to build its brand and broaden its mission.
          
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           The tremendous impact both FairFight as well as FRRC and other grassroot organisations have had in the recent US election. They are in part responsible for the historic voter turnout by registering, motivating and supporting thousands of unregistered but also disenfranchised voters. Moreover, grassroot organisations all over the US fought hard for the right to early and absentee voting. But, as they say, the fight is not over: newly registered and motivated voters can change the political balance. The fight against voter suppression remains crucial also in times with no election in order to have a healthy, diverse and lively democracy. 
          
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           Yamunna Ramakrishna Rao specialised in management and organisation with a focus on digital governance, public sector innovation and active citizenry during her studies at the Hertie School. She works and lives in Singapore and is an active volunteer with the West Coast Community Centre. Johanna Rick is completing her Master’s degree in International Relations and Diplomacy at Leiden University in the Netherlands. She has worked at the World Economic Forum in the Civil Society Team on multi-stakeholderism and the value of direct democracy. Both Yamunna and Johanna are part of the Digital Democracy Research Team in the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; Just Society. 
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 23:21:08 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-fight-against-voter-suppression</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Aim &amp; Shoot</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/psychometric-targeting-aim-shoot</link>
      <description>Exploring how digital presence is used to detect people’s personal traits &amp; vulnerabilities and how these can potentially be exploited to undermine democracy.</description>
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           PSYCHOMETRIC TARGETING
          
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           Exploring how digital presence is used to detect people’s personal traits &amp;amp; vulnerabilities and how these can potentially be exploited to undermine democracy.
          
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           By Claire Daniolou
          
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           January 10, 2021
          
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           What is psychometric targeting?
          
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           evaluate a person’s beliefs and personality
          
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           . The word “Psychometry” derives from “psyche” and “metric”. The former stands for an individual’s
          
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           and the latter refers to
          
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           a system of measurements
          
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           robust measures for reaching conclusions
          
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           .
          
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           Modern companies use the science of psychometry to
          
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           create profiles
          
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           on certain groups of people based not on their demographic data, but the actual underlying traits that dictate their behaviour. This way their marketing strategies are personalised to attract larger audiences more efficiently based on the predictions they make of the subject’s reaction to the content. Since targeting is such an effective marketing technique, political offices have also recognised it and used to promote their agenda. Therefore, from the data retrieved from one’s
          
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           online activities
          
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           , persuasive, targeted ads are used to interfere with personal ideas and even manipulate one’s vote. 
          
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           How does it operate?
          
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           “Are you a student? 100£ of Amazon vouchers available for 10 minutes of your time. Tell us about your future career in this survey!” Similarly titled emails often appear in my university mailbox. “What is the harm?”, I have always thought, “I may even buy my sister a nice Christmas gift!”  Unfortunately, that is not exactly the case.
          
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           Psychometric targeting mechanisms use
          
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           basic user digital footprint
          
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           to develop focused strategies. The data retrieved are sometimes directly acquired from surveys and then used to create user profiles.
          
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           According to Christopher Wylie
          
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           , a former employee at Cambridge Analytica, these surveys would commonly be completed by people lured by a small financial incentive or by ones who are, simply, bored. He describes that the latter category mostly refers to “wealthy white women”. However, to examine how data collection is performed on a larger scale can be quite interesting. As explained in his interview, while these people log in the surveys to complete them, data in the form of “likes”, “shares” etc. is retrieved from the surveyed user’s social media profile, as well as from all their virtual friends. Psychologists David Stillwell and Michal Kosinski
          
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           confirm
          
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           that “likes” can be used to accurately predict personal traits.
          
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           To demonstrate the elementary character of these predictions, here is a simplified visual example:
          
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           Imagine person X would like to persuade their colleague, person Y, to reach a certain decision (that is, the star in the GIF above).  X may not know Y personally, but X takes a brief look on Y’s desk. X sees an ice-blue jacket on Y’s desk chair, a dark blue ocean on Y’s screensaver, and a turquoise frame with Y’s partner smiling under a teal blanket on his desk. Which colour should X coat the proposal with? The blue one could unconsciously make Y more prone to like the idea.
          
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           Is it really effective?
          
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           One of the most widely used psychometric
          
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           models in social media
          
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           is called OCEAN as its measures and scales that following traits: Openness, Contentiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. Psychologists believe that based on these traits, one can predict with high accuracy a subject’s decision-making process. These traits comprise basic pillars through which a person’s personality, hence their way of thinking, can be described. 
          
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           The National Academy of Science published an article entitled “
          
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           Psychological targeting in digital mass persuasion
          
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           ” that concludes psychometric targeted messages resulted in 40% more clicks and 50% more purchases than mismatching or non-personalised messages.
          
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           Such results back up the logical assumptions that expect a person to be more prone to respond to a message that appeals to the person’s ideas. Additionally, political ads and speeches use persuasive language to shape audience perceptions. Therefore, if the political ads speak the same "language" as their audience, they would be even more effective. After the first presidential debate of the 2020 U.S. elections,
          
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           ads from the Trump campaign
          
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           accused Joe Biden to have been wearing an earpiece to be provided help from his team during the broadcast. The used phrasing “[Biden] DECLINED an earpiece inspection” is indubitably more influential than “[The candidates] did not undergo extensive scrutiny”.
          
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           What risks does it pose relating to democracy?
          
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           In Netflix’s documentary
          
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           The Great Hack
          
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           , it is explained that since digital footprint can predict human behaviour, it can also predict one’s political preferences. One example that illustrates this is the Cambridge Analytica scandal of the 2016 U.S. elections. The company identified the segments of society that were predicted to be undecided with respect to their vote. Afterwards, through the methods described above, Cambridge Analytica micro-targeted this specific audience that it could effectively persuade.
          
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           The problem occurs when the message one conveys is biased. If the social media platforms themselves are the ones that decide who has access to their data, they control this bias. Therefore, should social media platforms be partisans, they offer very powerful tools unevenly to the parties involved. That is not necessarily impactful if implemented on a small scale. For private individuals, it is only natural to support the political forces that represent their beliefs and promote their opinions in their social circle. But when it comes to social media corporations, such influence is extended to the whole of the digital population. The effect this has on a global level is imperative for future international socioeconomic situations and should not be freely monitored by a small number of business executives.
          
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           What can be done?
          
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           At this point, it is important to understand that social media and the recording of user data are inherently linked. The only way these platforms exist is by using these data to suggest, promote, and display relevant content to support the user in their endeavour to connect with the world. Advertisement is also the core source of income of the platforms. So, for social media to be used, data will always be recorded. However, the stakes are high when considering the effect the above may have on imperative issues, such as elections. For if the results of the elections were affected by non-democratic influences, even global health would depend on a handful of irrelevant to health tech companies. Therefore, it is imperative to monitor the power such firms have over election outcomes and embrace the fundamental values of a democratic society. Otherwise, with a cap on freedom of thought, democracy ceases to exist. Consequently, more control is needed to guarantee ethical and safe data usage.
          
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           The
          
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           suggested
          
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           strategies involve three aspects. Firstly, legislation should hold companies accountable for online harms due to targeting. Some analyses suggest that targeting and misinformation may have even
          
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           promoted the Rohingya genocide
          
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           . Secondly, transparency is an absolute necessity. The technologies might not be understood by all, but they affect all. Therefore, data should have a more public nature; what is stored, how it used and protected, and for how long should be readily answerable questions. Lastly, user empowerment is a key attribute. More information and control over how users are targeted should be provided. This should be subject to personal preferences so that people can be able to own their data.
          
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           Taking a step back, it is quite shocking to see how people’s “likes” can be used against themselves; the Facebook team that created it perceived it as a way to spread positivity, as is discussed in Netflix’s documentary
          
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           The Social Dilemma
          
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           . There is a need for the button to serve its initial cause.
          
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            ﻿
           
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            Claire Daniolou is currently pursuing her Bachelor’s degree in Electrical &amp;amp; Electronic Engineering at the University of Bristol. She has been awarded the Bristol PLUS Award for her extracurricular activities. She is currently in the committee of the student-led charity Bristol Volunteers for Development Abroad, taking action to support villages in Nepal with the Partnership for Sustainable Development. She is fluent in English and Greek, and advanced in French.
           
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      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 23:09:48 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/psychometric-targeting-aim-shoot</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">cs_uselections,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut,digitalgovde+</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1577511425081-0ec68e1bd454.jpg">
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hey Google, Stop Climate Change</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/hey-google-stop-climate-change</link>
      <description>Digitalisation must be steered in a way that benefits both people and the planet.</description>
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           CLIMATE CHANGE
          
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             Hey Google, Stop Climate Change
            
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           Digitalisation must be steered in a way that benefits both people and the planet. 
          
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           By Josephine Andersen
          
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           January 10, 2021
          
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           Digital makes possible
          
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            Digitalisation and new technologies have become major drivers of societal change and come with the promise of being the necessary tools to solve global challenges. In the world of the economist Mariana Mazzucato from University College London  digital transformation needs
           
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           purpose
          
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           . That purpose should be to solve societal challenges, and the climate challenge is undoubtedly the biggest challenge ahead. But digitalization in itself does not achieve sustainable societies. Instead, digital makes possible – it has the potential to accelerate current environmental efforts through better information sharing, more efficient processes, increased connectivity and by the gathering, sharing and analysis of data. It is not about the technologies themselves, but the impact these will have on how our societies function. Digital transformation will happen one way or another, and it is essential that its transformational power is harnessed to achieve a circular and sustainable transformation. 
          
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           Digital enables green
          
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            It is often said that there is no resource problem, we just need to use the resources we have in a smarter way. In this sense, digitalisation has the potential to decouple economic growth from material use, meaning increased growth without requiring increased material consumption. This is the essence of the
           
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           circular economy
          
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            . A circular economy is restorative and regenerative in the way things are designed and it aims to keep products, components and materials at their highest utility and value at all times and for as long as possible. It is a system of production and consumption that shifts processes within all sectors to harness economic and environmental benefits. In many ways, a circular economy is an information problem and digital technologies and solutions can bridge this information gap and enable a shift from a linear to a circular economy, characterized by smarter use of resources .
           
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            How is this related to climate change?
           
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            A transition to a circular economy contributes to reducing material relation emissions and decreases the material intensity and the environmental footprint of the current economic system
           
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           (Berg et al. 2020)
          
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           . As the following examples will illustrate, digital technologies can enable a sustainable shift for products, platforms and processes at all levels of society. 
          
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           Citizens
          
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           It has become evident that the current way of consuming is not sustainable. A circular transition entails a shift away from the linear ‘take-make-dispose’ system to a ‘reduce-reuse-recycle’ model. For citizens this means a different way of using and disposing products, but also introduces new products and services through digitally-enabled business models. Take for example the role of digital sharing platforms that are becoming increasingly mainstream, such as the
          
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           FoodCloud
          
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           , an Irish online platform and app that automatically notifies charities about unsold food surpluses available for pickup. Finally, digitalisation can also be used to better inform, educate and influence people to help them make more sustainable choices through scanning apps that provide information about a product’s level of sustainability or
          
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           traceability services
          
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           that increases transparency of a product’s value chain. Apps and digital platforms can connect citizens to their local authorities to report litter in public areas like the
          
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           LitterGram
          
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           -app in London or the
          
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           FixMyStreet
          
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           -app in Brussels. 
          
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           Industry
          
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           Digitalisation of industrial processes,  or the so-called
          
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           Fourth Industrial Revolution
          
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           , has the capacity to unlock the circular potential of manufacturing and other industrial processes and reduce emissions. It describes the increasing application of technological innovation such as artificial intelligence (AI) and Internet of Things (IoT) devices at industry scale that can have a transformative impact on products and processes. Zooming in, this can be in the form of ‘industrial symbiosis’ where one factory’s waste serves as input for another, with by-products of operations existing in closed-loops enabled by
          
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           online platforms
          
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            .
           
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           These platforms have software that allows users to locate nearby industrial material flows that can be exchanged, with waste-to-resource matching by big data analysis (
          
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           Kristoffersen et al. 2020
          
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           ). Another example is within the construction sector where
          
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           digital material passports
          
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           are deployed to make necessary information on materials available for the necessary actors to achieve better reuse from one construction site to another. One such emerging solution is the
          
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           Excess Materials Exchange
          
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           (EME) that relies on digital material passports and traceability technology that enables businesses to exchange materials through an online platform. Widespread application of digital material and product passports within a data architecture that rests on common standards will be a key enabler for recycling and reuse at a large scale and an entry point to the circular economy. In combination with other digital technologies, the tracing of products, components and materials can unleash circular manufacturing by making information available to actors across industry life cycles. 
          
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           Urban
          
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           Cities are a main part of the climate challenge as large emitters, responsible for 60-80% of GHG emissions and consume 75% of the world’s natural resources (
          
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           Sukhdev et al. 2017)
          
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           . But cities are also a part of the future, shaped by digital and sustainability agendas. A ‘smart city’ is a city where ICT is merged with physical infrastructure (
          
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           Batty et al. 2012
          
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           ).  The development of the smart city concept has increasingly been focusing on climate change mitigation and adaptation (
          
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           Balogun et al. 2020
          
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           ) and the digital upgrade of cities can have enormous benefits for the environmental footprint of cities. By expanding the smart city concept to also include circular principles, digital technologies are applied to monitor the urban metabolism of cities, which entails everything from AI applied to
          
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           waste management
          
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           or
          
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           electricity supply
          
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           in combination with IoT and sensor technology to regulate traffic, monitor pollution and build more efficient and intelligent buildings. Digital solutions can create the necessary linkages for the flow of information on products, components, energy and materials in urban areas. By making this data available in a secure way, it can optimize resource use and achieve a more sustainable urban environment.
          
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           Greening of ICT-sector and (mis)information on the Internet
          
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           As highlighted by the
          
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           previous
          
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           article
          
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           in the ClimaTech-series, the ICT sector is in itself a part of the problem just as much as the solution. The challenge is twofold with both the growing energy consumption of data centres and the material consumption of electric and electronic products are areas that must be addressed to meet with the demands of tomorrow. The COVID-19 crisis shifted much of daily life to the digital sphere resulting in an unprecedented surge and expansion of the Internet (
          
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           Heaven 2020
          
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           ). While it is easy to imagine digital services as something “up there in the cloud”, it is very much present on the ground with some data centres consuming more energy than certain countries (
          
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           Jones 2018
          
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           ). As a rebound effect of increased digitalization, the overuse of e-commerce, energy and raw materials can slow down the very process it was meant to accelerate.
          
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           Climate change as a topic has been particularly polluted with misinformation on the internet.
          
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           In the first article of the series
          
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           , the problem of misinformation on social media platforms and search engines related to climate change was raised. The wider issue of fake news and misinformation spreading on platforms like Facebook and Twitter are upsetting public debate and sowing doubt around scientific facts is also impacting global climate efforts. Online communities of climate sceptics, enabled and artificially promoted by platform algorithms, create “echo chambers” where misinformation continues to spread. Intentional efforts and campaigns to discredit mainstream science on climate change through targeted campaigns with specific targets has the potential to politicize the debate around certain environmental policies and can ultimately prevent the implementation of these as a result of public backlash. Despite growing consensus and understanding on the role of social media in the dissemination of information and the impact it can have on shaping public opinion, misleading information on climate change continues to spread and can ultimately “
          
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           push climate inaction to the point of disaster
          
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           ”. 
          
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           Bridging of agendas
          
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           To fully unleash the transformational potential of digital technologies as an accelerator of the green transition, several barriers must be overcome. To reinvent ecosystems and break down silos, a lot of information is needed, i.e a lot of data is needed. As the value of data arises only when shared, digital infrastructure and standards must be developed to make the data comparable and operational between sectors and countries to provide a basis for change. 
          
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           Digitalisation and sustainability are two trends shaping the world we live in. Digital solutions can decrease energy demand through more efficient processes, but this cannot happen without an increase of digital infrastructure which again increases the demand for energy and materials. Digital transformation is necessary to achieve environmental targets, but it is not the only solution. To not fall victim to “
          
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           technological solutionism
          
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            ”
           
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           we must recognize the complexity of the problem and accept that it will also require fundamental change at individual and societal levels.
          
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             Josephine Andersen is a graduate student at Sciences Po Paris at the Paris School of International Affairs. She is currently an intern  with the Centre for European Policy Studies where she conducts research on topics related to energy and circular economy. 
            
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      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 23:04:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/hey-google-stop-climate-change</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,fair,fair+,cosmonaut,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>How To Stop The Climate Fake?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/how-to-stop-the-climate-fake</link>
      <description>Misinformation on social media is a hurdle that threatens global efforts to address the climate crisis. What can be done about it?</description>
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           MISINFORMATION
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           How To Stop The Climate Fake?
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           Misinformation on social media is a hurdle that threatens global efforts to address the climate crisis. What can be done about it?
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           By Javier Canales Luna
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           January 9, 2021
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           Dar riu
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            2020 will not be well remembered in Oregon. The nightmare, started with the covid-19 pandemic and followed by a summer of mass protests claiming justice for the
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           killing of George Floyd
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            , reached its climax in September. The Pacific State was blanketed with the smoke of destructive wildfires, resulting in the death of at least 11 people and countless land and housing damage. Experts were firm: the unprecedented fires across the West Coast were a consequence of
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           climate change.
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            However, some people believed a different
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           story
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            that went viral on social media, that pointed to “Antifa”, a term to refer to anti-fascist activists, as the authors of the wildfires. Despite the efforts of police departments to counter the unsubstantiated information, by the time
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           Facebook took action
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            to remove it from the platform, the rumours had been shared by thousands of users. In the meantime, the false news led to threats to journalists, vigilante violence and numerous people ignoring evacuation orders.
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            The events of Oregon sums up the problem social media is encountering to deal with misinformation. Not long ago, social networks appeared in our lives as neutral, safe platforms, where users were free to say anything. However, as Google, Facebook, Twitter and so have turned into big giants, with billions of daily users and humongous profits, their
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           influence in the public opinion
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             has become overwhelming. Public and official concern is scaling, as dangerous or misleading information has recursively spread on sensitive issues such as
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           democratic processes
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            ,
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           vaccinations
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            , or the
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           coronavirus pandemic
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           , aiding the rise of populism and the increasing polarisation of political and media debate.
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           The climate fake
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            A topic that has been particularly polluted with fake news is climate change. Climate change misinformation refers to the types of behaviours and information which question or try to discredit mainstream climate science knowledge and well-supported research about climate change (Treen et al.,
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           2020
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            ).  A broader yet contested definition would also include climate alarmism, that is, exaggerated claims about climate change that are not supported by science. 
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            The main strategy of climate deniers is to pollute the public debate on climate change with doubt, to create what has been called the “paralyzing fog of doubt around climate change” (Begley,
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           2017
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            ). Climate sceptics tend to focus on three key issues: the reality of climate change, the urgency to take action, and the credentials of climate scientists. (Treen et al.,
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           2020
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            ). 
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            Tracing the life-cycle of climate denial campaigns on social media is a hard task. Multiple groups seem to be involved in the funding, creation and spreading of climate misinformation, including governments, contrarian scientists, political and religious organizations and carbon major industries such as coal, steel or car manufacturers, the media, particularly those outlets with right-wing affiliates, and the public (Björnberg,
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           2017
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            ). Once the content is out, actors with high visibility and influence, like media outlets, politicians or prominent bloggers, help spread and amplify the information to a wider public. 
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           How climate change misinformation spreads on social networks
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            Here is where algorithm engineering enters the scene. Today’s social networks are constantly developing and fine-tuning their algorithms to “improve” the user experience. While the functioning of algorithms differs from one network to another, it is possible to highlight some basic features. First, recommendation engines based on artificial intelligence usually suggest users new connections based on common networks and common interests. This idea is grounded on homophily, the deep-rooted human tendency to make bonds with those who are similar to themselves (Aiello et al.,
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           2012
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            ). The artificially promoted communities result in “echo chambers”, where information and beliefs are shared and amplified inside a closed network. Certain contents within echo chambers are then algorithmically ranked based on the user's previously viewed material rather than trustworthiness, which leads to “algorithm bias” (Sîrbu,
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           2019
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            The algorithm ecosystem has proved particularly fertile ground for misinformation to spread. Scholars have found that false news travels faster, farther and deeper in Twitter than true news (Vosoughi et al.,
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           2018
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            ). To add complexity, humans are not the sole responsible for the dissemination of false information. Increasingly sophisticated bots have been used to amplify online propaganda and misinformation campaigns. For example, A 2020 study cited in an
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            from The Guardian, a media outlet, suggests that bots are behind the unproportionate spread of climate denialist messages on Twitter. 
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           Risks, regulation and the environmental ethics 
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            It is difficult to assess the extent to which exposure to fake news affects people's opinions.  But social concern is rising, as more and more people believe that
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           social media has a negative effect
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            .  With increasing public and official pressure to moderate content, it seems that social media is entering a new era in its short history. However, regulating platforms that have come to support free expression worldwide poses highly
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           complex and sensitive dilemmas
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           . Major concerns stand on who, governments or tech giants, should set the rules and boundaries of online debate, what kind and to what extent (mis)information should be controlled, and what technical measures should be taken.
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            Take, for example, Facebook’s strategy to address climate misinformation. Amid growing critics, legal challenges and advertising boycotts, Facebook is tightening its
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           self-governance policies
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            (in a new attempt to keep the shadow of regulation away). The company has recently created a Climate Science Information Center to connect people to climate information from official sources and established a number of fact-checking programs with third parties. Posts with debunked claims have less visibility in the platform and are labelled on top so people can understand they have been rated false. Controversy, under Facebook’s guidelines, climate content can be classified as an opinion and thus exempted from fact-checking intervention, which has been seen by some commentators as a
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           loophole for climate misinformation
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           . Asked about this issue, Andy Stone, Facebook’s policy communications director, argued that the company flagging and banning decisions are mostly directed to content that could lead to imminent harm to human health and safety.
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            Mr. Stone’s reply -the same words were used to justify the
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           removal of false claims
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            related to the wildfires in Oregon- points to one of the key challenges in the fight against climate change:  the urgent need to take decisive action. In 2018, the United Nation Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change published a special
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           report
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            saying that the next ten years will be crucial to limit a climate change catastrophe. Even so, and despite the growing
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           scientific consensus
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            on the anthropogenic cause of climate change, governments, major polluters and other key actors
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           remain resistant
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            to tackle the crisis seriously. This arguably includes social networks. Social media is a powerful tool to disseminate information, shape public discourse and increase environmental awareness. On the contrary, the spread of climate misinformation on social media contributes to public confusion and political inaction, refusal or limited support for climate policies, and further polarisation on the political debate around climate change (Lewandowsky,
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           2017
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           ). 
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            Misleading climate information on social media might push climate inaction to the point of disaster. Against this existential crisis, social media have the moral responsibility to firmly address climate misinformation, either by themselves or, preferably, in the context of a legal framework and close collaboration with governments. Even if the causal link between climate misinformation and human health or environmental damage is not always crystal clear, internationally agreed environmental principles such as the
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           Precautionary Principle
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           , should provide solid ground for action. This principle states that where stakes are high that particular processes generate a risk of serious or irreversible harm, the lack of scientific certainty should not be used as an excuse for not taking preventive action. The principle has been adopted in a number of international treaties and national legislations, and it is primarily directed to policy-makers. However, why should not social networks embrace it? 
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           Any proposal to regulate social media leads inevitably to the question on who should be the custodian of freedom of speech. While governments should be at the forefront of this process, the policy-making process is often tedious and cumbersome. Also, it is not clear whether legal regulation is a well-suited instrument to keep pace with technology and innovation. But the absence of legal guidance should not refrain social networks from taking action against climate misinformation. A storm is coming, and media and environmental ethics is probably the best compass social networks will have to navigate amid the waves.
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             Javier Canales holds a Dual Bachelor in Law and Political Science from Carlos III University and a LL.M. in European Law from Maastricht University. After completing his legal studies, he specialised in the field of data science. He currently works as a Data Analyst at Trecone Solutions and part-time teacher in course of Big Data and Python Programming.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/35863-sabio5.gif" length="441970" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 22:59:09 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/how-to-stop-the-climate-fake</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Tech’s Dirty Secret</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/techs-dirty-secret</link>
      <description>The environmental impact of digital technologies, a missed discussion in the sustainable debate.</description>
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           CLIMATE CHANGE
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           Tech’s Dirty Secret 
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           The environmental impact of digital technologies, a missed discussion in the sustainable debate.
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           By Nayelly Landeros
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           January 9, 2021
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           Ozgen Cizmeciogullari
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            Batman is in a constant state of alert to protect citizens of Gotham city. Yet, fighting crime and pursuing justice seems to pay dearly to the environment. Going from human to hero requires an impressive arsenal- the batsuit, the batmobile, the batwing, a bat computer. By building and using all those cool gears,
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           Batman releases
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            about 2,499,610 kg of greenhouse gas (
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           GHG) emissions a year.  Is he doing more harm than good to the planet? 
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            Like Batman, information and communication technologies (ICT) have proven to be a double-edged sword when it comes to climate and the environment. On one hand, it is estimated that digital technologies are capable of reducing up to
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           15%
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            of the global carbon emissions by 2030. At the same time, according to the
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           Shift Project
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            , a climate think tank, the tech sector amounts to more than 2% of the global GHG emissions itself, which is even higher than the footprint of the entire aviation sector. 
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            It may be difficult to picture the environmental impact of sending a text, reading this article, sharing a post or buying the new iPhone. But
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            out of sight, out of mind
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           does not apply to the environmental impact. Everyone’s actions emit a certain amount of CO2, even in the digital world. 
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            From the significant resources used and the allocation of energy for the assembly of an electronic device to the energy needs of massive data centres and the eventual disposal of the devices, there are diverse emission sources over the lifespan of digital technology (Williams,
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           2011
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            ). Despite the lack of a consistent methodological framework to assess the environmental impact of the ICT (Santarius et al.,
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           2020
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           ), the usage and disposal of digital technologies and network equipment are deemed as the greatest contributors of the digital world. 
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            Given that the environmental assessment depends on the specific circumstances of deployment and use of specific technology (Berkhout and Hertin,
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           200
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            4), existing studies differ on the sector’s carbon impact - from
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           1.4%
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            to
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           4%
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            of the global carbon emissions. It is not shocking that claims diverge as to whether the carbon footprint of the broadcasting of the hit song "Despacito"
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           equals to the annual energy consumption of five African nations
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            or
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           not
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           .
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            With electronic devices outnumbering humans on Earth ( WEF,
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           2019
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            ), ICT is currently one of the fastest-growing sectors in terms of greenhouse gas emissions and energy management. Since the sustainable digital economy is not yet a reality, several aspects of the ICT industry need to be rethought to ensure that the technology is used in the best possible way to enable sustainable development. 
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           E-waste, a gold mine
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           “
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           Big Tech must stop manipulating consumers and tell them the whole truth about their practices and products
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            ,”
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           said Arizona
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           Attorney General Mark Brnovic, after Apple
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           settled to
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           pay $113 million to solve the 34-state iPhone
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           Batterygate
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           investigation. The batterygate is part of some scandals and theories on
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           the planned obsolescence
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           of BigTechs’ devices that nudge users into buying newer and more expensive devices. That is not only a problem for your wallet but also for the environment. 
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           The fast spread of short-term consumerism due to the rapid obsolescence of hardware and software and increasing affordability, along with the short life span and limited repair options, has led to a high turnover of electronic devices and a rapid increase in the waste stream of electronic equipment (William, 2014). Any product with circuitry or electrical components with power or battery supply that has been discarded by its owner as waste without the intent of reuse is considered waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) or, simply, e-waste (Forti et al.
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           2018
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           ).
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           Each year, approximately 50 million tonnes of e-waste are produced, which equals in weight all commercial aircrafts ever built (WEF,
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           2019
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           ). The projected amount of waste by 2030 is 74.7 million tonnes, which is almost double in only 15 years (Forti et al.
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           2018
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           )
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           According to the
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           Global E-waste Monitor 2020
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           , only 17.9% of e-waste in 2019 was collected and recycled. There is not enough reliable information about the disposal of the remaining 82.6%. But most of the time, it ends up in illegal landfills, illegally incinerated or disposed of in a non-environmentally sound way in developing countries (Forti. et al,
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           2020
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           ). 
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           The inadequate management of e-waste further becomes a health and environmental contamination issue. Mercury and other metals produce hazardous substances that pollute water sources and landfills that are later entering the food system through livestock and fish. Also alarming are the
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           studies
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           reporting that exposure to informal electronic recycling is associated with adverse health effects especially for
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           children
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           and
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           women
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           . The cherry on the top, e-waste also supposes a significant loss of valuable scarce non-renewable and critical raw materials such as cobalt or palladium, which are difficult to extract and are often associated with
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           human rights risks.
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           But there is hope: recycling e-waste is a goldmine,
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           literally
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           . There is more gold in a tonne of smartphones than in a ton of ore from a gold
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           mine
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           . E-waste is worth 
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    &lt;a href="https://www.itu.int/en/ITU-D/Climate-Change/Documents/GEM%202017/Global-E-waste%20Monitor%202017%20-%20Chapter%209.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           $62.5 billion annually
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           , which is three times higher than the outcome of silver mining and the GDP of some countries. Improving e-waste collection and recycling practices is a great way for countries to mitigate material demand sustainably.
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           There is a need to change the way we consume, produce and dispose of electronic devices. Placing the mix of right policies that guarantee efficient materials, e-recycling and tracking
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           statistical data
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           could lead to global circular value chains and the creation of jobs around the world. From the consumer’s side, there are also great voluntary initiatives, like
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           Restart,
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           trying to fix our relationship with electronics by sharing and teaching consumers to repair their own broken devices and prolong the value and use their electronics for longer.
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           A power guzzler: the cloud’s dirty secret
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           A data-hungry society uses more and more data and requires more and more clouds and more and more energy.  The cleaner the energy diet, the more climate-friendly it is.
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           Beyond taping, we do not really deal with the physical externalities of using the cloud. But all “virtual activities” consume energy and have a
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           carbon footprint
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           .  Let's illustrate what is involved in a naughty click to broadcast
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           This video is bad for climate change: Thank you for watching
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           !  Despite the several methodologies for calculating the energy footprint, let's keep it very simple. First, energy consumption was needed to extract the magical materials that enable devices to function. A few grams of GHGs are emitted by electricity consumption to power our gadgets and our wifi-connection. Perhaps more invisible, but even more energy-intensive, are the data centres that store the video, so that it can be transmitted and displayed on the electronic device. Streaming that video just emitted about 8 grams of CO2. -You can get a more accurate calculation by adjusting the viewing device, the video definition and the country where you watched it using
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           this tool
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           from the International Energy Agency. 
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           The ICT sector represents between
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           5-9%
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           could be achieved if the industry switches to renewable energies. This would be the way forward because widespread digitalization is said to be able to reduce global energy use by 20% per year.
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           Making digitalization greener requires not only clean but more energy-efficient consumption. These can be achieved by finding more
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           effective ways to cool down the data centres.
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           environmental performance transparency and industries’ commitments
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           Towards sustainable digital technology 
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           The question is not to slow down the pace of innovation or live off the grid, but to rethink digital technology. Just as in other wicked problems, awareness, participation, and collaboration at all levels are key to driving and solving the paradox of achieving sustainable digital technology. 
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           Consumers can extend the life of our devices, and encourage sustainable consumption. Industry sector shall ensure circular economy processes in the design of digital devices along with more efficient and clean energy consumption. And relevant policies and legislation must be  put in place to improve e-waste recycling and boost the way society produces, consumes, and disposes of electronic devices. In a nutshell, we need a new circular vision of the digital world. 
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           Most consumers are poorly informed and unaware of the environmental impact of their Internet usage and digital devices (Elgaaïed-Gambier, L., et al
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           2020
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           ). With this in mind, this post can hopefully contribute to raise awareness and ultimately do its bit in building a more circular end energy-efficient ICT sector.
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             Nayelly Landeros is a lawyer and LL.M graduate in International Law from Maastricht University.  Prior to her graduate studies, she worked as Junior associate in a top-tier law firm in Mexico and advised on trade, regulatory and energy law. She has conducted research for the METRO Institute on international and European environmental policy. Her research and work focus lies on economic and international Environmental Law with a special interest in climate regulation, carbon projects and sustainability compliance assessment.  Nayelly is a Research fellow in the Cycle of Technology and Sustainability with the Institute for the Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society. 
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      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 22:58:51 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/techs-dirty-secret</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,circulareconomy,fair,cosmonaut,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The People Behind MOCK COP26</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/people-behind-mock-cop26</link>
      <description>An interview with young activists about the effects of COVID on online climate efforts and the role of technology to achieve a green transition.</description>
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           CLIMATE ACTIVISM
          
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           The People Behind MOCK COP26 
          
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           An interview with young activists about the effects of COVID on online climate efforts and the role of technology to achieve a green transition. 
          
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           By Javier Canales, Josephine Andersen, Nayelly Landeros and Annie Groth
          
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           December 9, 2021
          
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           Due to the current pandemic, the COP26 that was supposed to take place in Glasgow in the last part of November 2020 has been postponed until next year. It is the biggest climate event of the year, where the global progress towards reaching the targets set by the Paris Agreement is assessed. A group of young students from the United Kingdom decided to initiate an online event to signal that climate change cannot be postponed for a year, and they managed to engage young people from all over the world to create the MOCK COP26 to fill the void of the cancelled event. 
          
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           Between November 19th and December 1st, hundreds of young activists have been meeting virtually to call for greater action on climate change. After numerous sessions and conferences dealing with themes such as climate justice, education, health, green jobs and carbon reduction targets, the MOCK COP26 reached its end with a final
          
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           declaration
          
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           calling world leaders for decisive action to fight climate change. 
          
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           A few days before the start of the event, we sat down (virtually) to have a chat with four of the organisers about the role of young people in the fight against climate change and what role technology can have in this process. 
          
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           Who are the people behind MOCK COP26 and how did it develop? 
          
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           When the COP26 was postponed to next year due to COVID-19, many felt hugely disappointed as we believe that climate action cannot wait for until next year. In response to that, local youth climate groups in the UK reached out to the international community online in July to get the event together and since September we have coordinated from different corners of the world. Through social media we managed to reach so many people and got together a very diverse group of young people. In just one week, we got over 800 applications! 
          
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           Why do you think young people are so important and what do you aim to achieve?
          
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           The effects of climate change will be bigger for the youth as we grow older. We need to change the current extractive and linear system, and the youth understands this. 
          
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           Climate movements such as the
          
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           Fridays for Future
          
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           and MOCK COP26 have been successful in mobilizing online during the pandemic, and we hope that this will be recognized by decision-makers at the COP26 next year and that young people’s voices from different countries will be taken seriously. 
          
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           What role do you see for technology in the fight against climate change and what do you think is blocking the development of new solutions?
          
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           There are good opportunities in using technology to tackle climate change. For example there are many ways of using AI for better weather predictions and prepare societies for extreme weather events which can avoid disaster. AI is also a useful tool for tracking emissions using satellite imagery for more accurate analysis. The potential applications of machine learning spans from CO2 removal, education and developing low carbon materials. New technologies using biological solutions like algae for energy production and other biotechnology solutions can also contribute to mitigation and adaptation efforts. Such solutions can be incorporated into buildings and current infrastructure, but it needs to be developed further through research and then the results must be taken up and deployed. 
          
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           A positive outcome of the crisis is that there seems to be efforts to invest big in green and circular projects. However, in many countries large companies are still prioritized by the governments, which prevents new and innovative solutions to see daylight. This is not good as sustainability is exactly about creating new materials and solutions that can replace current ones. There needs to be more room for new solutions. 
          
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           For the MOCK COP26 we have been successful in bringing people together online. Apart from the event, it can also serve as a digital platform for information sharing among different countries. A great thing about MOCK COP26 is that it is also a platform for people or groups who are often neglected or overheard in their home countries. In that way, improvements in digital infrastructure and increased connectivity can make it possible for new groups to be heard and their concerns to be addressed. 
          
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           Technology is the way ahead but we have to be cautious. People’s way of living must be changed, it isn’t enough to just switch to renewable energy. We can’t talk about technology as the only solution. We need to adapt technology to reality to make it relevant, and take into consideration social aspects and availability. Take for example Africa. Investing in technological climate innovations can require financial and human resources that are still limited in the region, which makes innovation a long-term process inevitably.
          
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           Talking about the relationship between social media and climate change. What do you think should be done to address climate change misinformation in social networks?
          
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           It can be difficult to see the connection between different events like typhoons and wildfires when they are magnified on the Internet like separate events when they are all part of the same problem - climate change! As with the pandemic, it can be difficult to see the bigger picture and in this since social media is failing. 
          
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           Climate change misinformation on social media, this needs to be addressed at individual, company and government level. Technology funds can work themselves on their algorithms to detect and tackle fake news on their platforms. Also, strategies to ensure information validation should be developed. What should governments do? This should be a part of the upcoming formation of regulations for social platforms. At the individual level, the sources you choose to trust also depend on what information to get. So people must be critical of the information they choose. People often tend to adapt to the news they understand. An engineer will understand news differently than an economist. Complex issues like climate change must be made understandable for people who are not experts. 
          
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           But awareness is increasing about environmental and climate change and this is also showing up in the online sphere and becoming more mainstream. And in this way, social media can have a positive effect by spreading awareness about environmental issues and how to act on it.
          
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           It is indeed very complex and it is difficult to know whether social media platforms can tackle this issue on their own or whether it is a job for government regulators. These are many concerns relevant to this in terms of freedom of speech and private companies are.
          
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           A final question, if you could be president for a day what would you do?
          
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           “I would to stop the meat industry, help everyone transition to a plant based diet”
          
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           “I would set a zero carbon goal by 2040 and make sure everyone does what they can within their power to reach this goal”
          
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           “I would set a zero emissions target for 2030 and by 2050 get to negative emissions, and transition to a circular economy”
          
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           “I would create more awareness programs. In my home country India, many people are still not aware about the 2030 Agenda. I also want more science based policies! Finally I want all different fields to be taken seriously in their contributions, from music to science”
          
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           After two weeks of sharing their experiences of climate change in several discussion panels and fringe events, each delegation made a high-level statement on the views of the youth from the regions they represented and offered pragmatic policy solutions. The
          
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           live closing ceremony
          
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           released a powerful call for world leaders to commit to meaningful change at next year’s COP26!
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Jan 2021 22:58:38 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/people-behind-mock-cop26</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Social Media Councils</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/social-media-councils</link>
      <description>A decentralized solution fit for Digital Constitutionalism.</description>
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           DIGITAL CONSTITUTIONALISM
          
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             Social Media Councils
            
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           A decentralized solution fit for Digital Constitutionalism.
          
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           By Sonia Sangiovanni
          
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           December 19, 2020
          
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            With the 2016 American Election, it became clear that social media platforms allowed fake news to spread, at unprecedented speed. Facebook, in particular, proved to be the main source of exposure to
           
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           misleading information on the elections
          
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            . Four years later, however, tech companies have taken a new stance on the proliferation of fake news. From redirecting users to official guidelines on covid-19, to flagging and blocking unverified stories, Facebook, Instagram and Twitter have made efforts in
           
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           tackling this problem
          
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            Case in point, on October 14, an unverified story by the New York Post, incriminating Hunter Biden through allegedly leaked emails, got moderated by Facebook and Twitter, in an attempt to limit its traffic. While the restriction of the article was only one of the efforts taken in countering fake news, both companies
           
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           were accused
          
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            by conservative voices of “liberal censorship”.
           
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            However, as Kyle Langvardt, law professor at the University of Detroit, explains in his academic
           
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           article
          
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            this is at the core of the dilemma of moderators:  “whether it is condemned as “censorship” or accepted as “content moderation,” [this system] sits in tension with an American free speech tradition that was founded on hostility toward ex ante administrative licensing schemes” .
           
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            The debate on whether or not online content moderation constitutes censorship over free speech is not only limited to the ‘editorial powers’ of Tech Companies. It equally fits within the broader discussion about digital governance and the need for online rules to solve the social threats that exude from the online world. As Edoardo Celeste, a fellow researcher on Digital Constitutionalism, explains through his publications, the new legal challenges created by digital technology have led to the “emergence of normative counteractions”.
           
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           Through the lenses of Digital Constitutionalism
          
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           , the author further explains that the need for new norms in the digital environment stems from the necessity to re-establish a “constitutional equilibrium”. While the role to guarantee such equilibrium used to belong to State actors in the physical world, in the digital one, “private actors emerge beside nation-states as new dominant actors, thus potential guarantors and infringers of fundamental rights”.
          
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            While the participation of private companies in defining the new rules of the digital realm seems inevitable, the question on how social media companies should work as moderators of free speech still stands.
           
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            As Michal Lavi, a researcher at the University of Haifa, points out
           
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           in his research
          
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           , the role of moderators for social media companies is often a consequence of the liability regime in which they operate. Digital technology, in fact, allows to both “empower individuals and promote important social objectives” and “create a setting for speech-related torts, harm, and abuse”. Because of this, tech companies are often considered liable for the moderation of content that could potentially constitute a threat to its users.
          
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            The argument over liability of the online platforms is, indeed, a strong one. Yet, the way they operate as moderators is not always as transparent as it should be. In stark contrast with their role of “democratic fora”, social media’s decision-making remains opaque and erratic (Langvardt, 2018). As Spandana Singh
           
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            s, “in part, this lack of transparency is due to the black box nature of such tools, which prevents comprehensive insight into algorithmic decision-making processes, even by their creators”.  However, in the context of elections, the lack of transparency and the accountability of potential negative decisions, “the moderation of  elections by private platform companies can erode, rather than protect, our democracies”
           
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           (Bradshaw, et al., 2020)
          
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           With the importance and critical nature of the online discourse, it seems necessary to include other stakeholders within this framework. Drawing from the Digital Constitutionalism theory by Edoardo Celeste, other entities could participate alongside State actors and platform companies.
          
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            An alternative model that has been presented by Article 19, a Human Rights organisation that defends freedom of speech, foresees a decentralised network of moderators within the digital realm. As the organisation explains on their
           
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           , “due to the high asymmetry of information currently in the market, regulators alone do not possess the necessary information to properly shape the unbundling requirement at the contractual and at the technical layer. Nonetheless, regulators should be the ones to lead this process, and to closely monitor the compliance of market operators”. Through this new model, the decentralized network of moderators will include the so called “
          
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           Social Media Councils
          
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           ”, a set of “open, participatory and accountable bodies made up of various actors working at the national level to safeguard freedom of expression online”. 
          
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           Besides taking into consideration more actors with the role of moderators, the decentralized model proposed by
          
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           Article 19
          
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           will equally constitute a more ethical solution, by “unbundling” the different services of social media companies, which control both “the hosting of the social media platform and the moderation of content on the platform”. By doing so, tech companies won’t completely lose their ability to moderate content, but they would be obliged
          
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           “to allow competitors to provide competing content moderation services on their platforms”
          
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           By potentially creating a competitive market of content moderators through a decentralised network, Article 19 might have found a solution on how to respond to the need for digital constitutionalism, around the issues of freedom of speech and censorship. This option, however, will require both State and Private actors to rethink how to build a better digital world.
          
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             Sonia Sangiovanni is a young professional, working at the intersection between Technology and Public Affairs. She holds a master’s degree in International Security from Sciences Po and her Master Thesis on the privatization of the Intelligence Services in the UK covered the Cambridge Analytica scandals. Through her career, Sonia has worked as a consultant for Public Administrations and the European Commission.
            
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      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2020 20:55:12 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/social-media-councils</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalconstitutionalism,binoculars,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Content Moderation &amp; Freedom of Expression</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/content-moderation-on-social-media-and-freedom-of-expression</link>
      <description>A call for social media companies to comply with international human rights law when moderating content.</description>
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           DIGITAL HUMAN RIGHTS
          
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             Content Moderation &amp;amp; 
            
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           Freedom of Expression
          
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           A call for social media companies to comply with international human rights law when moderating content.
          
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           By Lucas Alcici
          
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           December 19, 2020
          
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           Issues arising from content moderation on social media
          
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           The internet, and social media in particular, has become the main platform for the exchange of information and ideas. Every single day an enormous amount of content is published and shared on social media, on which more than
          
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           3.6 billion users
          
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           are registered. Due to this ever-growing flow of information and ideas on their platforms, social media companies are increasingly implementing content moderation systems in order to scrutinize what users publish online.
          
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           Those systems may take down, flag or limit the reach of a particular content or even suspend or block users’ accounts and, therefore, risk imposing unlawful restrictions on freedom of expression. There is a greater risk of this happening when artificial intelligence (AI) technologies are used to help moderate content online, especially when dealing with controversial content, as algorithms lack the capability of evaluating context, spotting irony or conducting the complete analysis which is necessary to identify when a particular content should be restricted. For this reason, content moderation systems that rely heavily or exclusively on AI tools are more likely to block or restrict content by default, possibly violating the right of users to seek, receive and impart ideas and information, as already pointed out by the
          
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           UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression
          
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           .
          
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           The risk of content moderation systems which rely on AI tools imposing unlawful restrictions on freedom of expression can be illustrated by
          
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           Instagram’s AI tool DeepText identifying the word “Mexican” as a slur
          
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           , as its datasets were populated with data in which
          
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           the word “Mexican” was often associated with the word “illegal”
          
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           , probably due to hateful comments found on the internet.
          
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           Online content moderation may involve a complex process, in which the context of the content posted on social media should often be taken into account. For this reason, AI tools used for online content moderation shall be designed and employed in a way that respects users’ right to freedom of expression.
          
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           International human rights law and restrictions to freedom of expression
          
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           The right to freedom of expression is essential to democracy and to the protection of all human rights. Universal and regional human rights treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), guarantee a special protection to freedom of expression.
          
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           Regardless of the fundamental role played by freedom of expression in a democratic society, this right is not absolute and may be subject to limitations provided certain conditions are met. According to international human rights law, a restriction to freedom of expression must meet, cumulatively, the requirements of legality, legitimacy, necessity and proportionality.
          
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           What does that mean? It means that restrictions to freedom of expression shall be provided by law, pursue a legitimate aim and be necessary to achieve this particular legitimate aim. Furthermore, the restriction shall be the least restrictive measure capable of achieving the legitimate aim pursued.
          
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           Each of the above-mentioned treaties presents a list of the legitimate aims which may justify a restriction on freedom of expression in its own system. For instance, the ICCPR and the ACHR establish as legitimate aims: the respect of the rights or reputation of others, the protection of national security and public order and the protection of public health and morals. The ECHR presents a more expansive list, as it includes the prevention of the disclosure of information received in confidence and the maintenance of the authority and impartiality of the judiciary as additional legitimate objectives capable of justifying a restriction to freedom of expression in the European system of human rights.
          
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           Take the protection of public health as an example. Freedom of expression might be restricted, provided all cumulative requirements are met, to meet the overriding public interest of limiting misinformation and fake news about the pandemic, as there is an imperative public interest that people must have correct and precise information about the pandemic.
          
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           Two social media companies took different approaches towards a particular content posted by Donald Trump related to the current pandemic. This content was regarded as “misleading and potentially harmful information” by Twitter and “incorrect information” by Facebook. While Facebook decided to delete Trump’s post which claimed COVID-19 was “less lethal” than the flu,
          
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           Twitter decided to hide the same message behind a warning label
          
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           but did not delete Trump’s tweet. If Twitter's restrictive measure of flagging the post and adding a warning label proves to be sufficient to the protection of public health, we may conclude that this is the least restrictive measure capable of achieving this particular aim. Therefore, Facebook's restrictive measure would not meet the proportionality requirement. Twitter also opted to add a warning label to a tweet from Donald Trump in which he claimed to be immune and no longer contagious after having been infected with the coronavirus, saying the tweet contained “misleading and potentially harmful information related to COVID-19”. Twitter believes the tweet should remain accessible because it "
          
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           may be in the public's interest
          
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           Social media companies shall comply with international human rights law when moderating content
          
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           International human rights treaties create legal obligations to sovereign states, but do not directly impose obligations upon private companies, such as social media companies. For this reason, the adoption of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights by the United Nations in 2011 was an important milestone. Not only do they reinforce the duty of states to “
          
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           protect against human rights abuse within their territory and/or jurisdiction by third parties, including business enterprises
          
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           ”, but also call upon private companies to respect internationally guaranteed human rights, amongst which the right to freedom of expression, wherever they operate.
          
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           In order to comply with the standards of protection laid down by international human rights law to freedom of expression, social media companies shall take a human rights-based approach to content moderation. They shall also carry out human rights due diligence in order to identify, prevent and mitigate adverse impacts their content moderation system might have on freedom of expression.
          
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             Lucas is a Brazilian lawyer, passionate about international law and a strong advocate of freedom of expression. He holds a master's degree in International Law and is currently Co-lead for Digital Human Rights at the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society.
            
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      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2020 20:55:09 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/content-moderation-on-social-media-and-freedom-of-expression</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalhumanrights,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>A Multilateral Window of Opportunity</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-multilateral-window-of-opportunity</link>
      <description>Slightly more than 20 years after WTO members established the first work programme on e-commerce, digital trade is again on the agenda. In January 2019, 76 members signed the joint statement on the launch of “negotiations on trade-related aspects of electronic commerce”. Analysts of policy making decisions often refer to the concept of a “window of opportunity” as the reason behind a new legislation. This window would open if streams of problems, solutions and political desires to act meet together. This seems to be the case with digital trade.</description>
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           DIGITAL ECONOMY
          
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             A Multilateral Window of Opportunity
            
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            Slightly more than 20 years after WTO members established
           
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           the first work programme on e-commerce
          
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            , digital trade is again on the agenda. In January 2019, 76 members signed the
           
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           joint statement
          
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            on the launch of “negotiations on trade-related aspects of electronic commerce”. Analysts of policy making decisions often refer to the concept of a “window of opportunity” as the reason behind a new legislation. This window would open if streams of problems, solutions and political desires to act meet together. This seems to be the case with digital trade.
           
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           By Ribagnac Enzo
          
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           December 19, 2020
          
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           In 2020, purchasing online became ordinary for companies but also individuals, mostly from younger generations. In fact, the COVID-19 pandemic might even have increased this phenomenon while policy makers are trying to rule and support it. 
          
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           For instance, on the 15th of December, the European Union introduced a
          
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           set o
          
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           measures
          
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           to update its digital single market. A central point in the debate is the reliability of online marketplaces and ecommerce actors such as Amazon, eBay or Alibaba.
          
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           This question is also discussed at the multilateral level. However, regulating such actors of the booming sector of digital trade and cross border ecommerce will have important consequences. In fact, simply defining digital trade and cross border ecommerce is already choosing a side in vivid multilateral negotiations.
          
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           The value of e-commerce exchanges is growing, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are grasping this opportunity to access new customers and markets. The digitalisation of global trade also significantly increased the speed of trade, and the rate at which a company or individual can reach connected customers.
          
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           This phenomenon directly impacts the economy. In 2017, services related to information and communications technologies (ICTs), employed more than a 100 million people around the globe. More and more micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) in least developed countries (LDCs), are able to integrate into global value chains and support their national exports.
          
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           However, these fast changes also bring societal and regulatory challenges. Digital divide remains an important factor. Enterprises need access to ICTs and their employees need new competences to face an internationalised competition. Most countries are not well prepared in this respect. Therefore, international rules accommodating these hurdles for integration are necessary to ensure a fair access to new opportunities offered by ICTs.
          
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           Discrepancies among national rules will not help digital trade and consumers
          
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           Approximately 87% of the members at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
          
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           have adopted or are about to adopt
          
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           rules on online commercial transaction (E-transaction laws). While positive at first sight, the figure masks the underlying discrepancies which challenge the potential of sound international agreements. 
          
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           Among them, legal and statistical differences exist between countries and sometimes even continents. 
          
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           In fact,
          
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           around 95%
          
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           of European and American UNCTAD members have adopted e-transaction laws, versus 60% percent of African members. The discrepancy is even greater concerning consumer protection laws. Only 25% of African members have adopted such legislation.
          
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           The lack of protection reduces the trust of online buyers, which de facto reduces the integration of non-regulated countries in global digital trade. Consequently, not fully integrated countries start with a disadvantage based on the lack of experience, knowledge and weight in international negotiations. Finally, important discrepancies will slow down the process of multilateral legislations due to the important efforts that will need to be made to apply high standards in countries not yet regulated. 
          
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           On the other hand, the different national methods – if any – to measure digital trade, and the lack of harmonised definitions and methodologies, restrain the comparability of figures and the capacity to understand trade dynamics.
          
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           For instance, European, and Japanese statistics are considered the most complete. However, the United-States and China – the world’s largest B2C sellers - have very different ways of measuring E-Commerce. While China is one of the only developing economies to publish official detailed statistics on B2B and B2C e-commerce, the United-States’ data remains available only for a limited number of industries.
          
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           Commonly, missing statistics restrict a country’s ability to support its position in international negotiations due to a lack of deep analyses and understanding. Besides, different definitions and scopes represent a risk for WTO members to negotiate with different agendas and hinder on-going processes.
           
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           Bilateral treaties will hardly lead to solutions in favour of all actors
          
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           Cross border e-commerce also plays an increasingly large role in free trade agreements (FTAs) but do not seem to go along with a more harmonized pattern of rules. 
          
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           Indeed, e-commerce provisions are contained not only in FTAs among developed countries, but also in FTAs among developing and less developed ones.
          
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           Studies that evaluate FTAs
          
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           find that the depth and breadth of e-commerce chapters or provisions are heterogeneous. 
          
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           Even in FTAs negotiated by the same member – such as China, the EU and Japan - e-commerce provisions vary significantly. This heterogeneity foreshadows the difficulty in identifying strong commonalities across agreements.
          
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           For instance, in 2017, the simple topic of defining e-commerce already showed important heterogeneities. Only a few FTAs included an explicit definition of e-commerce. None of them included the
          
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           definition agreed under the WTO work programme
          
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           on e-commerce. 
          
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           And the list of provisions with particular heterogeneity is long: technological neutrality, electronic authentication, reliability of intermediary services providers (or information society providers as named in EU legislations), etc. 
          
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           On the bright side, an important
          
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           WTO report
          
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           published in 2017 underlines the existence of “hubs”, in which various groups of countries, parties to FTAs, reached common positions on a majority of topics related to e-commerce. 
          
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           Looking for a “window of opportunity” at the WTO
          
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           Slightly more than 20 years after WTO members established
          
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           the first work programme on e-commerce
          
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           , digital trade is again on the agenda. In January 2019, 76 members signed the
          
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           joint statement
          
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           on the launch of “negotiations on trade-related aspects of electronic commerce”.
          
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           Analysts of policy making decisions often refer to the concept of a “window of opportunity” as the reason behind a new legislation. This window would open if streams of problems, solutions and political desires to act meet together. This seems to be the case with digital trade.
          
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           On the problem stream, the digital divide and the difficulties of developing countries has been underlined. In addition, the COVID-19 crisis has acted as a “focusing event”, forcing actors to look for solutions to lessen economic consequences.
          
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           On the solution side, a multilateral frame is presented as a solution through cooperation and support mechanisms. It is not a coincidence that the joint statement specifically underlines the desire to “take into account the unique opportunities and challenges” of developing countries. In addition, stakeholders such as Alibaba, Amazon, or Microsoft have presented – to public authorities and sometimes at the WTO - various digital solutions to support MSMEs and fight the consequences of COVID-19.
          
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           Lastly, the politics stream is two sided in this case. Both international organisations (IOs) and members of IOs should have a desire for a breakthrough. Naturally net exporters of digital services and well-developed digital markets such as the US, the EU and China support a multilateral framework. Moreover, a large number of developing countries with diverging interests signed the joint statement to negotiate a multilateral solution.
          
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           On the second side of this political stream, the upcoming appointment of a new WTO Director-General is crucial. For now, two candidates remain: Nigerian Ngonzi Okonjo, and South-Korean Yoo Myung-hee. This could potentially be a second wind for an IO already pushing for a multilateral solution and to finalise this window of opportunity.
          
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           If this window ultimately opens, the range of economic consequences will be large. Not only in digital services, but potentially in a large number of industrial sectors of production. For over 20 years, this topic has been on the agenda, while bilateral agreements created fragmented sets of rules. A multilateral solution could be used to facilitate access to ICTs around the globe and in the meantime ensure fair access to these new opportunities worldwide.
          
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             Enzo Ribagnac is currently working on trade related issues in a European Institution. He has completed studies in law, public affairs and languages (English, Mandarin and Italian) in various universities in Europe and Asia, including Sciences Po Bordeaux, Beijing Foreign Studies University and Università degli studi di Torino. While studying in China, he interned at the EU SME Centre, a project funded by the European Union, supporting European SMEs in the Chinese market. For two years, he managed projects for a European non-profit organisation empowering young people to get involved in European politics. 
            
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      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2020 20:55:03 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-multilateral-window-of-opportunity</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>GDPR Enforcement</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/gdpr-enforcement</link>
      <description>Were GDPR enforcement expectations fulfilled? In its first year, the General Data Protection Regulation (‘GDPR’ or ‘Regulation’) demonstrated its capacity to raise privacy awareness, enhancing data protection by giving back control to individuals of their personal data. For its second-year, society was expecting to be the year of GDPR enforcement to ensure organisations process personal data lawfully.</description>
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           PRIVACY
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             GDPR Enforcement
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           Were GDPR enforcement expectations fulfilled? In its first year, the General Data Protection Regulation (‘GDPR’ or ‘Regulation’) demonstrated its capacity to raise privacy awareness, enhancing data protection by giving back control to individuals of their personal data. For its second-year, society was expecting to be the year of GDPR enforcement to ensure organisations process personal data lawfully.
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           By Dubhe Sarmiento Felix
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            ﻿
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           December 19, 2020
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           Fernando Ron Pedrique
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           In recent years technology has changed the way companies do business and trade internationally. It has increased the volume of data transmitted locally and across borders and personal data has become a crucial tool for businesses and economies, becoming a tradable asset to improve competition. In consequence, as personal information flows within a nation and around the globe more easily, it is harder for individuals to have control over their personal data, to keep their privacy intact. Now it is more common for businesses to suffer data breaches and cyber-attacks. That is why the GDPR was introduced to enhance data protection by giving control to individuals over their personal data and regulating how entities can process personal data.
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           Enforcement approaches and trends - inconsistency
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           Since its implementation in 2018, Data Protection Authorities (‘DPAs’) have made use of their enforcement powers, such as warnings, administrative fines and processing limitations. In order to assure that the main purposes of the Regulation are fulfilled across the EU, giving individuals control over their personal data and avoiding its abuse. Since 2019, DPAs greatly increased their coercive activities, issuing around
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           386
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            fines with a total amount of €245,355,706. This can be considered as a positive growth of GDPR enforcement. However, the severity and level of fines vary across the EU,
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           for
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           example
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            Google Inc. has received the highest fine of all, totalling €50 million imposed by the French Data Protection Authority ('CNIL'). While a police officer has received the lowest fine, totalling €48 imposed by the Estonian Data Protection Authority.
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            Even though Germany and France have imposed a similar sum of fines around €52,000,000, Germany has levied 27 fines, while France only 6.
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             Even though Spain has been the most active DPA, regarding the levying of fines, imposing a total of 147 fines, they have been relatively low fines compared with other EU jurisdictions. For example,
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             Telefónica Móviles España
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            was fined €55,000 for processing personal data to activate telephone lines that the data subject had not requested.
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            Malta has been one of the less active DPAs. Surprisingly it has only imposed one fine so far of €5,000 against the Lands Authority. The Authority did not have in place adequate security measures on its website, which led to a data breach. Personal data, including sensitive data, was publicly accessible on the internet by a simple google search.
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           These figures exhibit that DPAs across the EU have taken different enforcement approaches and trends. Which places organisations and individuals in a vulnerable position, as they lack clarity on how severe an unlawful action is, and which practices are acceptable are which aren’t. For instance, in Spain, a property owner was fined €1,000 for unlawfully monitoring public areas using a CCTV camera. While in Greece the exact same violation resulted in a fine of €8,000.
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           These different enforcement approaches and trends are incompatible with the aim of the GDPR being a regulation. Which is for it to be interpreted and enforced homogeneously within the EU and by the DPAs. A regulation, in contracts with a directive, is binding and directly applicable throughout the EU. It becomes part of national laws without the need to be implemented into national law, in other words without the need for member states to promulgate a new law.
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           Why is there an enforcement inconsistency?
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            Unfortunately, one of the main reasons why the enforcement of the GDPR has been inconsistent is the lack of budget and resources. As
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           Věra Jourová
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           , Vice-President of the European Commission for Values and Transparency, and Didier Reynders, the EU Commissioner for Justice said “The national data protection authorities, as the competent authorities to enforce data protection rules, have often not yet reached their full capacities. We therefore call upon Member States to equip their data protection authorities with the adequate human, financial and technical resources to make effective use of their enforcement powers.”
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            From the
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            from the data protection supervisory authorities it is noted that from 2018 to 2019, human and financial resources provided to DPAs have barely increased. Almost half of DPAs have budgets of under €5 million. There are 30 DPAs in Europe, only 9 of them reply they are satisfied with their allocated resources.
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           This highlights the importance of DPAs having appropriate resources and power of enforcement, so they can be in the possibility to cooperate with each other and avoid contradicting sanctions across the EU. This will bring legal certainty to individuals. They would know that if their personal data is being processed in more than one jurisdiction it will be protected in the same way all across Europe. Also, if their personal data is misused, they would have the certainty that the party responsible will be adequately sanctioned regardless of where it is based.
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           That being said, it is obvious that the harmonisation and standardisation of GDPR enforcement is an ongoing process. As the Regulation has been applicable for only two years, there is hope to see greater progress in the following years, since it is expected that DPAs will impose more fines and there would be more civil actions. The future development of case law will hopefully bring clarity and uniformity regarding interpretation, good practices, sanctions, and enforcement across the EU. It is also expected that as DPA’s decisions are appealed, the enforcement will become more aligned within the EU. In order to achieve this greater harmonisation and standardisation of GDPR enforcement, the DPAs should be provided with the appropriate human and financial resources to be able to improve the quality of enforcement and the cooperation between DPAs.
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             Dubhe is completing her second master’s degree in Regulation and Compliance - Data Protection at Queen Mary University of London. She is a qualified lawyer specialising in privacy and data protection combined with six years of experience in constitutional and administrative litigation and regulatory.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/38076-id-scan.gif" length="682020" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Dec 2020 20:54:58 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/gdpr-enforcement</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,privacy,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Silicon Valley’s Mea Culpa</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/silicon-valleys-mea-culpa</link>
      <description>Rates of social media consumption have skyrocketed amid the global pandemic. Much has been claimed about the pernicious influence of those platforms on politics, democracy, and polarization, but are we aware of the true extent of the peril? Netflix’s “The Social Dilemma” posits that such detrimental effects are no fluke. Rather, they are deliberate features of a wicked system. If at times naive and simplistic, the documentary effectively accomplishes its manifest purpose: to be a chilling wake-up call.</description>
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           PRIVACY
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             Silicon Valley’s Mea Culpa
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           Rates of social media consumption have skyrocketed amid the global pandemic. Much has been claimed about the pernicious influence of those platforms on politics, democracy, and polarization, but are we aware of the true extent of the peril? Netflix’s “The Social Dilemma” posits that such detrimental effects are no fluke. Rather, they are deliberate features of a wicked system. If at times naive and simplistic, the documentary effectively accomplishes its manifest purpose: to be a chilling wake-up call.
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           By Enzo Floris
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           December 2, 2020
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           Andy Parker
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           “
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            If we go down the
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           status quo
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            for the next 20 years, […] we probably destroy our civilization through willful ignorance”. A computer philosopher and writer, Jaron Lanier is only one among the many tech insiders voicing concern about the destructive ramifications of social media in our society
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            On one hand, such platforms opened up remarkable opportunities for connecting individuals and activism. On the other, their negative impact on political discourse and the democratic process has been widely documented. From the spread of conspiracy theories to the formation of ideological bubbles, experts warn us, the rise of new media threatens to erode our sense of shared reality and to ultimately tear our social cohesion.
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            till, as our prime
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            medium
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           of communication, social networks remain indispensable tools, and life without them has become unimaginable. Jeff Orlowski’s thought-provoking Netflix documentary drives straight to the core of such a dilemma, identifying both its origins and its profound implications. Its goal is to lift the veil on the ways a handful of social media companies and their business model are affecting us and our societies.
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           Exposing a controversial system
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            The documentary addresses a broad range of issues, including fake news, increased political and ideological partisanship, addiction to social media, and mental health problems. The core message of “The Social Dilemma” is a stark denunciation of manipulative digital technology and surveillance capitalism, the economic system which underpins it. Said system, the argument goes, thrives on the misinformation, the misleading,  and even the radicalization of users, as their addiction is highly profitable for corporations that  mine our data. Conversely, the grim consequences of such a reckless profit-making model are rarely factored in.
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           Tech insiders are turning on their industry
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            Orlowski employs two distinct, yet skillfully interwoven, narrative devices. First, the documentary displays a sequence of confessionals, featuring defectors from tech companies, academics, and experts. From Tristan Harris, christened “the conscience of the Silicon Valley” to Shoshana Zuboff, the scholar who authored the concept of surveillance capitalism, the interviewees echo Lanier’s misgivings about a system that feels broken. Witnessing the
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            j’accuse
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           of former Google, Twitter, and Facebook employees, the very people who helped create the system at stake, is no doubt impactful. Our current situation is deliberately portrayed in a dystopian fashion, with the clear intent to shock the audience.
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           Social media as an insidious villain
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           Second, in an attempt to provide a more concrete scenario alongside the admonitions of experts, the documentary showcases a fictional account of a run-of-the-mill American family. Their daily lives appear to be negatively shaped by constant exposition to social media. The son, in particular, falls victim to the intelligent data-tracking software used to place recommendations (which, quite tellingly, is portrayed by Orlowski as an evil puppet-master). As he tumbles down the rabbit-hole of online radicalization, his obsession with a fictional political group undermines his relationship with family members and friends. This storytelling expedient allows Orlowski to persuade casual viewers who are not privy to the tech industry’s dynamics that what could seem like abstract talk about algorithms has daunting real-life consequences. 
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           Raising awareness and igniting debate
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           Arguably, sounding the alarm about the incursion of exploitative technology into our everyday lives is one of “The Social Dilemma”s greatest feats. Orlowski manages to shatter any illusion we might harbor of being fully in control of our social media experience. Whatever the viewer will think of the documentary as a whole, there is little doubt that they will be made more cognizant of the subtle manipulations users are continuously subjected to. As one of Netflix’s most-watched movies (the only documentary to make the list), Orlowski’s work sparked a vibrant discussion reaching everywhere from households to  the wider society,  and of course social media themselves.
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           Lifting the veil on the attention economy
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           Another merit of the documentary is its accurate portrayal of the incentive structure underlying social media platforms, known as the attention economy. As profit is essentially drawn from our screen time, there is a competition over the finite resource that is our attention. To maximize their profit, tech companies develop personalized profiles that anticipate our behavior, with the aim of constantly keeping us engaged. After all, corporations make money from the quantity of our attention, not its quality. As Justin Rosenstein, the co-founder of Asana notes, “we are more profitable if we are staring at a screen […] than if we’re spending that time living our life in a rich way”.
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           Politics appears  absent from the picture
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           While the documentary is successful in drawing attention to an important issue affecting our society, it is not devoid of flaws. Concrete references to politics appear to be left out. Polarization, divisiveness, and unrest are portrayed as peculiar features of the age of social media, without providing historical context. While there are brief hints of how social media is an amplifier of pre-existing problems, Orlowski avoids any further discussion of such problems or the actors involved. This could lead the audience to the problematic conclusion that social media is at the heart of all our current difficulties, including the climate crisis, racial inequality, and political disenfranchisement.
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           Indeed, “The Social Dilemma”s hyperbolic tone coupled with its relatively narrow focus could mislead viewers. On one hand, the fictional portrayal of algorithmic recommendation engines risks mischaracterizing the actual technology behind social networks, as the level of data profiling appears vastly exaggerated. On the other, the documentary seems to disregard the current trend towards end-to-end encryption in platforms such as Telegram and WhatsApp, which do not gather any data for personalized ad targeting. Another issue of partiality pertains to the choice of interviewees. Bringing to the table only the perspectives of defectors and critics of the system appears as a lost occasion for a fair representation of both sides of the argument.
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           Furthermore, online political radicalization is not always the product of manipulation by Facebook and YouTube, as the fictional part seems to imply. Most far-right terrorists, for instance, found their path to extremism on platforms such as 8chan and 4chan, including the Christchurch mass shooter, Brenton Tarrant. These sites, unlike their more popular counterparts, are not driven by profit-maximizing algorithms. Rather, they merely take advantage of the opportunity offered by an open forum to connect people sharing the same convictions. 
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           As the documentary draws to a close, the interviewees call with one voice for swift and significant responses. On one hand, they suggest mundane private actions, including turning off notifications, always questioning recommendations, and carefully monitoring the time spent on the platforms, especially for adolescents. On the other, they call for policy remedies such as financial incentives and stricter regulation, though what such remedies would entail in practice remains fairly vague. Unfortunately, given the complexity of the issue, the documentary did not conclude by providing a
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           for the negative influence of social networking. Rather, it ends with a call to action to the viewers, a reminder that no one is exempt from manipulation. 
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           As the Greek root of the word suggests, to be trapped in a dilemma means having to make a choice between two equally undesirable alternatives. And yet, if we are to preserve the health and stability of our democracy, we must find a way forward towards a less exploitative model behind social media corporations. While perhaps “The Social Dilemma” is limited in scope and does not offer us a definitive solution, it nonetheless sheds light on a troubling reality. After all, collective societal awareness is the first step towards changing a dissatisfying
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           status quo
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           . Lanier seems to not have any doubts in this regard: “it is going to take a miracle to get us out of it” - he claims - “and that miracle is collective will”.
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             Enzo Floris is pursuing his Master's degree in European Affairs at the University of Sciences Po Paris. He completed his Bachelor’s degree in Politics and Government at SciencesPo Paris and spent the third year on an exchange program in the department of European Studies at Trinity College Dublin. In the Autumn of 2018, he collaborated with the Italian Office of the European Parliament in Milan on a social media campaign in the context of the 2019 EP elections. He is fluent in Italian, English and French. 
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Dec 2020 23:11:29 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/silicon-valleys-mea-culpa</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>A Constitutional Court?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-constitutional-court</link>
      <description>The creation of Facebook’s Oversight Board has divided experts and the general public among supporters of the initiative and critics. A comprehensive review of what will change with its introduction and which problems remain unsolved.</description>
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           DIGITAL CONSTITUTIONALISM
          
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           A Constitutional Court?
          
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           The creation of Facebook’s Oversight Board has divided experts and the general public among supporters of the initiative and critics. A comprehensive review of what will change with its introduction and which problems remain unsolved. 
          
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           By Giovanni Paolini
          
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           December 14, 2020
          
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           1984 or 2020?
          
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           George Orwell’s masterpiece, “
          
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           ”, describes a futuristic and utopic world, where three superstates, the result of eternally fought wars, share control of the globe. In the State of Oceania, covering most of the the Americas and Africa together with the British Islands, the omnipresent Ministry of Truth, in charge of spreading regime propaganda, is the ultimate
          
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           . History is rewritten; fake news are spread, depicting the absolute regime as infallible;
          
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           , or the impossibility to confront two contradictory pieces of information and depict one as false, dislocates the people’s sense of reality, making them accept information uncritically. 
          
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           Hit pause. 
          
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           It is not 1984, the State of Oceania does not exist, but all of the above reminds of the guidelines and community standards online platforms and social networks apply to their users. 2.4 billion users access Facebook, publishing content that is subject to the review and approval of a private company, whose board is composed of non-elected members. In the second and third quarters of 2019 alone, 4.28 billion pieces have been removed from the platform. Twitter has recently called tweets from Donald Trump, the President of the United States, “potentially misleading”. Regardless of the political and factual considerations behind the decision, a private company is able and allowed to express a public judgment, influencing public opinion and possible electoral choices for the upcoming presidential elections. Critics may oppose that private broadcasting networks have always existed, at least in the United States. Politicization is inescapable, but in the context of pluralistic information it is a resource rather than a downside. Social media platforms, instead, are inescapable in themselves, as many authors have argued. The absence of real alternatives, and the role of moderators assumed by these platforms contributes to the lack of accountability perceived by some scholars, comparing Facebook and a feudal State.
          
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           Facebook’s Oversight Board
          
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            The debate concerning the role of social networks in shaping political and cultural landscapes is vivid, as the crescent globalization phenomenon has expanded the penetration of Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and others in various societies. Global tools lacking global governance, evidencing the deficiencies of national administrations, but also the difficulty in determining a set of values universally shared that can be applied to a transnational platform.
           
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           first answer, provided by Facebook, is the creation of the so-called Oversight Board.  Composed of 40 members, it will be in charge of autonomously and independently evaluating if certain contents are suitable for Facebook or need to be removed. This organism, vested with powers that could ideally resemble a modern constitutional court, takes on appeals from individuals concerning single-object removals of organic content that have already exhausted Facebook’s internal appeal process. If the issue is considered to be appropriate for panel review, a group of five anonymous members of the Board examines the case after analysing relevant information provided by Facebook, the user and any other external source considered. The decision resulting from the panel, deliberated “privately” and to be approved with simple majority, is voted by the whole Oversight Board. Once approved, it is sent to Facebook for implementation within seven days since the release of the decision and can be accompanied by a policy-advisor statement for Facebook. The company is compelled to offer a “public response”, but the recommendations are ultimately of advisory nature. 
          
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           Criticisms
          
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           This organism, born after a long Global Consultancy process among experts and the public society, hides three tricky characteristics, which will ultimately answer the original question behind this article: why a digital constitution is necessary, and cannot be substituted by a private governance tool. 
          
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           In first place, the scope of the Oversight Board is limited. As stated in the Oversight Board Bylaws, and already mentioned above, only single-object removals of organic content can be appealed by users. Although this formulation may sound sibylline, there are three terms worth analyzing. “Single-object” refers to simple contents, and actions, posted on the platform: photos, videos or status messages are considered as such, while groups, pages and user profiles are to be considered “complex objects” and are actually not covered by the Board’s authority. “Removals” are positive actions where Facebook hides permanently a content from the general public; as of now, it is not possible to appeal against the company’s decision to allow a picture, video or status message to remain visible. “Organic” content refers instead to posts generated by users, generally without commercial purposes. Actions against ads or prioritized content, which generated about 98,5% of the company’s global revenues in 2019, cannot be examined by the Board. 
          
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           Secondly, the jurisdictional independence traditionally awarded to constitutional courts and entities is far from assured to the Oversight Board. According to the Oversight Board Trust Agreement, which creates the trust responsible for ensuring the establishment and efficient administration of the Oversight Board, Facebook has “relinquished its authority over the trust except with respect to key provisions stated herein and under exceptional circumstances”. None of the key provisions limiting the Trust’s authority are in fact outlined by the Agreement, rendering this reserve vague and subject to interpretation. Furthermore, it is important to remember that the Oversight Board Bylaws explicitly exclude services which are not Facebook and Instagram from the Board’s jurisdiction. A fully-fledged constitutional court would never see its power limited by unclear dispositions or an incomplete mandate. 
          
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           Finally, the greatest weakness of the Oversight Board with respect to a traditional court is the incapacity of its screening mechanism to effectively withstand the immense number of appeals it will most likely face. In most judicial systems, the recourse in front of a constitutional court is incidental, being requested by a judge during a lawsuit. This limits the opportunity for the citizen to question the constitutional legitimacy of a law, nonetheless it allows the court to properly function without being flooded by countless actions. Considering that in the second and third quarters of 2019 30,8 million pieces of content removals were unsuccessfully appealed, and that the Selection Committee of the Board is composed of five members, even a decimal percentage of Board review requests would result in more than 1000 cases a day to scrutinize. Furthermore, eventual attacks by organized groups filing in multiple and similar requests with the purpose of crashing the submission system would expose the Board to the impossibility of respecting the ninety days timeline between submission and decision imposed by the Bylaws. 
          
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           Is a digital constitution the solution?
          
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            The creation of the Oversight Board stems directly from Facebook’s necessity, and genuine desire, to partially outsource the evaluation of content appropriateness. An independent authority, charged with the responsibility of deciding whether a post is compliant with the Community Standards, resembles a traditional constitutional court in terms of procedure and self-sufficiency. However, as outlined above, its private origin and limited mandate vigorously undermine the probability of achieving its ultimate goal, not to mention the likelihood of the system being exposed to an unmanageable number of daily complaints. A different solution could be the recognition of the social networks as a continuation of public space, officially recognizing the informal role they occupy since their global spread. The power to evaluate what content is suitable for removal would then pass to every national authority, and posts, videos and photos could be obscured in States regardless of Facebook, Twitter or other social platform’s community standards.
           
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           This proposal has its evident downsides: in undemocratic and repressive States, social media offer a possibility to gather support against dictatorships and to coordinate subversion actions, as the 2011 Arab spring movements across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have shown. Passing the authority to the national executive power would most likely be followed by repression of free speech, control of private groups and privacy violations. Nevertheless, relinquishing this authority in the hands of the social network cannot be considered a long-term solution: democratic authorities need to step up and consider alternative possibilities in the upcoming years, including a Western Digital Constitution cementing values existing in the public space and often forgotten while surfing the net. 
          
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           This article is based on K. Klonick (2020). The Facebook Oversight Board: Creating an Independent Institution to Adjudicate Online Free Expression. The Yale Law Journal, 129(8), 2418-2499
          
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             Giovanni Paolini is currently finishing his Double Degree in Politics and Policy Analysis at Bocconi University, Milan, and focuses on Digital Governance and Democracy. Half-Italian, half-Norwegian, he is fluent as well in English and French.
            
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Dec 2020 23:11:27 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-constitutional-court</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalconstitutionalism,digitalgovde,cs_platformgovernance,cosmonaut,digitalgovde+</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>ML Toasters and Historical Acceleration</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ml-toasters-and-historical-acceleration</link>
      <description>Rapidly changing times and our responsibility.</description>
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           ETHICS
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             ML Toasters and Historical Acceleration
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           Rapidly changing times and our responsibility.
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           By Filippos Papapolyzos
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           December 14, 2020
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           vik4graphic
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            Here is a thought that some people might relate to. Having been a student for the largest part of my existence, I have written countless essays about a plethora of subjects that, in one way or the other, relate to technology and/or society. I simply cannot count the number of times that I have resisted the temptation to start an essay with a phrase of the type “We live in an age of booming technological growth”. Could there be a more obvious fact? Since the late 90s, we have seen many technological advancements spanning from fully-remote telesurgery equipment to Machine Learning enabled
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            In fact, humanity has been staying on track with Moore’s law, which predicts that “the number of transistors in a dense integrated circuit doubles about every two years.” In other words, by 2030 we will have roughly 32 times the computing power we have today. In October 2019,
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           Google’s Sycamore quantum computer
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            managed to solve a complex problem that would have taken the world’s most powerful supercomputer 10,000 years to compute, in just 200 seconds. One can only imagine what is set out for us.
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           Technological Determinism
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           Technology seems like an unstoppable force and if you are like me, you often feel a mix of awe and horror in front of its lightning-fast ability to transform humanity. Possibly, this stems from a realization that how we act and think is in full conversation with the tech tools in our pockets and in our homes. Ergo the name of the UK TV show “Black Mirror”. The importance of technology does not exist only in what we see on our screens when they are on but also in what we see in their reflection. It is not so much a technology’s content that is significant rather than its mere property as a tool. As Marshall McLuhan puts it when talking about the invention of the railway:  "The railway [...] created totally new kinds of cities [...] This happened whether the railway functioned in a tropical or a northern environment, and is quite independent of freight or content." The mere passing of the railway through a city was enough to completely change it, no matter what the train cars transported.
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           The school of thought that sees technology as the ultimate shaping force of society is better known as “Technological Determinism”, a reductionist philosophy with close ties to Marxism. In 1847, Karl Marx wrote that "The Handmill gives you society with the feudal lord: the steam-mill, society with the industrial capitalist" thus nodding to how technological change affects social organization but preserves inequality. Sadly, this seems to be the case in many of the technological applications today. We see more computing power going into AI toasters and the like than we see going into solving important world issues such as ensuring clean water for everyone.
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           Scarcity, choices, and Moore’s Law’s equivalent for historical change
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           Technology has the potential to mend human society, to better living conditions for the many rather than the few, to restore the balance between nature and us which we have so upset. We should strive for fair, equitable technology. Should we choose to accept the possibility of technology being unstoppable or not, we still maintain the capacity of diverting its stream to irrigate our most precious crops.
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           Life is going to be increasingly different in the future, changing faster and in shorter time windows. In 1999, Ray Kurzweil came up with the analog of Moore’s Law for historical progress, “
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           ” , in which he explains how the “rate of progress of an evolutionary process increases exponentially over time” as an effect of technological revolutions building up on each other. It took tens of thousands of years for the wheel to be created but we’ve gone from Alan Turing’s Enigma machine to having handheld digital computers in less than 70 years. As Kurzweil notes, “the technological progress in the twenty-first century will be equivalent to what would require (in the linear view) on the order of 200 centuries.” 
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           Under the aforementioned philosophical assumptions, accelerating technological progress will roughly translate to accelerated historical change. It is very likely in that respect that in the rest of this century, we will see as much history “happening” as we’ve seen in history textbooks up to this day. The fundamental problem of our universe, which has baffled economists since day 1, is scarcity. We do not have unlimited resources so choosing where to allocate them is a decision that will be of increasing gravity. It is, therefore, up to us to decide whether the historical change that is bound to take place will be for the better or the worse.
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           An interesting side note: The perception of ourselves and our mental capacities has always been projected on our tools. Computers are modeled on brains and brains are reasoned about as computers. We use the example of Machine Learning algorithms to model and reason about how we think. When the first digital computer was created in 1946, the ENIAC, people started conceptualizing the brain as a digital computer. Half a century prior to that,
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           conceptualized the brain as a steam engine and demonstrated his theory of psychodynamics. The ancient Greek physician Hippocrates had a similar “hydraulic” understanding of how the brain works, influenced by the technologies of his time, such as the water wheel. One can only wonder what the next metaphor for the brain will be.
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             Filippos acts as a co-lead for the Neuroethics cycle. He is a Master's student at the University of California, Berkeley studying Information and Data Science. He holds a Bachelor's degree in Cognitive Science and is interested in studying the intersection of Cognition and Technology as well as the interaction of these two with Society. He has worked in wet and dry laboratory settings studying addiction, decision making, and the neuroscience of social interaction. He speaks English, Greek, Spanish, Italian, and French.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Dec 2020 23:10:42 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/ml-toasters-and-historical-acceleration</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,frontpage,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>How Telegram Shaped the Belarusian Protest</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/how-telegram-shaped-the-belarusian-protest</link>
      <description>The story of how the Telegram messaging app enabled the Belarusian protest movement, became the key news sources and allowed for grassroots action.</description>
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           SOCIAL-MEDIA ACTIVISM
          
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             How Telegram Shaped the Belarusian Protest
            
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           The story of how the Telegram messaging app enabled the Belarusian protest movement, became the key news sources and allowed for grassroots action.
          
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           December 14, 2020
          
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           As I am explaining the peculiarities of the Belarusian protests to my friends or updating them on the latest developments, it is impossible not to mention the role Telegram plays in this story; yet, it seems like, for the majority of my European friends, Telegram remains just that messaging app they heard something about, but are not quite sure what it is. 
          
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           I have a spiel prepared the moment I have to explain what exactly Telegram is. I explain that Telegram is a messenger app, but not exactly; you can have group chats, like in WhatsApp. And you can have channels, something similar to Twitter. You can follow the news pages, and comment on them, like on Facebook. You can also text anyone by just knowing their handle, like on Facebook Messenger. I soon realise that I make it sound like a Frankenstein’s monster, but a monster that played a crucial role in the Belarusian protest movement. 
          
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           These days, Telegram is increasingly popular in post-Soviet countries. There is a good reason why some choose to use Telegram, especially when they don’t want their messages to fall into the government’s hands: the history of the app goes back to its creator, Pavel Durov, looking for a safe messaging platform when
          
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           he was followed by the Russian FSB
          
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           (Federal Security Service, the successor of the KGB). Before that, Pavel was the creator of the VK, a social network, and was forced to give the Russian authorities access to users’ information.
          
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           Telegram in Belarusian protests 
          
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           Telegram was a relatively popular app even before the protests, but it showed its true potential only in 2020. Lukashenka, who stayed in power for 26 years, might not have seen any signs of trouble coming, as the time neared the election day on August 9. Same as with the previous elections, the victory seemed to have been guaranteed; the opponents were divided and some already imprisoned. Nonetheless, the discontent with the old regime was there. The protests against the election results broke out just as the polling stations closed, and Telegram played a vital role in the way the events unfolded for multiple reasons. 
          
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           Three days that changed Belarus
          
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           The events of August 9 through August 11 shook the country. The images of the people, protesting against the falsification of the elections, and the special forces’ violence against them were seen in most of the news agendas across the world. Not the Belarusian state channels, however, who remained silent about the events and were happy to report another elegant victory of the incumbent with 80% in favour. In the informational vacuum, many turned to the Telegram news channels, hoping to read more on what was happening in the country. 
          
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           Recognising the threat coming from the alternative news, the Belarusian government attempted to stop their spread. Just as the polling stations closed on August 9, the Belarusian government completely shut down the internet in the entire country for three days. Some were able to get some internet connection through the VPN, but the majority remained without any internet access during this time. A similar strategy has been employed every Sunday ever since, perhaps in hopes of disorganising the active demonstrations and slowing down the spread of the information on the ground. 
          
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           Despite all government attempts, the forbidden fruit is the sweetest. With the government attempting to limit the internet access, it became even more apparent for the majority on where to seek the information. Telegram became a popular choice for getting the news, as the TV channels remain exclusively pro-governmental, while all alternative news websites have their own Telegram channels. The design of the Telegram itself was  favourable for such news delivery, as it allowed for easy access to the articles and enables the comments straight on the platform. 
          
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           As a result, even those who were not yet converted became proficient Telegram users. The subscriber numbers of the news channels grew dramatically, while many neighbourhood chats were created to organise the protests locally. Telegram channel NEXTA live, which was posting the live information on the protests,
          
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           grew from 300k to two million
          
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           in the three days following the elections, becoming one of the largest channels on Telegram and
          
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           a crucial source of information for the protesters
          
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           . The creator of the channel, a 22-year-old Stepan Putilo, was even
          
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           by the Belarusian government.
          
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           Neighbourhood group chats on Telegram became a distinct phenomenon during the Belarusian protests. Villages, city districts, and sometimes individual houses — locally organised chats started appearing on the newly created
          
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           , uniting neighbours and fostering cooperation. Some neighbourhoods
          
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           became well-known
          
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           across the country for their
          
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           initiatives and underground concerts
          
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           , and many were able to gather in local protests, making the task of suppressing the demonstrations ever more difficult for the police. 
          
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           The state officials tried fighting Telegram in multiple ways, with varying degrees of success. At some stage, the state TV news broadcast was talking down on “local gangs” organising themselves through Telegram group chats. The result? Even more people discovered the phenomenon and actively sought to find and join such neighbourhood chats. 
          
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            ~
           
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            – dze.chat compiled a collection of all neighbourhood banners. 
           
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           I
          
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           n an attempt to crack down the protesting activity on Telegram, the Belarusian government started a witch-hunt against the subscribers to the alternative news channels and participants of the neighbourhood chats. Unable to read the private conversations due to the Telegram’s core policy, their close attention turned on the administrators of group chats and channels, as such information was initially displayed publicly under the users’ profiles. 
          
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           Such instance is not the only case of the Telegram’s functionality changing in response to the newly discovered shortcomings. As the government was actively hunting down the administrators of group chats, there was a swift change in the app functionality to allow the administrators to post on their groups anonymously. As more people were using Telegram as their primary news source, the app introduced a commenting function to the channel posts as well. 
          
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           Since the beginning, Telegram became integral to the Belarusian protests. More and more people are using it to organise themselves, get their news updates and share the information on the protest. And Telegram itself is not shy about their political alignment: after all, if you try posting the Belarusian official red-green flag, it will be automatically replaced with the white-red-white, which is used by the protesters. 
          
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            ﻿
           
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             Maryia Ditchkowska was born and raised in Minsk, Belarus. She is currently pursuing her Masters in International Relations at Leiden University, The Netherlands. Prior to that, she completed her Bachelor degree in Political science and Business studies at Trinity College Dublin, Ireland.
            
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Dec 2020 23:10:35 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/how-telegram-shaped-the-belarusian-protest</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Humanitarian Activism - Digital Era Edition</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/humanitarian-activism-digital-era-edition</link>
      <description>The catastrophic explosion in Beirut left the world startled and deeply upset; and the virtual world of the internet is no exception. It was a matter of little time until all social media were loaded with posts expressing sympathy and support, videos of the tragic moment, petitions to send aid, even fundraising efforts. Such instant mobilisation would not have taken place a decade ago, before the rise of digital activism.</description>
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           SOCIAL MEDIA ACTIVISM
          
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             Humanitarian Activism - Digital Edition
            
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           The catastrophic explosion in Beirut left the world startled and deeply upset; and the virtual world of the internet is no exception. It was a matter of little time until all social media were loaded with posts expressing sympathy and support, videos of the tragic moment, petitions to send aid, even fundraising efforts. Such instant mobilisation would not have taken place a decade ago, before the rise of digital activism.
          
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           By Evi Tsakali
          
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           December 2, 2020
          
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           Digital activism (also known as cyberactivism) is defined in Britannica as a form of activism that uses the internet and digital media as key platforms for mass mobilisation and political action. According to a research by the Pew Institute in 2018, 53% of adults in the US have been politically or socially active on social media, by engaging in activities such as but not limited to: taking part in groups that share an interest on a specific issue, encouraging others to take action, looking up information on local protests and rallies, changing their profile picture to show support for a cause or using hashtags related to a political or social issue. 
          
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           The phenomenon has provoked mixed feelings among internet users. As a young adult using social media on a regular basis, I could humbly notice a division of social media users in two general types according to their attitude towards digital activism (though, of course, variations exist: not everything is black or white, just shades of grey)
          
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           Type 1: The Hyperenthusiasts
          
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           We all follow someone on social media who reposts campaigns over campaigns of NGOs, public organisations or any stakeholder; someone who is constantly posting their opinion in a text sometimes longer than we bother to read. That someone is a personalisation of our first type: the hyperenthusiast. 
          
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            Taking into consideration that some of them verify the information they share and others do not, or that some are experts on certain topics and others are not, it would be unfair to evaluate critically all of these cases in the same way. However, they are all united under the same umbrella: passion. They are, or present themselves as, particularly passionate on the topics they deal with and the messages they convey. Being the embodiment of digital activism, they are the ones who created the mass mobilisation we witness (some with approval and some with criticism) each time a crucial issue comes up, which has indirectly developed the next type of internet users we are going to examine, the deniers. 
           
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           Type 2: The Deniers
          
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           The deniers tend to have a mentality of abstention when it comes to humanitarian issues online (sometimes even offline as well). They base their attitude on a feeling of desperation towards the bombardment of information caused by the hyperenthusiasts, whose dedication they may find hypocritical, and find no point in this reposting, commenting and sharing. In some cases, the overexposure to activities of cyberactivism drains them psychologically, they get used to such humanitarian content that no longer sparks any emotion or sensitivity. 
          
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           Therefore, is digital activism a blessing or a curse? 
          
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           Bearing in mind the two aforementioned types of digital users, the answer would be probably both. No one could blame the hyperenthusiasts for reaping the benefits of digital democracy and freedom of speech, but sometimes excessive freedom is nothing more but excessive slavery (that being a statement which would rather irritate a hyperenthusiast in a social media setting). There is a fine line between free speech and being trapped in a vicious circle of false information overload and mass fanaticism. We have done quite a good job marginalising and condemning extremist ideology and rhetoric, whatever its form may be, on social media, whereas we ignore how sometimes we are enslaved in our own political correctness. We have created a cyberactivism culture where the cyberactivist has a specific profile, specific beliefs and social media activity. We have developed a sort of internet etiquette according to which we have to support specific opinions and agree with specific statements in order to sound pro human rights/ pro freedom of speech/ anti-racist/ anti-fascist/ eco-friendly/ LGBTQ+ friendly and the list goes on, jeopardizing making activism nothing but another trend. A quick scroll into social medias’ feeds nowadays can easily turn an educated adult with strong opinions and beliefs into a middle schooler who thinks he has to dress like his peers to validate his identity. Mob mentality is still mob mentality, even if it is related to the “correct” opinions... 
          
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           Nevertheless, the humanitarian and political content posted on social media could be considered, if not activism, an excellent educative tool, since it contributes in raising awareness on pressing social matters: via such content, humanitarian and political dialogue is fostered like never before and is accessible to a large part of the global population, regardless of age, social status or academic qualifications. It is also imperative to acknowledge cyberactivism’s main characteristic and what I would consider its biggest weapon: symbols. Symbols unite and divide, categorize and define; they shape identities and cultures, they make history. Everybody recognizes the clenched fist, symbol of the BLM movement, which was omnipresent on Facebook and Instagram after George Floyd’s murder and many of us remember the #JeSuisCharlie, even if we don’t know French or don’t remember what happened in Paris back then. Maybe this is why digital activism is here to stay as a practice. As Joseph Conrad said “to be convincing you have to trust not only the correct argument, but the correct word; the power of sound has always been greater than the power of logic”. 
          
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           However, not all humanitarian crises have symbols. Not all humanitarian issues look good on social media or provocative (but not too much) for our feed and our followers; and thinking that a repost, an Instagram story or a signature in an online petition will actually fix the problem would be rather utopic, if not naive.
          
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           Evi Tsakali is studying Law at the Sorbonne and Political Science and Public Administration at the University of Athens. In our Institute, she is a member of Redatta 2020.
          
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Dec 2020 22:59:25 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/humanitarian-activism-digital-era-edition</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,law+,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>New Tools for Antitrust?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/new-tools-for-antitrust</link>
      <description>The Competition and Markets Authority in the UK published recently a market study focusing on Google and Facebook, whereby the said authority recommended the adoption of new measures for the authorities. What will this mean for the development of Antitrust and its interaction with Big Tech in the UK?</description>
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            BIG TECH
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             New Tools for Antitrust?
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           The Competition and Markets Authority in the UK published recently a market study focusing on Google and Facebook, whereby the said authority recommended the adoption of new measures for the authorities. What will this mean for the development of Antitrust and its interaction with Big Tech in the UK?
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           By Petar Pešić
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           December 2, 2020
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           Elmer Vergara
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           New rules on the horizon
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            The past few months have taken the world battling fiercely against COVID-19 but this has not prevented a notable progress in the field of antitrust and competition law. One of these changes has the potential to remodel the way this area of law will develop with the rise of Big Tech. The Competition and Markets Authority (CMA)  in the UK has published a
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            alongside recommendations for new tools for the competition authority to make it more capable to address irregularities that may occur in the area of online platforms and digital advertising. Importance of this study grows further when we take into account that the EU is also considering adopting
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            for the online platforms. 
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           The two recommendations given to the UK Government are:
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            Establishing an enforceable code of conduct to govern the behaviour of platforms funded by digital advertising that are designed as having strategic market status, giving a new competition agency all the tools needed to enforce and amend the code if the market situation so requires;
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            Introduction of pro-competitive
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            interventions including more control over data given to consumers and overall more choice for consumers to opt-out the data collection for advertisement and separation interventions.
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           The why?
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           Now, why is it required for competition authorities to have new powers in regards to online platforms and digital advertising? CMA believes that these firms (Google and Facebook being the focus of the study) are too big to be confronted in case of any anti-competitive behaviour with the powers that they currently have. They are also in a league of their own, with no competitors or with no serious threat to their market power in the UK. Study also reveals that without sharing algorithms or the processes behind the digital advertising, it is unlikely that any competitor would emerge because the barriers to entry are just too high.
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           The aftermath
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           It is yet to be seen whether the UK Government would adopt these recommendations or modify them in a certain manner, but this move should be important. It opens up a discussion on important issues for all of us. These companies have been able to make exponential growth on account of the data they are taking from all of us for free. Granted, they do give us the option of using these services for free. But their commercial position would be next to non-existent if they were not able to take advantage of the data they receive from us for advertising. Most of their profits, as the study revealed, comes from digital advertising. Giving us as consumers choice over whether we want our data to be in their system and used for digital advertising is something that could cause a shake-up in the way online platforms work. It could even derive a subscription fee similar to the ones existing on Netflix or Spotify. 
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           This is all something that will be followed in the coming months, but it appears that competition authorities did not grind to a halt due to the pandemic. 
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             Petar Pešić is a lawyer from Serbia. He has completed his LLM degree at the University of Cambridge, specializing in the area of Competition/Antitrust Law. During undergraduate studies at the University of Nis, Serbia, he was participating in numerous Moot Court Competition, of which most notable results were 1st place at the Trans-European Moot Court Competition before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, and Price E. Monroe Media Law Moot Court. He worked in the Legal Team in the iGaming industry before becoming a lawyer. His areas of interest include AI, IT Law, and Human Rights. He is fluent in English and Serbian and can communicate in Spanish. 
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Dec 2020 22:59:20 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/new-tools-for-antitrust</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Collective Consent for Algorithmic Accountability</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/collective-consent-for-algorithmic-accountabilitybaaa8d68</link>
      <description>The need to rethink the individualistic framework of ‘informed’ consent.</description>
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           PRIVACY
          
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           Collective Consent for Algorithmic Accountability  
          
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           The need to rethink the individualistic framework of  ‘informed’ consent.
          
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           By Sriya Sridhar
          
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           December 2, 2020
          
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           Over the course of our daily lives in the digital economy, we unwittingly ‘agree’ to have our data processed by a variety of entities. However, it is a universal phenomenon that it is rare for us to read terms and conditions and privacy policies and are not aware of what we agree to and what rights to our privacy we give up. Data protection legislation across the world focuses on this individualistic framework of notice-and-consent, where a user is ‘informed’ through terms of service, preventing the liability of the entity once the consent is given. These terms are always proposed to the user as an option of ‘take it or leave it’. When the only option for an individual is to either agree to the processing of their personal data for profit or to be excluded from access to the service, the power imbalance renders the consent without meaning. 
          
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            In the age of aggregated data and automated algorithmic decision making, much of the information about us (be it personal or anonymized data) is collected and used without our consent for a variety of purposes, ranging from targeted advertising to predictive policing.
           
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           When algorithms determine much of the information we are exposed to and the creation of concerning echo chambers,
          
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            the process of how one’s price of admission affects many is abstracted. In this situation, recognizing data privacy on a collective level can help to address the existing power imbalances, and more meaningfully address discrimination in digital spaces, as well as advocate for accountability in algorithmic bias.
           
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           How can algorithms lead to discrimination? 
          
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           In the system of surveillance capitalism
          
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            , the processes of anonymization and aggregating data are key sources of revenue for corporations monetizing the personal data of their users. It is also a key source of data for governments, for example when using AI and ML for the purposes of contact tracing during the COVID-19 pandemic. When personal data of users is
           
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           perceived as raw material for the prediction of user behaviour
          
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           , one may not be aware how the submission of their data has a broader effect on a community. An individual cannot truly know how the pieces of data they have submitted is used to create patterns on a larger scale, leading to predictions and profiling about groups of people and communities. 
          
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            For example, a
           
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           study conducted by researchers at Northeastern University
          
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            in the USA found that even without the element of human bias, the advertisement delivery algorithm of Facebook determined skewed audiences to show job ads, based on gender and race.   Advertisements for nurses and cleaners among others were shown mostly to women users, and advertisements for fast food workers and cashiers among others were shown to male, African-American users.  Therefore, data analytics and algorithms can define groups not only based on commonalities such as gender or religion, but on the basis of
           
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           ‘ad-hoc’ categories such as consumption  patterns and online behaviour
          
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            . It is then reasonable to conclude for example, that based on a political viewpoint expressed or product purchased, the algorithm can create broad patterns which could in turn be used by parties like advertisers, insurers, employers and landlords to profile.
           
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           This in turn has the consequence of perpetuating gender biases and discrimination, and would be further damaging for more marginalized communities, gender minorities and those from a lower socio-economic background.
          
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           How can we assert more autonomy on how our data is used for algorithms? 
          
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            Scholars have argued that
           
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           privacy must be seen as a public good
          
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            , due to the fact that an individual’s actions or carelessness has much broader effects on society.
           
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           Professor Helen Nissenbaum
          
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            has argued that ‘informed consent’ is fundamentally flawed, saying,
           
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            “proposals to improve and fortify notice-and-consent, such as clearer privacy policies and fairer information practices, will not overcome a fundamental flaw in the model, namely, its assumption that individuals can understand all facts relevant to true choice at the moment of pair-wise contracting between individuals and data gatherers.”
           
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            When society collectively acknowledges that we rarely  understand the terms on which we surrender our personal data, there cannot be any assumption of consenting to our data being used in an algorithm and the future predictions and biases that may lead to. This is further detrimental given that the adverse consequences of bias and profiling
           
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           most often affect minority populations.
          
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            There is simply no way that a user can meaningfully take back control in such a situation. Automated decision making has not only led to an infringement of privacy, but behavioural modification on a large scale. When a modification in a user’s behaviour is the product that is being sold and
           
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           consistently tweaked to achieve the desired result
          
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            for a third party corporation, the model of informed consent seems a mere band-aid solution. 
           
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            It is increasingly crucial to identify ways in which we can have a say in the algorithms that have come to dominate our lives and decisions. This is where collective consent may be of use.
           
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           Collective consent could bridge the gap
          
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            between situations where consent can only be obtained from an individual (for example, one’s name or phone number) and governmental regulation (for instances where masses may have similar data). For example, if collectives of people could decide on a template for a privacy policy, End User License Agreement or Terms and Conditions we could reasonably agree to, there is great potential for increasing understanding about how personal data is put towards algorithms,  and increasing fairness in the process of automated algorithmic decision making. If we as a collective could
           
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           frame standards for the collection of quantitative and qualitative data and have surveys published,
          
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            it would contribute towards removing a certain element of secrecy from the algorithms that make use of our data. The publication of such survey .results would also contribute to improving efforts in advocacy for privacy and democratic digital governance. 
           
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           Democratizing algorithmic decision making: Possible ways forward 
          
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            Several solutions have been posed to enable models of collective consent, such as data trusts. Data trusts are independent institutional structures, where data is placed
           
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           under the stewardship
          
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            of a trustee or board of trustees. Trustees would have a fiduciary responsibility to the beneficiaries of the data trust, that is, the community of people who have consented to keep their data in it.
           
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           The concept promotes the beneficial use of data for purposes that are catered towards public interest
          
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            . A collective under a trust would have more agency in how their data is used, collected, managed, and returned. Other data governance models include data co-operatives, data commons, and consent champions. A
           
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           working example is the UK Biobank
          
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           , a repository of medical data on more than 500,000 people who have consented to their data being used for research into cures, treatment and diagnosis of life threatening diseases. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and concerns regarding the inadequate privacy protections provided by contact tracing applications, the data trust model could have significant applications. 
          
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            There remain pertinent questions with respect to collective consent- the composition of collectives will defer based on the context, the fiduciary duties of a trust or steward would have to be clearly defined, and the modalities of enforcement must be determined, especially if the collective or community consists of vulnerable and marginalized populations. However, it is a step forward in re-conceptualizing data as a commons, and the internet as a public utility. An interesting offshoot of a requirement for collective consent could also be that the technology industry and other industries (such as health) could also engage in
           
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           wider information campaigns
          
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            to justify the benefits of the collection and use of personal data. A recent update to Google’s application in smartphones is a page called ‘your data in search’, which justifies why user data is important to improve the service. 
           
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           While such campaigns may be one sided explanations, the possibility of increasing transparency and reducing the secrecy commonly associated with algorithms has the potential to democratize our understanding of how predictions are made, what we are willing to agree to, and where we draw the line when it comes to automated decision making, bias and harmful information bubbles. Consent can truly be informed when we are able to understand how in the context of algorithmic decision making, the actions of one person can affect us all. 
          
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             Sriya Sridhar is a lawyer specializing in IP and Technology law from India, and is a Researcher in the AI and Fairness research cycle of the Institute. She completed her undergraduate degree in law where she developed a passion for policy relating to open access to IP, democratic digital governance, and exploring regulation of emerging technologies. She has researched on issues such as taxation and antitrust in the digital economy, improving access to technologies, data privacy and IP regulation, algorithmic accountability, and the use of technology for access to justice. She has experience in transactional and policy related work, and has engaged in teaching and pro-bono legal assistance. She volunteers for digital governance and user rights based initiatives, hoping to engage meaningfully in the creation of a more democratic internet.
            
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Dec 2020 22:59:17 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/collective-consent-for-algorithmic-accountabilitybaaa8d68</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>A Heavy Cloud</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-heavy-cloud</link>
      <description>The IT sector emits 830 million tons of CO2 a year. Does the future call for a “cleaner” internet?</description>
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           SUSTAINABILITY
          
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           A Heavy Cloud
          
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           The IT sector emits 830 million tons of CO2 a year. Does the future call for a “cleaner” internet?
          
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           By Annie Groth
          
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           November 22, 2020
          
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           You are curious about digital policy, sustainability, and the risks to ethical technological development. You find a cool initiative--it’s called the Institute for the Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society, and you decide to check out their website. You click. You emit
          
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           2.42 grams of CO2
          
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           . 
          
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           Before closing down this article due to newfound environmental guilt, consider why the internet is polluting. On a basic level, running websites and other digital tools require energy. Coal, petroleum, wind, or solar energy have different emissions factors, and the internet is far from being green. 
          
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           If we compare the global information-communications-technology (ICT) system to the aviation sector, the former consumes around
          
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           50% more energy
          
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           . Energy, nonetheless, is not all the same. While aviation relies on oil, ICT systems need electricity. 
          
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           In fact, these ecosystems need significant amounts of electricity. In 2013, the world’s ICT system consumed an estimated
          
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           1,500 TWh of electricity
          
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           . This was the equivalent of Japan’s and Germany’s combined electrical consumption. In order to understand how quickly electricity demand is growing, the same amount of energy the world’s ICT system used was equivalent to the world’s entire electricity consumption in 1985. 
          
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           Energy: the internet’s biggest carbon source
          
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           While the amount of energy ICT systems consume may seem absurd, the real problem is not so much quantity as it is quality. The International Energy Association
          
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           estimates
          
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           that 67% of the world’s power generation came from combustible fuels in 2017. Among the sources of electricity,
          
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           over a third comes from coal
          
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           This means our networks, storage services, and production lines need to source better electricity. Take, for example,
          
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           Low-Tech Magazine
          
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           . Its website is entirely solar-powered and runs on a mini-computer with about the same processing capacity of a smartphone. The website is complete with a three-day weather forecast; because some days are cloudy, you may not be able to access it. 
          
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           According to the
          
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           Magazine’s editor
          
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           , Kris De Decker, “because a web redesign was long overdue -- and because we try to practice what we preach -- we decided to build a low-tech website that meets our needs and abides by our principles.” De Decker seems to be on track. His website is
          
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           cleaner than 80%
          
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           of all other websites online. 
          
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           But expecting every website to be renewably powered is not feasible. While there is not enough renewable energy to power the internet, certain websites and apps have begun committing to cleaner energy sources. Greenpeace compiles a
          
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           report
          
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           for comparison. You can feel good watching a video on Facebook and Youtube. Netflix? Not so much. And if you want to listen to music, stay away from Soundcloud. 
          
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           These “cleaner” websites may not necessarily use renewables, but they can complement their efforts by offsetting their carbon emissions or through advocacy work. For example,
          
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           67%
          
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           of Whatsapp’s energy in 2017 was clean energy, but Greenpeace believes the company could do better in terms of advocating for change.  The company receives an “A” overall. 
          
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           Where is the internet’s pollution?
          
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           While energy is the internet’s dirty (big) secret, the part of the IT sector which most consumes energy is end-use devices. This may seem self-evident--of course, the energy needed to run laptops, phones, and tablets would add up. Though what is most apparent is that the structure needed to operate our electronic devices increasingly accounts for its energy consumption.
          
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           For example, electricity for IT networks and data centers accounted for half of all consumption in 2017. Five years earlier, they only amassed 35% of energy consumption. Clearly, understanding how the internet is structured and where energy demands are predicted to grow are important to curb emissions. 
          
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            Just as ICT’s energy consumption is dominated by coal, a single data center is a monopoly for storage. If at this point you are thinking of a large, computer-stacked block in the Silicon Valley, China’s Zhongguancun, or even
           
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           Tel Aviv
          
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           , think again. Big storage is in Loudoun County, Virginia. 
          
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            Over 70% of global internet traffic goes through Loudoun County on a
           
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           daily basis
          
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           . In Loudoun County, almost 6 million square feet are farmlands; 10 million square feet are data centers in operation, with another 3 million being projected. 
          
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            Almost all of Loudoun County’s energy is provided by a utility company called
           
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           Dominion Energy
          
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            . The company boost itself in leading the way towards
           
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           clean energy
          
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            . It has the largest off-shore wind farm owned by an American company and ranks third for largest solar portfolio. Only three years earlier, electricity sourced through coal was
           
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           six times larger
          
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            than through solar and wind power combined. 
           
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           Looking ahead: a cleaner internet
          
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            It is no coincidence that Dominion Energy and companies like Facebook, Apple, and Microsoft set net-zero emissions targets. On one hand, committing to sustainability
           
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           helps a company
          
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            : it can increase brand value, attract new customers and investors, as well as aid in productivity. But on a grander scale, IT companies are large polluters, and they must pay the
           
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           price of carbon
          
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           . 
          
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           Consumers already think of carbon emissions for several products: conscious consumers eat less red meat, consider offsetting flights, or buy fewer new clothes. Perhaps it is now time to put pressure on another good and consider the footprint of the tech companies you buy and use from.
          
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             Annie Groth is a business analyst for a carbon-trading company, which operates primarily in the Brazilian Amazon Rainforest. She believes many issues (if not all) should be observed from an interdisciplinary point of view. At the Institute, she is a researcher at the cycle of Technology &amp;amp; Sustainability. 
            
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Dec 2020 22:59:13 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/a-heavy-cloud</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,circulareconomy,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Illegal vs Harmful Online Content</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/illegal-vs-harmful-online-content</link>
      <description>Some reflections on the upcoming Digital Services Act package.</description>
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           EU REGULATION
          
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           Illegal vs Harmful Online Content
          
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           Some reflections on the upcoming Digital Services Act package.
          
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           By Francesco Vogelezang
          
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            ﻿
           
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           December 2, 2020
          
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           Leo Moraes
          
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           Online content regulation has recently gained political momentum in the European Union (EU), most notably after the 2016 United States’ (US) elections where fake news’ propagation and hate speech dominated the salient phases of the campaign. This was evident as 
          
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           Alcott and Gentzkow
          
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            found that while 62% of US adults accessed news on social media, the most popular fake news stories were more shared than the mainstream ones. Put into numbers, they discovered that if fake news is shared 38 million times, it can potentially generate more than 760 million clicks. This is alarming considering that a study conducted by the 
          
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           Pew Research Centre
          
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            in 2018 discovered that 67% of US adults used social media to access political news.
          
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           In light of these threats, European regulators have tried to tackle the issue at the national level. This was mostly evident in 
          
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           Germany
          
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            and 
          
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           France
          
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            where hate speech laws were soon adopted but criticized by many. This is because of two main reasons. First, these bills significantly restrict information availability because online platforms, due to the threat of punishment, have an incentive to take down content preemptively. Second, such obligations are deemed to be disproportionate as platforms have to act in unreasonable short amounts of time. As occurred in France, the hate speech law was ruled unconstitutional on these grounds.
          
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           However, this is not it. The EU is set to pass an ambitious framework that aims to regulate the market conduct of large online platforms acting as gatekeepers. This is the 
          
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           Digital Services Act package
          
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            that would modernize the intermediary liability regime established by the 
          
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           2000 eCommerce Directive
          
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            by introducing the concept of intermediary responsibility. It would act on two main pillars. First, it would clarify the responsibilities of digital services in light of users’ fundamental rights. Second, it would create ex-ante competition rules to regulate the conduct of online platforms while securing innovation and transparency in the market. If adopted, content regulation could be legally enshrined at the supranational level as online platforms would be subject to more stringent rules across the EU27.
          
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           Nevertheless, despite the ambitious character of the proposal, the EU should not rush into “easy-to-adopt-solutions”. For the DSA to be effective, it is pivotal to safeguard the 
          
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           country of origin principle
          
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           , one of the success stories of the single market, while keeping online platforms accountable to regulators. Therefore, in the paragraphs that follow, I touch on some of the main tensions that should be addressed by EU regulators. Precisely, I argue on the fundamental difference between harmful and illegal content and how such a distinction should be governed by the right political architecture.
          
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           The first area of tension is represented by the realization that content matters and that is not a fixed concept. This constitutes one of the main points that emerged after the two 
          
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           consultation
          
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           rounds
          
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            organized by the European Commission. On the one hand, we can observe how online platforms do not want heavier obligations in regards to content regulation. Thus, they underline their intermediary function, as stipulated by the current 
          
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           Safe Harbor regime
          
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           . This was strongly emphasized by the Facebook White Paper on 
          
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           Online Content Regulation
          
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           , but rejected by the European Commission. As 
          
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           Gillespie
          
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            points out, this can be largely explained by the irreconcilable contradiction that platforms face: they pretend to make systemic choices about what users see and say while being classified as mere conduits. On the other hand, diffuse interest groups are also against but for different reasons. Hence, they believe that information society providers should not perform such an unrestrained policing role in determining what is lawful or not on their platforms. As they argue, this would unjustly undermine users’ freedom of speech and right to information in the online sphere.
          
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           This opposition mainly arises because of the inherent struggle between users’ rights and the nature of information society at large. This is clearly evident when balancing freedom of speech with platform’s intermediary exemptions as actions to protect users’ rights in the online sphere seem to collide with self-regulatory initiatives. For instance, this is the case with natural language processing (NLP) algorithms that cannot grant, at the moment, 
          
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           sufficient certainty
          
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            in distinguishing between illegal and legal content. 
          
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           Spoerri
          
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            indeed underlines the high false-positives rates as filters cannot properly take into account factors such as context or satire. It follows that if companies were to adopt such ex ante requirements, they would simply reduce their range of tolerance, hence prioritizing 
          
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           over-blocking
          
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            to avoid eventual legal risks and enforcement costs. This could have serious repercussions on users’ rights, as opposed to the initial aim of the measure that is to protect them. As occurred with the Facebook Oversight Board, such a leeway could result in a de facto creation of an 
          
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           online constitutional order
          
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           . This would indeed undermine the capacity of offline regulators to influence the conduct of online actors. Therefore, it is necessary to ensure that platforms do not enjoy such discretion in balancing users’ rights in the online sphere and that they are accountable to regulators.
          
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           One way to solve this issue could be the establishment of a specific legal regime that differentiates between illegal and harmful content with the aim to specify companies’ responsibilities. A recent 
          
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            commissioned by the European Parliament offers a good starting point to build an appropriate framework. Accordingly, illegal content would encompass a large variety of information items that are not compliant with EU and national legislation, such as hate speech, incitement to violence, child abuse material and revenge porn. Instead, harmful content, refers to information that does not strictly fall under legal prohibitions but that might nevertheless have harmful effects. Inter alia, these include cyberbullying and mis-or disinformation.
          
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           How could this work in practice? In the case of illegal content, online platforms should be entitled to ex ante removal, but if and only if available NLP algorithms are sufficiently precise in detecting such a threat. For instance, this is the case for child pornography, where 
          
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           available evidence
          
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            indicates that such system works 
          
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           effectively
          
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           . On the contrary, for terrorism and hate speech, this does not seem to be efficient as 
          
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           interpretation
          
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            heavily depends on mediating contextual factors that are oftentimes overlooked by existing filtering systems. It is therefore crucial for the EU to adopt a sectoral approach with the aim to determine in which areas NLP is sufficiently reliable in identifying illegal content. This is not currently the case in the eCommerce Directive that broadly encourages:
          
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           “the development and operation of technical systems of protection and identification and of technical surveillance instruments made possible by digital technology” (recital 40).
          
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           To tackle these technical and legal shortcomings, suspicious borderline content should be labelled by platforms and reported to a responsible monitoring body. This would allow the delineation of horizontal legal criteria based on previous case-to-case assessments by regulators. Most importantly, it would instruct platforms on how to identify content when suspicion arises, hence moving the monopoly of interpretation from the private to the public. For this process to be effective, nevertheless, it is fundamental to uphold the transparency principle as to oblige online platforms to disclose the criteria behind preemptive filtering. This regulatory prerogative seems to be included in the DSA package in order to keep platforms accountable and eventually punish them for non-compliance.
          
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           In addition, users could prove to be useful here. Thus, encompassing and transparent notice and take-down mechanisms should be put in place as to allow citizens to flag the allegedly infringing material. Online platforms would then have the choice to remove it based on pre-determined criteria defined by regulators or, again, report it swiftly to the responsible watchdog authority. Throughout this process, remedies should be available to complainants as to appeal decisions to, or not to, revoke content. Likewise, adequate penalties for abusive notices should be available to regulators. When it is ascertained that the flagged content is illegal, platforms should be given adequate and reasonable time to remove it, provided that it will remain labelled throughout the whole process.
          
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           In the case of harmful but legal content, the situation becomes more complicated as it consists of information that may be inadequate for certain categories of users, but whose legality varies significantly across Member States. This poses an extra layer of difficulty to the country of origin principle as the institutional context at stake plays a crucial role in determining online harm. To solve this, labelling could once again be instrumental because it would allow to signal the dangerousness associated with certain information. In this case, regulators could potentially delineate a narrowly-defi
          
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           ned 
          
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           wellbeing in the online sphere. This could be associated to obligations to label contestable and susceptible content, as occurred with Twitter during the 2020 US elections.
          
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           Nevertheless, such an action should not stop at the detection stages. Instead, it should provide for long-term legal harmonization. To this end, as proposed by the DSA package, this regulatory architecture could be governed by an independent EU body tasked with monitoring platforms’ conduct inside the internal market. This is important because platforms have different community guidelines as they prioritize certain categories of content and actions based on their technical and political architectures. Moreover, the establishment of a supranational body would allow to streamline legal differences across Member States in the identification of harmful content by allowing the creation of a supranational definition. Hence, national divergences constitute one of the most criticized aspects of the eCommerce Directive as the current legal regime is characterized by persistent cross-border uncertainty.
          
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           Under this scheme, online platforms would still retain the prerogative to identify harmful content based on users’ complaints and automated filtering in safe areas. However, the decision to eventually strike down doubtful information would be dependent on predefined criteria by regulators. As such, labelling could prove useful again as it could help in solving another legal tension: the Good Samaritan Paradox. The latter refers to the situation where information society providers would lose their intermediary exemption in the moment they decide to take significant action to protect users’ rights. To solve this, a conditionality-based 
          
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            could be introduced to guarantee intermediary protection. As previously discussed, platforms should be encouraged to label harmful content and disclose the rationale behind such filtering with the promise of being exempted from direct liability.
          
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           Similarly, such a conditionality-based approach could be offered in conjunction with content variegation requirements. This could be extremely helpful in regulating harmful content as this category includes fake news and mis-or disinformation. The latter is a very sensitive area that has so far been approached through voluntary self-regulation, as in the case of the 
          
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           EU Code of Practice on Disinformation
          
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           . However, this approach has been questioned throughout the covid19 pandemic as platforms have significantly failed to contain the spread of misleading information. In election times, this is critical as social media could potentially dictate the flow of the political conversation, thus alimenting online echo-chambers and filter bubbles. Likewise, if governments were to adopt rigid solutions, they could be accused of censorship. To solve this stalemate, the exposure to ideologically diverse content could serve as good compromise. Moreover, as 
          
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            proposes, online platforms could be entitled to identify persistent offenders in spreading misinformation, which would then be removed after receiving a significant amount of warnings. For instance, this approach could be pivotal in reducing the power of social media automated bots.
          
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           Overall, the distinction between harmful and illegal content could be beneficial in balancing users’ rights in the online sphere while keeping online platforms accountable to regulators. However, it is evident that such an approach should not just rely on rigid obligations but on flexibility. As shown by the French hate speech law, excessive impositions on platforms could provoke undesired consequences that might undermine users’ rights in the online sphere. This is because, on the one hand, information service providers could enjoy excessive discretion in taking voluntary actions to regulate content’s circulation. This would strengthen their position in the market, thus de facto making them rights’ gatekeepers. On the other hand, with a self-regulatory approach, they would have an incentive to over-remove content that is not illegal.
          
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           Nevertheless, this tension could be addressed by differentiating between harmful and illegal content, as a sustainable and fair compromise could be struck. As I have described, regulators have a variety of options in their hands. However, the situation could easily become suboptimal if they decide for easy and rushed solutions. The slope is slippery but the DSA nevertheless provides a wide array of possible regulatory instruments. Thus, European regulators have the upper hand to take significant steps in regulating platforms’ conduct across the Union and protect users’ rights. A distinction between harmful and illegal content could indeed serve as a good starting point.
          
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           *This post was written as part of the Regulation and Digital Economy class taught by Bertrand Pailhès, Benoît Loutrel &amp;amp; Doaa Abu Elyounes at Sciences Po Paris.
          
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             Francesco is pursuing a Master degree in European Affairs at SciencesPo Paris, with a specialization in Digital, New Technology &amp;amp; Public Policy. Previously, he graduated from Maastricht University with a Bachelor degree in European Studies. This summer, he is interning as an external consultant at the OECD Directorate for Science, Technology &amp;amp; Innovation. 
            
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Dec 2020 22:59:11 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/illegal-vs-harmful-online-content</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Identity for Digital Governments</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-identity-for-digital-governments</link>
      <description>How to get governments to consider digitizing processes and accelerating their digital transformation processes, not only through the implementation of new systems and processes but by starting by investing in initiatives and incentives that promote the digital identity of their member citizens.</description>
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           DIGITAL GOVERNMENT
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             Digital Identity for Digital Governments 
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           How to get governments to consider digitizing processes and accelerating their digital transformation processes, not only through the implementation of new systems and processes but by starting by investing in initiatives and incentives that promote the digital identity of their member citizens.
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           By Karol Valencia
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           November 22, 2020
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           Akiko
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           Trust in relationships is the value that underpins any modern society. The official identity of citizens is the cornerstone of this trust.
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           In times of pandemics, digital transformation and governments trying to implement digital initiatives that improve their arrival to citizens to improve government services and citizens' access to government services, it is necessary to talk about the development of digital trust and trust in relationships is the value on which any modern society is based. Having said that, I will then proceed to indicate that the official identity of the citizens is the cornerstone of that trust. There is a direct correlation between this trust (analogue in transition to digital)  and the main democratic values, as well as between these values and national GDP and our way of life. The improvement of a percentage point in the ranking that scores the democratic values developed by
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           has a 13.6% positive impact on our lives: $13,286 in the increase in per capita income; 2.6 years improvement in life expectancy and 2 positive points in the Inequality Coefficient.
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           In the last decade, technology has become the principal value-generating industry, far surpassing the best as is the energy industry.
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           The digital wave is being greatly underestimated by Europe; the region is the world's second largest economy, accounting for 20% of the total value generated, but with a representation of only 4% in the technology industry. The speed of transformation and concentration of the economy are growing:
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           56% of the major companies
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           per valuation are technological.
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           Trust in relationships is the value on which any modern society is based. The official identity of citizens is the cornerstone of this trust and it is precisely in the development of this digital trust that governments must focus on in order to carry out future initiatives aimed at the consolidation of digital governments.
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           More than half of the world's population lives today without an official identity. These populations belong precisely to the countries with the lowest per capita income, human development index, higher inequality and lower life expectancy. It's not a fluke.
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           In developed regions such as
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           , identity is the essential element that enables relations amongst citizens, and between citizens and the Government and the Institutions. At the same time, it offers legal certainty and trust that make business privately possible. Identity has been instrumental in building our current way of life and the democratic values that sustain our welfare state, which as solidarity citizens and aware of the current context, seek to expand globally to promote true international cooperation not only at European level.
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           Our lifestyle is based on this trust that an official identity offers. Let us think for a moment of actions that we usually carry out: bank transfers, a payment of rent of housing, travel, visa,  among many others that few governments and companies in the private sector – even in mutual collaboration - have digitized 100% and that I believe can and must be digitized and for all these an act of identification is required.
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           There is a direct correlation between this trust and the main democratic values and, moreover, a directly proportional relationship of these democratic values with national GDP and our way of life: the middle. The Economist draws up an
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           annual ranking
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           that analyses democracy in 167 states around the world, scoring and ranking them in categories ranging from full democracy to authoritarian rule. It bases its score on objective criteria of democratic values, such as: pluralism and electoral process, civil liberties, government functioning, participation and political culture.
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           Let's talk about digital identity then
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           Digital Identity
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           is the electronic equivalent of the analog official identity, the main instrument of which corresponds to the physical identity documents issued and managed by governments. Digital Identity is composed of the characteristics (identifiers and attributes) of the person who provides it with a unique nature among the population or in a particular context and is recognized by States for a regulatory purpose or other official purposes. This concept has already been recognized and developed in Europe by the
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           eIDAS Regulation
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           (910/2014), in force since July 2016.
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           The eIDAS allows citizens – regardless of the work to which they are dedicated – to be able to use so-called electronic trust services, through a digital document, such as electronic certificates of companies. This Digital Identity allows electronic relationships of trust between citizens, companies, and governments when it comes to identifying and legally demonstrating the will in agreements and contracts.
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           In my particular opinion this new Digital Identity will complement for some time the analog identity to be used in the digital channel but, eventually, could replace it completely thanks to the easy use of the Digital Identity on any channel, provided that the necessary security and technological procedures are followed.
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           Digital Identity will help citizens to access better services so that any process with governments and private companies is carried out efficiently and effectively with "few clicks". All this within channels and areas that have the necessary technology to ensure legitimacy, security and legality.
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           Digital Identity is an essential tool to be able to introduce mechanisms of citizen participation at all levels. All to serve the real interests of the citizenry and promote the productive economy.
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           The role of government and participation is essential in the evolution of democratic values and the main impact difference between full democracies and authoritarian regimes.
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           After all the shared ideas about digital identity and digital governments; I leave you with this question to reflect: Do you believe that it is possible to generate a single digital identification document that will help us to access all the services and procedures that we must perform?
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             Karol Valencia: Human/Digital Nomad/BeSci &amp;amp; Tech Lover/Legal Service Designer at eID/Facilitator in Legal Design &amp;amp; mindset frameworks/Teacher &amp;amp; Speaker/Futurist Enthusiast, Digital Inclusion
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      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Nov 2020 22:01:09 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-identity-for-digital-governments</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">binoculars,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The Road to Technocolonialism</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-road-to-techno-colonialism</link>
      <description>When asked about the geopolitical implications of AI, experts tend to focus on security issues. However, given the Sino-American duopoly on the technology, AI has the potential to extend their geopolitical influence and reconfigure the global order of the 21st Century. As automation wreaks havoc in the developing world, the US and China will supply AI to states in return for political influence and streams of data. If left unchecked this process can lead to techno-colonialism.</description>
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           AI GEOPOLITICS
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             The Road to Technocolonialism
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           When asked about the geopolitical implications of AI, experts tend to focus on security issues. However, given the Sino-American duopoly on the technology, AI has the potential to extend their geopolitical influence and reconfigure the global order of the 21st Century. As automation wreaks havoc in the developing world, the US and China will supply AI to states in return for political influence and streams of data. If left unchecked this process can lead to techno-colonialism.
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           By  Giorgos Verdi
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           November 22, 2020
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           Ships in Bombay Harbour, Samuel Scott 1731
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           The Global Asymmetrical Duopoly of AI 
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            The coin of international relations is power. According to John Mearshimer, power equates with material capabilities which, in the case of states, can be divided into latent (economy)  and actual (military) power. Artificial intelligence is currently transforming both of these. First of all, AI has the potential to drive global productivity upwards by automating routine tasks, enhancing jobs that survive and disrupting entire industries. According to consulting company
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           Accenture
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            , global growth rates will be doubled until 2035 due to the integration of AI into our economic lives. Second of all, AI is transforming military operations in every aspect, from lethal autonomous weapons to cyber-operations. While these may sound like science fiction, it is indicative that AI systems have already been deployed during
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           US military operations
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            in Iraq and in Syria.
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            Despite the importance that AI will have for the survival and prosperity of states in the 21st century, a paradox seems to arise: Only a handful of states  have developed National Strategies on AI. Two of them – the United States and China – have emerged as undisputed leaders in the field of
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           . This success is largely due to their “domestic champions”, the multinational corporations that have come to be known as GAFAMI (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Microsoft, IBM) and BATX (Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent, Xiaomi) $3.3 trillion of market capitalization. For reference, respective European “domestic champions” represent only $1 billion of market capitalization.
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           The development of AI is significantly affected by economies of scale and network effects. Simply put, more data leads to a better product which attracts more customers who provide even more data. Moreover, according to Kai Fu Lee, the development of AI requires four ingredients: research talent, data, a company ecosystem, and government policy. Therefore, these stable factors, together with the properties of AI, have led us to this global duopoly which - at the moment - seems inescapable. 
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           Techno-colonialism or a New Dark Age?
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           The inability of most states to compete with the AI Superpowers, reveals the geoeconomic potential of AI. Without proper infrastructure to develop AI systems of their own, most states will turn to the US and China to secure access to AI and ensure prosperity and security. In exchange for supplying AI, the US and China are likely to request political and economic gains. Most probably, this relationship will firstly emerge in developing countries, where automation will wreak havoc at low-wage industrial employment. To avoid this socioeconomic hit, developing countries will sign deals with AI Superpowers so that they can access technology and economic aid as they will be unable to tax domestic champions in their national territory.
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            AI Superpowers have two main incentives to seek this kind of relationship. Firstly, AI client states will be assigned to their sphere of influence, which will lead to the geographical expansion of their political and economic control. Secondly, AI Superpowers will be able to ensure enormous streams of data. Developing countries will trade access to AI for the data of their citizens, so that AI Superpowers can gain an advantage on their in-between competition.
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           This can be described as a techno-colonial relationship, in the sense that centralized control and ownership of technology is used to exercise a form of domination. AI Superpowers are likely to employ carrot and stick policies: whenever an AI client defects and disobeys the political will of their supplier, it is likely to be punished through technology transfer limitations or by employing other more traditional geoeconomic tools such as sanctions. In any case, the AI client will abolish the benefits of AI, with major potential socioeconomic consequences.
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           Today, we can already observe a glimpse of techno-colonialism. In Africa for example, the United States and China have increased their influence through four main channels. Firstly, economic dependence. In South Africa, for example, Google and Facebook dominate 82% of the digital advertising industry. Secondly, streams of data. The government of Zimbabwe signed a deal with Chinese company CloudWalk Technology, providing it with all biometric data of its citizens in the context of the digital citizenship initiative.  Thirdly, control of digital ecosystems. The integration of Google and Microsoft software systems in Africa’s education through programs such as Operation Phasika Education, gives Big Tech corporations control over economic and cultural aspects of life. Finally, state surveillance. As Huawei rolls out 5G Networks in Africa, we should keep in mind how the company was charged for spying on the African Union premises in Addis Abeba.
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           These examples illustrate the growing dependence of Africa on the digital technology of the US and China. The GAFAMI and BATX corporations use their competitive advantage and gain political, economic, and cultural control over African states. The emergence of Artificial Intelligence is going to accelerate this process.
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           According to journalist Kevin Drum, the geopolitics of 19th century were mere footnotes to the Industrial Revolution. In the 21st century, geopolitics will be significantly shaped by the Second Industrial Revolution and the emergence of AI. The United States and China have gained a significant advantage on AI development and are expected to dominate great power politics. If this process is left unchecked, developing countries will be faced with a vicious dilemma: Techno-colonialism or a New Dark Age?
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           Giorgos Verdi is a policy researcher at the European Student Think Tank and a research assistant at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP).
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      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Nov 2020 21:46:48 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-road-to-techno-colonialism</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,editorspicks,digitalinclusion,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Brazil votes again but it is not exactly what you think</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/brazil-votes-again</link>
      <description>The 2020 Municipal Elections in Brazil take place mid-November, after the Covid-19 pandemic pushed the world to adapt its elections online, with these types of services becoming more crucial than ever before. However, after the turbulent 2018 Presidential Elections in the country, its legal system has changed as an attempt to promote fairer and safer electoral campaigns. Privacy and data protection are now essential to prevent the misuse of personal data and to fight fake news.</description>
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           ELECTIONS
          
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             Brazil votes again but it is not exactly what you think
            
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           The 2020 Municipal Elections in Brazil took place mid-November, after the Covid-19 pandemic pushed the world to adapt its elections online, with these types of services becoming more crucial than ever before. However, after the turbulent 2018 Presidential Elections in the country, its legal system has changed as an attempt to promote fairer and safer electoral campaigns. Privacy and data protection are now essential to prevent the misuse of personal data and to fight fake news.
          
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           By Luísa Franco Machado
          
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           November 22, 2020
          
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           The previous Brazilian presidential elections in 2018, have been discussed and studied worldwide. The events influencing the electoral game at that time have become an example of the dangers for democracy in regards to the misuse of technology in elections.  During the campaign that led populist candidate Jair Bolsonaro to become the president of Brazil, the massive usage of microtargeting on social media was considered key to get him the votes he needed in order to win over the other candidates. Especially, over the left-wing candidate Fernando Haddad. The use of messaging apps, which allowed for the spread of fake news and disinformation, led to debates over the legality of Bolsonaro’s actions, even threatening his candidacy. 
          
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           After debates on whether or not this year’s Municipal Elections should take place due to the Covid-19 crisis, the Government decided that they will take place in November -one month later than originally planned-. With mobility and health restrictions imposed by the pandemic, online campaigns are now more than ever in the spotlight. Boosting content on Facebook and even Instagram or using WhatsApp to reach more voters, which have been almost exclusively connected to certain candidacies, are now key means to adapt electoral campaigns to the
          
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           However, the rules of the game have slightly changed. The Brazilian General Data Protection Law (LGPD) was approved in August 2018, but not in time for enforcement during that same year’s Presidential Elections. It anticipated a two-year entry into force period, until August 2020, in order to allow the country to adapt their systems to this new framework. However, in April this year, president Bolsonaro issued a provisional measure suggesting that the law’s entry into force should be postponed until May 2021 due to the impossibility for the society to adapt to the new regulations given the Covid-19 pandemic. After a back-and-forth game that also involved the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, the latter decided that the law would have effects after the president sanctions it, which has happened in September this year. 
          
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           The changes in Law to regulate online electoral campaigns have been happening since before the previous elections, but for this year new bills and jurisprudence have been introduced to the legal order, especially when it comes to fighting fake news and protecting personal data.  Beyond the LGPD,  the Electoral Law and specific resolutions from the Superior Electoral Court regulate under which institutional principles these online campaigns should be built. Currently, the candidates have already started their campaigns, and the changes in regulation can already be perceived through their online activity. 
          
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           According to the Brazilian Law, the following are some of the regulations in force during the Municipal Election that are currently determining how the candidates should behave in their online campaign:
          
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           An important change in online electoral campaigns between the previous election and this year’s is the regulation of paid electoral advertising on the internet. The boosting of content must be clearly identified as such, under the risk of a penalty. For instance, if the user finds electoral propaganda on Facebook, they have to know that this has been paid by the candidate or their party to be there. Moreover, the boosted content can only be promoted by the candidate or the party’s official (and not personal) pages. Third party promotions, including those done by marketing agencies or consulting firms (such as in the British Cambridge Analytica scandal), are now considered illegal. In order to better monitor and punish those who do not abide by these regulations, candidates can only promote their content through platforms whose companies have legal representation in Brazil. This serves as a guarantee that illegal acts will be punishable by the Brazilian Law. 
          
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           The Facebook-owned messaging app WhatsApp played a decisive role during the previous presidential election, considered to be the key tool that allowed Jair Bolsonaro’s victory. For the 2020 Municipal Elections, personal data protection activists and scholars have been expecting restrictions to be implemented on this and similar messaging apps, such as Telegram, Confide or even SMS, in order to avoid the misuse of these proven powerful tools. 
          
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           Even if a complete ban of electoral advertising through these apps did not happen, important restrictions have been imposed on this matter. Now, individual users have to register their phone number with the candidate or the party directly in order to have their contact included in the mailing list, besides having the possibility to opt-out at any time. Moreover, only the candidate or the party themselves are allowed to send the messages, strictly forbidding automated mass messaging by bots. As a result, companies, NGOs, and other institutions are not authorized to provide or sell personal and contact details of customers or supporters. 
          
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           Although these restrictions are considered to be a step forward when it comes to data protection, it does not prevent Fake News from circulating at large levels. Most of the restrictions imposed, such as the need for an unsubscription possibility or the rules on electoral advertising, do not apply for individual sympathizers advertising their candidates privately. However, even if this exception is understandable, it generates a loophole in the possible sanctions in case the candidates’ personal connections create WhatsApp groups to spread false information. 
          
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           Although these new regulations come to set a safer and fairer electoral game, this bet does not come without limitations. Small candidates, who do not have a big party or coalition behind their candidacy, might suffer from an increased bureaucracy when preparing for their campaign. Online advertising seemed to be a more accessible type of campaign, especially for those who do not have a big team of marketing specialists behind their candidacy. The new LGPD handles small candidates just like they do with multinational companies such as Google or Amazon. For example, in both cases, a signed consent should be collected from the user of the institution or person allowing for their personal data to be processed. However, it is clear that big companies have more resources and capacity to apply this rule than a small candidate aiming to diffuse their ideas through WhatsApp to like-minded individuals. The question now is how the fiscalization of these regulations will work, and whether or not they will take into consideration the capacity of each stakeholder to implement them.
          
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           The changes in the legal system when it comes to manipulation of data and behavioral restrictions during the electoral campaign will be perceived by both candidates and voters. However, the implementation of restrictions often do not keep candidates from circumventing them in creative ways, as it has happened in the past. Moreover, as Brazil deals with the consequences of the pandemic, it is unclear whether the fiscalization will be effective or not. For now, we can only observe the electoral campaigns unfold and witness the outcomes of these new regulations, which can already be perceived
          
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             Luísa Franco Machado holds a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and Latin American Studies from Sciences Po Paris, and she is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in International Public Management at the same institution. Previously, she has worked at the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS). At our Institute, she serves as a research fellow.
            
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      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Nov 2020 21:19:10 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/brazil-votes-again</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Technology Transfer for Climate Action</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/technology-transfer-for-climate-action</link>
      <description>UNFCCC efforts to promote transfer and development of climate technologies in developing countries.</description>
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           SUSTAINABILITY
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             Technology Transfer 
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             for Climate Action  
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           UNFCCC efforts to promote transfer and development of climate technologies in developing countries.  
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           By Nayelly Landeros
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           November 22, 2020
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           Jason Kiely
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           From blockchain for efficient energy consumption to machine learning for flood forecasting, using climate technology greatly supports and accelerates climate action. But lack of funding and other social, environmental, and political constraints are often barriers for countries to access and develop existing and new technologies needed to mitigate and adapt to the adverse effects of global warming. Hence, placing the right mechanisms and policies is crucial to the deployment and transfer of environmentally sound technologies that support national climate actions, particularly in developing countries.
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           Dissemination and large-scale deployment of cheaper and better performing technologies are key essential to supporting adaptive capacity and climate change efforts. According to a new report of the World Bank, two-thirds of the emission reductions needed to meet the Paris Agreement can be achieved by mass deployment of existing low-carbon technology. The challenge remains to make these technologies available to developing countries. Against this background, technology transfer has received increased attention over the past years due to its instrumental role in deploying climate technologies in developing countries.
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           Climate technology transfer?
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           Climate technologies
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           are any technology - equipment, technique, knowledge, or skill - that is used to reduce GHG emissions or to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change. For instance, clean energy equipment like wind turbine generators or early warning systems. The term "soft technologies" refers to areas like education, best climate practices, knowledge sharing, and training. Climate technology, therefore, includes hard technology, such as devices and digital tools, but also soft technologies such as skill-sharing, feasibility studies or regulatory guidance for climate change, and capacity building activities.
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           to support climate action encompasses the set of processes covering the flows of promotion, facilitation, and financing for the transfer of, or access to, climate technologies within and between countries and other stakeholders. While there is not a “one-size fits all” formula, assessment of specific technological needs and adaptation to local conditions are some of the necessary steps for effective technology transfer according to the
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           Technology transfer to developing countries is a pillar to drive climate action in the major international environmental agreements. For instance, the Montreal Protocol, the Kyoto Protocol, and the Paris Agreement have provisions addressing the importance of financial resources and technology transfer from developed to developing countries.
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           UNFCCC efforts to enhance the transfer and development of climate technology. 
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           In the international arena, the UN Climate Change Convention (UNFCCC) has been an important forum for discussion and agreement on climate technology transfer. Over the last 20 years, it has developed a global collaboration framework to promote access and transfer of environmentally sound technologies to developing countries.
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            that are contributing to the successful development and transfer of climate technologies to developing countries.
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           Economic, environmental, and social issues vary from one country to another, and so do their climate needs and sector priorities. To understand the specific adaptation and mitigation necessities and barriers, developing countries conduct technology needs assessments (TNAs). TNAs help to identify the best-suited technologies to a country's climate situation and enable the technology action plan for its implementation. To illustrate this, in the
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           Georgia was advised to implement coastal zone protection technologies
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            Conversely, it is recommended that Thailand prioritizes integrated data modeling and R&amp;amp;D research for water resource management and agriculture. The TDAs are developed in line with the country commitments under the Paris Agreement.
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           Established in 2010 at the COP16, the Technological mechanism is an umbrella mechanism whose objective is to facilitate the development and transfer of climate technologies to developing countries. It is formed by two bodies: the Technology Executive Committee (TEC) and the Climate Technology Center and Network (CTCN).
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           acts as a policy arm. It analyzes key technology issues and provides policy recommendations to developing countries to enhance climate technology transfer. 
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           at the request of developing countries, facilitating access to knowledge and information on climate technologies, and connecting climate technology stakeholders such as governments, private sector entities, technology centers, financial institutions, NGOs, and academic institutions. Also, the CTCN acts as a technology broker, facilitating business cooperation and partnerships, and improving the visibility of the work of its more than 600 members. Membership to the CTCN is free.
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           of the Paris Agreement established a Technology Framework to guide the work of the Technological mechanism in supporting the technology transfer and development as a driver for the implementation of the Paris Agreement. State parties are currently working to elaborate on the technology framework following their climate technology needs.
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           Despite not having a technology transfer mandate, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) offers an opportunity for financing carbon reduction projects in developing countries. The CDM was introduced by the Kyoto Protocol as a flexible market-based mechanism to help countries to meet their carbon reduction targets. In
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           2010
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           , it was estimated that between 30% and 60% of the carbon projects registered in CDM claimed to have involved transfer climate technology as spillover benefits of the projects.
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             Nayelly Landeros is a lawyer and LL.M graduate in International Law from Maastricht University.  Prior to her graduate studies, she worked as a Junior associate in a top-tier law firm in Mexico and advised on trade, regulatory, and energy law. She has conducted research for the METRO Institute on international and European environmental policy. Her research and work focus lies on economic and international Environmental Law with a special interest in climate regulation, carbon projects, and sustainability compliance assessment. 
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            Nayelly researches at the Cycle of Technology and Sustainability.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Nov 2020 20:56:42 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/technology-transfer-for-climate-action</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,fair,fair+,cosmonaut,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>US Elections</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/uselections</link>
      <description>The cycle on Digital Democracy presents a series about the US elections with a focus amongst other topics on political microtargeting, grassroots organizations fighting voter suppression and social media's  content moderation.</description>
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           S E R I E S
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           In order to win the Trump 2020 election campaign targeted certain voter groups with subversive, dangerous disinformation and suppressed the electoral rights of minority groups. Following the successful strategy of the 2016 campaign they utilised psychometric and political micro-targeting on social media to discredit the other side as well as to spread conspiracy theories and fake news.
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           Twitter’s decision to ban @realDonaldTrump was criticised by Republicans, who saw it as a violation of Trump’s free speech and a decision against the US First Amendment. That has opened a debate on social media platforms’ power in influencing and limiting free speech: what does it mean when a corporation can censor a government official? Who should have the right to decide what we can and can’t say?
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            FairFight as well as FRRC and other grassroot organisations have had a great impact in the recent US election. They are in part responsible for the historic voter turnout by registering, motivating and supporting thousands of unregistered but also disenfranchised voters. The fight against voter suppression remains crucial also in times with no election in order to have a healthy, diverse and lively democracy.
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           Our Series
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      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Nov 2020 18:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/series/uselections</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalgovde,cosmonautseries,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The Need for Global Internet Connectivity</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-need-for-global-internet-connectivity</link>
      <description>Access to and capability of using online resources is considered essential in modern societies. Marginalisation is often the result of no digital presence and technological illiteracy.</description>
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           BROADBAND ACCESS
          
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             The Need for Global Internet Connectivity
            
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           Access to and capability of using online resources is considered essential in modern societies. Marginalisation is often the result of no digital presence and technological illiteracy.
          
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           By Claire Daniolou
          
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           October 30, 2020
          
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           As psychologists review Maslow’s outdated “Hierarchy of Needs” model, they seem to redefine the sense of connection as a basic survival instinct. With about 59% of the global population having access to the internet by the spring of 2020, there does not exist a more useful tool to satisfy the need for global connection than the digital world. But how does this affect the percentage of the population that do not have online access? Especially in the time of crisis, such as the COVID-19 one, during which most functions of the everyday life were digitalised, do the areas and the people without internet access have equal opportunities for economic and cultural growth or are they deprecated with their voices and rights being, simply, ignored? 
          
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           Broadband can overcome the boundaries set by physical location and bring together people, places, and business from all over the world. Rural areas have local products, perceptions, languages, and traditions that can offer great diversity and uniqueness to online markets and discussions. However, issues such as isolation can prevent such cultures from being recognised by the rest of the world, a problem that is known as the “rural penalty”. Broadband (BB) can be used to alleviate this penalty, but lack of access to BB usually amplifies it. Therefore, the issue of “digital divide” is born, meaning the gap of communication created between the part of the world that uses the internet and the part that does not. Rural areas that belong in the second category tend to have larger populations with lower levels of educational attainment, lower income, and more restricted access to healthcare and travel services. 
          
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           Several government, non-government, and academic organisations are taking action to provide broadband and technology education to remote areas. Numerous studies have shown that internet access has a positive effect on the economy, the businesses, the education, the health, and the overall well-being of rural areas. For example, the academic GoGlobal initiative has introduced e-commerce models to developing countries, boosting their international business appearance and confidence. The EU examines digital strategies across Europe to ensure such beneficial results for all parties. As technology develops, ways to realise rural internet connectivity develops with it, thus rendering the need to study the outcomes of connecting a rural area online.
          
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           Broadband enables fast and efficient communication with anyone from around the globe. Much like through travelling, people can exchange ideas and experiences, learn from one another and form friendships without ever having to pay travel tickets.
          
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           Online communication can also be used in cases of emergency to alleviate the distance between the people in need and the ones who can help, in cases of physical or emotional crisis. 
          
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           One of the main advantaged of the Internet is the access it provides to organised information. From a single google search to mobile libraries, broadband users can learn about science, news, fashion, politics etc. without any restrictions. Therefore, the digital world provides open access to education, impacting social inclusion and human development.
          
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           The Internet also plays an imperative role in the business world. Whether it is used in local shops, the tourism industry, design, or farming, online presence has the ability to help a business thrive, increase individual incomes, and ameliorate the overall quality of life of the workers. 
          
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           On the other hand, as is the case with any powerful tool, the Internet can do more harm than good if misused. Online information can be misleading, so without a critical thinking, parts of the digital population can be manipulated. Cultural heritage diversity can be susceptible to fading into a globally endorsed culture, stripped from all uniqueness. In extreme cases, even violence and domestic terrorism may be promoted. 
          
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           Areas that lack internet connectivity are excluded from the global community, hence suffer from the effects of social marginalisation. There are increasing efforts to offer broadband access to rural areas and strengthen the international network with rapid technological developments taking place. However, not having access to the internet connectivity is not the only issue. Technological illiteracy can be even more harmful than no internet at all, therefore access to broadband must be provided with proper education on how to use it.
          
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           Claire Daniolou is currently pursuing her Bachelor’s degree in Electrical &amp;amp; Electronic Engineering at the University of Bristol. She has been awarded the Bristol PLUS Award for her extracurricular activities. She is currently in the committee of the student-led charity Bristol Volunteers for Development Abroad, taking action to support villages in Nepal with the Partnership for Sustainable Development. She is fluent in English and Greek, and advanced in French.
          
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Oct 2020 00:46:31 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-need-for-global-internet-connectivity</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The Long Road from Policy to Action</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-long-road-from-policy-to-action-a-big-techs-speech-on-human-rights</link>
      <description>Apple published its first Human Rights Policy in early September. Although its publication coincides with a series of legal scandals for the company, this event poses a good chance to question what the role of an internal policy is in relation to the rights of its employees and its consumers. Moreover, it is an opportunity to discuss Big Techs’ relationships with human rights in the context of their current regulatory challenges.</description>
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             The Long Road from Policy to Action
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           Apple published its first Human Rights Policy in early September. Although its publication coincides with a series of legal scandals for the company, this event poses a good chance to question what the role of an internal policy is in relation to the rights of its employees and its consumers. Moreover, it is an opportunity to discuss Big Techs’ relationships with human rights in the context of their current regulatory challenges. 
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           By Mario Tavares Moyron
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           October 30, 2020
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           Taras Skytskyi
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           There are few speeches so embedded in the political and economic life of nations, but at the same time so abstract and elusive, as the one on human rights. The general assumption –confirmed by recent human history- is that states bear the responsibility of fulfilling the expectations from the international charters and treaties that create such fundamental rights. 
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           But nations do not always equally meet the standards defined by these international instruments. While a country’s constitution might as well foresee the existence of the right to privacy and freedom of speech, the means that the government has in place for protecting and ensuring that such prerogatives are effective may not necessarily be compatible with the wishes of their citizens.
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           In this respect, one fundamental issue relates to the enforcement of rights and the existence of authorities that guarantee the defense of people’s needs. This will largely depend on the economic conditions of the country where the enforcement of these rights is sought and thus carries, in turn, the question of what are each country’s priorities in the long agenda of social needs.
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            ﻿
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           Human Rights, Cyberspace and Tech Companies 
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           To add an additional layer of complexity: how should rights be enforced in the digital world? What happens to the obligations of governments, but also companies in relation to how freedom of speech or access to information is to be exercised in cyberspace?
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           Information and Communication Technologies were considered human rights just recently. There is still currently much debate on whether the Internet is indeed a fundamental right or only a means to enable some other entitlements. As we grow deeper into the use of technologies within our daily lives, the obligations towards citizens and Internet users shall not only be undertaken by governments, but also by companies running the digital business.
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           Large companies with transnational operations have almost by default, a complex structure of internal policies and regulations on how to treat their employees, their clients, as well as the respective rights of each of these two groups. Such guidelines may be based either on local regulations that are applicable in the given country where the business is run or in accordance to internationally accepted conventions and standards.
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           In such regard, big technology companies are no exception. Therefore, it came as a surprise that, only a few days ago, Apple published for the first time its human rights policy. Apple’s commitment, based on the Guiding Principles for Business on Human Rights, outlines precisely its responsibility towards customers and users, but also the expectable obligations in relation to employees and business partners throughout the supply chain.
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           The publishing of this policy was already delayed in contrast with other technology tycoons such as Facebook, Google, Amazon and Microsoft, whose commitments were already public, especially –for some of them- in the context of privacy, antitrust investigations and tax-related prosecutions.
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           Apple had its own issues related to compliance with the rule of law just on the eve of the policy’s publication, but the record of transgressions goes far back in time. Foxconn, Apple’s biggest manufacturing contractor for iPhones was already subject to public outrage due to health incidents of its employees’ -in some cases even suicide allegations- started 10 years ago. More recently, Apple’s wrongdoings were related to suppress freedom of speech and silence protest of citizens in Hong Kong.
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           We tend to assume that companies –and in particular big techs- abide by human rights principles as much as governments do, and that they train their employees to behave and perform their tasks in full compliance with the applicable regulations in a specific territory. The premise is basic: as companies enjoy certain rights –under the figure of corporate personhood-, they must assume their responsibility in fulfilling prerogatives of people with whom they interact.
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           Latest Regulatory Challenges for Tech Tycoons
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           Big Techs are under constant attacks because of complaints regarding violations of privacy and the right to protect the personal data of their users. This is due mainly to the indiscriminate use of data and its massive combination as a business generator but also to the recent entry into force of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in Europe.
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           Antitrust regulation is another big tech’s constant headache. The most recent cases have involved the use of data as an input for monopolies to displace their competitors or to impose abusive terms in their relationship with users.
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           All the big techs have sophisticated and publicly available policies on how they cover all the different subjects that are protected by local regulators. There are ambitious compliance programs that are currently put in place, as companies are well aware that money doesn't come from the protection of human rights, but profits can be increased by the respect of internationally acknowledged fundamental standards. 
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           But the problem is that companies will not tackle social issues –insofar as they are responsible- by publishing new policies. The principles and commitments reflected in their policies must be consistent with their ability to meet those responsibilities before their employees, business partners, and consumers.
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           On the other hand, local governments are expected to guarantee that their regulators and the authorities protecting rights –e.g. to privacy, free competition, consumer protection, access to information and freedom of speech- have sufficient tools and are empowered to investigate and punish those who do not comply with their human rights obligations.
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           However, local authorities may disagree as to the extent of this compliance within international standards. And as Apple’s Human Rights Policy states: “where national law and international human rights standards differ, we follow the higher standard. Where they are in conflict, we respect national law while seeking to respect the principles of internationally recognized human rights”.
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           This is a good place to start as the challenges for rights in the digital world are just beginning. What is left for companies –and for consumers to demand- is to bring these policies to action.
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           Mario is a Mexican Lawyer based in Paris. He specialized on Regulation of New Technologies, Privacy and Fintech. His work experience includes Contract Law, Compliance for Financial Institutions, Antitrust and Telecommunications. He has been involved for several years in editorial ventures in Mexico and Europe mostly on social issues. His field of research at the Institute is Antitrust Law with a focus on Data Protection.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Oct 2020 00:46:28 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-long-road-from-policy-to-action-a-big-techs-speech-on-human-rights</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,new,cosmonaut,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Ontological Problems of Creating Conscience</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-ontological-problems-of-creating-conscience</link>
      <description>As twenty-first-century internet users, we are more and more confronted with bots that perform tasks that are too repetitive and time-consuming for humans. Unlike humans, bots don't get bored or tired. Bots are a form of Artificial Intelligence or AI that do for example the ''triage'' of our FAQ – frequently asked questions – before we even get the coordinates to contact a human helper who could answer to our demands.</description>
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           FAIR AI
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             Ontological Problems of Creating Conscience
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           As twenty-first-century internet users, we are more and more confronted with bots that perform tasks that are too repetitive and time-consuming for humans. Unlike humans, bots don't get bored or tired. Bots are a form of Artificial Intelligence or AI that do for example the ''triage'' of our FAQ – frequently asked questions – before we even get the coordinates to contact a human helper who could answer to our demands. 
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           By Andrés Cortés
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           October 30, 2020
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           Alexander Rozhkov
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           The age of AI 
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           AI is far away from being the idyllic, fair decision-taking program we would all benefit from. The article  “
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           The race problem with Artificial Intelligence: ‘Machines are learning to be racist’
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           “ on Metro Uk illustrates the biggest problems concerning the development of AI. 
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           The lack of inclusivity plays a big role in the growing racism of our automated technology. As the author points out, the tech and computer industry is ruled by white privileged males; with no black women being employed by these companies. The result of this discrimination can be seen in the application of AI: 
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            ''In 2017, a video went viral on social media of a soap dispenser that would only automatically release soap onto white hands. The dispenser was created by a company called Technical Concepts, and the flaw occurred because no one on the development team thought to test their product on dark skin. A study in March last year found that driverless cars are more likely to drive into black pedestrians, again because their technology has been designed to detect white skin, so they are less likely to stop for black people crossing the road. ‘’
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           AI is still a complex tool to be used broadly; as a learning software, it was able to discern the finest biases the developers had. Ultimately showing how racism unconsciously affects us and then gets repeated in such not human supervised decision making. One could ask - is this how racism is socialized in the minds of children? - Our purpose here is to focus on the questions one should ask, or in this case, should have asked before creating this software.
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           This relies on a simple logical statement, individuals from a given society are likely not to think outside of the linings of their predecessors. Replicating in turn models within their system of belief, not because of conviction rather from instruction. This makes unnoticeable biases persist over generations whether it’s intended or instructed, making raising awareness a key factor in the overall creation of such powerful tools and developing a more equal society. 
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           Hannah Arendt, a german political thinker, explained these difficulties during her class ''
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           The crisis of education'
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           '. We live in societies our ancestors could not imagine, we raise our children in a world they do not know and they will create societies that yet do not exist. She pointed out the utter danger of replicating existing models and the lack of adaptation of the US. Yet what’s utterly amazing about the education she is referring to is the universality of human experience independent of geographical or cultural boundaries. 
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           How can we prevent it - the wonders of art in foreseeing the future 
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           Since there is no scientific way to accurately predict the future, we have science fiction to explore these areas. The well renowned English series Black Mirror explores these ideas in the final episode Black Museum.
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           Spoiler alert – In this episode, we follow our protagonist who goes into this creepy museum that is telling the story of the technological progress made by the guide of the museum. He embodies opportunistic neoliberal ''self-made man'', showing disregard for minimum ethical values and being willing to trespass legal boundaries in order to profit from his clinic technological advances. Through the episode, he shows with a certain pride, all the technological implants he developed and tested on people, which all ended in tragedy. 
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           We see here the possible outcomes of unscrupulous technological progress. The dangers we could face if we disregard ethics when applied to our human experiences and, the ultimate warning, living in a world where consequences for actions are not taken. A state that legislates after the damage is done. In one sentence a state that does not foresee this development is trapped in its
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           bureaucracy.
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           Opinion
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           As a so-called ''Digital Native'' – a term to define the people born with technological upgrades- I have to say that I am in a middle ground. On the one hand, I appreciate all the progress being made on localization, automatization, and digital governance. I see how this is the future of our societies and has a big potential to be inclusive and diverse. On the other hand, I think these technological tools, as they exist nowadays, are subjected to a lot of misuses, creating mistrust even among my peers. And the ambiance of a dark internet where there is no privacy and respect for fundamental rights. 
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           In the future, I expect to have better conversations about these implementations, transparency, and logical restrictions. This not only for the technological domain but for all the aspects of Society. 
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             I'm Colombian, I am 23 years old, curious, and hardworking. I just finished my degree in Performing Arts from Lyon 2 University. Among my interests are etymology, linguistics, and everyday ethics. How can philosophical ethic knowledge be applied on an everyday basis? I will start my master’s program in Translation and Intercultural Studies at the UAB and I’m currently organizing an exhibition with the Studio Casa Jaguar artist collective. 
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Oct 2020 00:46:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-ontological-problems-of-creating-conscience</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">kittiwake2,fair,algorithmics,fair+,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>The Digital Services Act Decoded</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-digital-service-act-decoded</link>
      <description>Can the EU take over tech giants with the new set of regulations?</description>
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           BIG TECH
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             The Digital Services Act Decoded
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            Can the EU take over tech giants with the new set of regulations?
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            By Sonia Sangiovanni
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           October 30, 2020
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           Alexander Rozhkov
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           Over the past year, the European Union has launched public consultations over the Digital Service Act package, a new set of regulations that aims to reform the governance of the internet and its digital services. With the exponential growth of Big Tech companies, such as Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple, and Microsoft, the EU felt the need to address the gap in regulations over the liability of digital services. As a matter of fact, the previous regulation was established in the early 2000s. This change in legislation was long overdue, not only because of the inadequacy of the current legal framework, but also because of the public pressure that followed recent scandals around digital platforms and the rise in extremist and harmful online behaviours.
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           Earlier this year, on February 16th, the proposition to regulate Big Tech was also encouraged by Facebook’s founder and CEO, Mark Zuckerberg. As explained in an op-ed for the Financial Times, he believes that private companies should not be left alone in making decisions over
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           “fundamental democratic values”
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           .  In addition to the Op-ed, Facebook also submitted a
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           white paper
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           on online content regulation to the EU. Its aim was to suggest a possible way forward, where online platforms should be regulated on a global scale and not be liable for their content.  The EU firmly
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           rejected
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           Facebook’s proposition and is now looking forward to
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           “arm itself with new powers to take on big technology companies”.
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           To better explain the role of the European Union on this matter, it is important to examine the Digital Service Act, and the question of whether self-regulation of Big Tech companies is possible or advisable.
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           So, what is the Digital Service Act all about? 
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           The Digital Service Act and its consultation have been covering two main topics. On one hand, they focus on the review of the e-commerce directive, from the year 2000. This pillar of the regulation aims at ensuring
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           “a modern system of cooperation for the supervision of platforms and guaranteeing effective enforcement”
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           . To do so, it will set rules to clearly frame the responsibilities of platforms in addressing the risks faced by users.  On the other hand, the DSA also tackles the
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           “ex ante rules covering large online platforms acting as gatekeepers”
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           . Th
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           is aspect of the new regulations particularly points at ensuring that Big Tech companies do not work as monopolies on the European Single Market and allow smaller competitors to challenge them. 
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           As an
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           article
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           by the European Digital SME Alliance explains, these pillars of the DSA are strictly related for two reasons: “(1) social media platforms strongly rely on advertisement revenues for their business models. Thus, it is essential for them to generate and drive traffic; (2) due to network effects and a closed proprietary environment, digital markets seem to concentrate more easily, leading to the dominance of certain platforms which can sometimes act as gatekeepers.” 
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           This concern was equally presented by the Committee to Protect Journalists. In an
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           by Tom Gibson, the Committee stated the following:
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           “For many media organisations, the DSA is an opportunity to rebalance an online landscape dominated by Big Tech, the companies behind major social media platforms and search engines that enable access to news but absorb advertising revenue and audience data that would otherwise help sustain independent journalism.”
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           Yet, could Big Tech companies regulate themselves?
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           From their point of view, the regulation of their digital services should not be in the hands of national regulators. As Facebook suggested through Zuckerberg’s op-ed and its white paper, the role of regulators would be to set requirements for private companies, without making them legally liable. 
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           To monitor and moderate its content, Facebook has also created an oversight board, composed of 20 experts. While this solution is a step forward in supervising and regulating Facebook’s posts, its limited powers do not tackle the majority of the issues linked to the core functions of the digital platform. 
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           As the Cambridge Analytica revelations showed, the spread of fake news on Facebook is inherent to its targeted advertisement services. For this reason, the journalist Maria Ressa and the researcher Taylor Owen argued that “it's not just that these platforms enable the free speech of autocrats, but that there's actually a liberal and autocratic tendencies embedded in the design of these companies themselves.” Due to their business model, Big Tech companies have become behavioural modification systems and, as such, they cannot guarantee impartial moderation of their content, without radical change. 
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           The general feeling over Big Tech companies, however, seems to be that “they are too big to care” about these issues and that regulators and users will have no choice but to adapt to their models. As Matt Stoller argues in the podcast “Taking on Tech Goliaths”, this is not necessarily true. According to the author, Big Tech companies are just a new iteration of the type of monopolies that have been characterising the American economy and, as they have been regulated before, so it can be done again.
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           Consequently, the EU finally has the opportunity to regulate digital platforms and set a new international standard as was done with the GDPR. Their challenge, as one EU official warned, will be to “strike the right balance”. 
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            Sonia Sangiovanni is a young professional, working at the intersection between Technology and Public Affairs. She holds a master’s degree in International Security from Sciences Po and her Master Thesis on the privatization of the Intelligence Services in the UK covered the Cambridge Analytica scandals. Through her career, Sonia has worked as a consultant for Public Administrations and the European Commission.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Oct 2020 00:46:21 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-digital-service-act-decoded</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalconstitutionalism,new,digitalhumanrights,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Different Shades of Fairness in Automated Decision-Making</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/different-shades-of-fairness-in-automated-decision-making</link>
      <description>“Fairness” is a widely cited word with regard to automated decision-making. But what does “Fairness” stand for? Here is a simple acronym to interpret this word.</description>
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           FAIR AI
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             Different Shades of Fairness in Algorithmic Decision-Making
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           “Fairness” is a widely cited word with regard to automated decision-making. But what does “Fairness” stand for? Here is a simple acronym to interpret this word.
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           By Mariachiara Mecati
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           October 10, 2020
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           Mohit Saini
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           Our daily life is deeply affected by the development and adoption of automated decision-making (ADM) systems because of the increasing tendency for humans to delegate machines to implement decision-making and output decisions or recommendations (such as credit scores, loan granting, employment screening, and various applications in the justice system), with a variety of technical approaches that range from
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           advanced neural networks
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           to more basic software which calculates and sorts data according to a simple set of rules.
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           Thus, the decisions generated by these systems play an important role on many aspects of our everyday lives: based on the collected data, for instance, a loan can be denied or a job application can be rejected, without guarantees of non-discriminatory practices.
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           A core element for these systems is a very broad availability of data: ADM systems are globally widespread with the aim to classify individuals and predict behaviors depending on
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           patterns
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           extracted from data collected about them. Consequently, the growing use of these systems gives rise simultaneously to both opportunities and risks: while opportunities often concern improved efficiency of the automated decision process, on the other side one of the main risks regards data and algorithm bias, which usually induces systemic discrimination. As biased software is a software that exposes a group (such as an ethnic minority, a type of worker or simply the gender) to an
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           unfair treatment
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           , an algorithm may filter and even discriminate between people under consideration, with the result of a disparate impact on different population groups.
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           Indeed, ADM systems include a decision-making model, an algorithm which make the model applicable as software code, input datasets used by the software, and more in general they include also the surrounding political and economic
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           ecosystems
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           . In this complex and extended scenario, research in Data Ethics concerns multiple aspects of the automated decision-making process and assumes an increasing relevance on many facets of the human life. Therefore, experts from several subjects are engaged in these ongoing studies, ranging from computational social scientists, data science and machine learning researchers, network engineers, as well as scholars in philosophy, law and social sciences.
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           Against this background, “Fairness” is a widely cited word. But what does “Fairness” stand for? Here is a simple acronym to interpret this word.
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           Freedom
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           : if it is true that Fairness makes us free, it is just as true that ADM systems often work unclearly or even in unknown manner. On the contrary, precisely transparency in data and algorithms should be an essential characteristic of each automated decision-making.
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           Accountability
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           : a clear responsibility for and ownership of ADM systems, with appropriate internal approving authorities as well as transparent processes and data, is a crucial point for a fair use of such systems within a firm, or an administration, or an institution, or any service that makes use of ADMs. Indeed, data subjects are encouraged to provide accurate information about themselves through several channels that aim to foster the developing digital society: at the same time, ADM systems, and particularly those that could significantly affect data subjects, need to be based on as careful understanding and knowledge of the data as possible. Alongside these two contemporary and complementary trends,
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           should focus on both internal accountability, which is concerned with the internal governance of the firm (or administration, or institutions, and so on), and external accountability, which regards the responsibility to data subjects.
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           Ideas
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           and insights which are the heart of the human intelligence and, consequently, of the ongoing development of Artificial Intelligence and cutting-edge ADM systems, whose very best goals aim to facilitate and make more and more efficient decision processes and social services, as well as to improve human life in general.
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           regarding transparency of the trustworthiness of the system, by disclosing information about capabilities, accuracy and limitations of the system itself. What has been done to prevent, identify and mitigate discrimination and malfunctions in the system? What about possible risks, biases and impact the system can have on people? Who make a fair and conscious use of ADM systems should be able to provide answers to these important questions.
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           towards people is another key point for a just society: ADM systems should be able to output neutral decisions and recommendations, without being affected by algorithm bias or flawed input data, or even by prejudice and errors in their use.
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           Equality
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           , needless to say it represents a fundamental keyword of the human rights: in data science, this core aspect results in the requirement for each data subject to be Equally Represented. Indeed, discrimination carried out by ADM systems is often due to the presence of bias in the input datasets: looking back on the GIGO principle (“garbage in, garbage out”, i.e., flawed input data produces garbage as output) bias in input datasets may have propagation effects and cause biased outputs, since most of the current software-automated decisions are based on the analysis of historical data. Thus, biased datasets might lead to biased results and the need for each data subject to be Equally represented become an essential point in the developing digital society.
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           Society
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           and its inherent composition should be always taken into consideration in order to treat each person equally, recognizing same social rights and providing equal social services to everybody.
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           Sensitive
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           attributes are specific traits of a person (such as gender, age and race) often included in datasets used as input by ADM systems: even though anti-discrimination laws are in force in several countries and forbid unfair treatment of people based on sensitive attributes (for certain business and government services), fairness and bias in ADM systems still represent a relevant issue.
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           Right through this acronym we have explored the most meaningful aspects of Fairness in the complex world of automated decision-making, with a view to encouraging a more conscious and responsible use of ADM systems.
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           Mariachiara Mecati is Ph.D. Student in Computer Software Engineering at Politecnico di Torino, where she got a Master's Degree in Mathematical Engineering, specialized in "Statistics and Optimization on data and network". After developing her research thesis on neural networks applied on retina images at the University of Houston (USA), she moved her interests to data science with particular attention to Data ethics, in order to investigate the impact of bias and poor data quality in automated decision-making.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2020 01:40:39 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/different-shades-of-fairness-in-automated-decision-making</guid>
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      <title>Corona Contact-Tracing App</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/corona-contact-tracing-app</link>
      <description>Centralised or decentralised - which approach is better? How both to ensure efficiency and protect data and privacy? A comparison between the approach by the French and German government.</description>
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           COVID -19
          
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             Corona Contact-Tracing App
            
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           Centralised or decentralised - which approach is better? How both to ensure efficiency and protect data and privacy? A comparison between the approach by the French and German government.
          
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           October 10, 2020
          
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           The novel Coronavirus is continuing to spread around the world with enormous speed. According to the John Hopkins-University, the milestone of 10 million infected people globally has been reached. It remains crucial to trace cases comprehensively and to prevent the further spread of the disease. Basically, this can be done in two ways. The first “non-technological” approach was initially adopted during the beginning of the pandemic. Health officials have to ask every infected manually with whom they had contact with and to impose quarantine when necessary. This requires a lot of resources and is not always reliable, since people don’t know e.g. with whom they sat in the subway. 
          
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           Another approach is to trace potentially infected individuals through a Corona tracing app. Many people carry their smartphone all the time. Thus, they could be used to trace people they have maybe infected with just little effort, once the app is available. Nonetheless, with regard to data protection this is a very controversial topic (for very good reasons since the collected data are highly personal and very sensitive). 
          
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            There are two approaches for this app with regard to the storage of the collected data. The strength and weaknesses of the
           
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           different approaches
          
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           , namely the central and decentralised approach, will be discussed in this article. Mainly the approach of the French and German  government will be compared. 
          
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            Anyhow, both got some points in common. A cryptographed ID is created temporarily and it is not possible to relate that ID directly to an individual user. The app registers via Bluetooth when a smartphone user stayed within the infectious proximity for a considerable amount of time. Both approaches change the ID on a regular basis (every 10-20 minutes) to make it more difficult to create a movement profile. Nonetheless, the apps
           
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           differ significantly
          
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            with regard to the storage and communication of data.
           
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            ﻿
           
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           Centralized Approach
          
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            The French App
           
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           “StopCovid”
          
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            stores the data of all smartphone users centrally on a server. If the central server were to be  hacked, the hacker would gain a huge amount of data. It is potentially possible to create a comprehensive movement profile since the contacts are centrally stored. Furthermore, the admin of this server is very powerful as well. Assuming the government just has the intention to protect their citizens, this issue could be neglected. But what about countries like Hungary, where the authoritarian tendencies are not even denied anymore by the government? This potential harm to civil and privacy rights is enormous. 
           
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           Nonetheless, there are also arguments in favor of the central approach. Scientists can use the available data in order to find out more regarding the precise spread and movement of the virus. Additionally, the centralized approach tends to be more reliable and effective than the decentralized.
          
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           Decentralized approach
          
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            The second approach was adopted e.g.
           
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           by the German government
          
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           . Decentrality means that the data are not stored centrally on a server but locally on the smartphones instead. Unlike the central approach which stores both, the ID and the contacts of their users centrally, just the mobile phones track the contacts and do not transfer the information to a server. If the server was hacked, the hacker would just gain cryptographed IDs. Hence, since the actual tracing is made on the smartphone itself and not on a central server, the data are protected better. Consequently, in terms of data protection and privacy the second approach is definitely preferable. Although the individual smartphone could be hacked as well and is not 100% safe, the risk is far smaller and the data is protected more comprehensively. Anyway, there can never be absolute protection.
          
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           Nevertheless the significant disadvantage that the decentralized app is possibly not as efficient has to be considered as well. But, since the app was released a couple of weeks ago, it is not clear how effective it is. Most experts suggest that the loss of efficiency is not significant. The download numbers on Germany just exceeded 14 Million (
          
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           29 June 2020
          
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           ) and we will see in the future how effective it is. Most experts suggest  that although a majority of people will not have downloaded the app (even roughly 70% have downloaded WhatsApp in Germany), there is consensus  that also just a few million downloads will have an impact towards returning to normal life as well. But without any doubt, it is a crucial step towards preventing the spread of the disease and to return to normal life.
          
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           To sum it up, in general there is a centralized and a decentralized approach when it comes to the Corona tracing app. Both approaches are not completely safe. Nevertheless, the decentralized approach provides a far better protection and it is less likely that it will be hacked. Although it requires more resources and possibly works less efficiently, it is definitely preferable in order to protect privacy and data, which is crucial.
          
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           Lucas is studying law in his third year at the Humboldt University of Berlin and King’s College London. He is in particular interested in the intersection between Law and IT and the protection of Civil Rights.
          
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1601020049429-1005abfc13a7.jpg" length="207344" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2020 00:53:26 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/corona-contact-tracing-app</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Orwellian Dystopia of the East</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/orwellian-dystopia-of-the-east</link>
      <description>Human rights experts criticize China for its extensive mass surveillance program that increasingly targets Muslim minorities.</description>
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           MASS SURVEILLANCE
          
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             Orwellian Dystopia of the East
            
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           Human rights experts criticize China for its extensive  mass surveillance program that increasingly targets Muslim minorities.
          
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           By Srishti Nair
          
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           October 10, 2020
          
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            “Nobody can move because they watch you through the video cameras, and after a while a voice came from the speakers telling you that now you can relax for a few minutes. That voice also tells you off for moving…we were watched, even in the toilet. In political education camp, we were always under stress.”
           
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           Rustam
          
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           , a former detainee who spent months in political education camps, May 2018
          
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            ﻿
           
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           Cameras
          
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            loaded with facial recognition technology to track movements, extensive
           
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           grid-like
          
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            security network, street corners manned by armed police booths, AI based monitoring in
           
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           schools
          
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           ; The Chinese government has resorted to targeting its own minority population by way of a far reaching web of high-tech
          
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           mass surveillance systems
          
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            utilizing QR codes,
           
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           artificial intelligence
          
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           ,
          
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           biometrics
          
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            ,
           
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            big data
          
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            etc.
           
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           In the Muslim dominated Xinjiang, alongside cameras the government has installed
          
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           “data doors”
          
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           , a machine that collects personal information off of electronic gadgets that people passing through it are in possession of. Knives engraved with machine-readable
          
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           QR codes
          
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            are posted on front doors which are scanned by officials to link people to their homes and belongings. The authorities also collect biometric data such as
           
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           DNA
          
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            , iris scans etc. and store them in accessible databases.
           
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           In addition, as reported by
          
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           Human Rights Watch
          
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            , the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP) is used to collect and monitor information ranging from personal information like blood type to miscellaneous information such as whether an
           
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           individual has got a new number, made any donations to a mosque, made contact with any non-chinese number etc
          
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           . Based on such dubious information, the program flags individuals who could be potentially threatening to the peace and security of the country.These individuals are then further investigated, or sent for detention and re-education. In order to add more survey-based data to the deep-learning system of IJOP, several face to face assessments have also been conducted by police officials. Following which they made use of parameters such as whether or not the person was Uighur, whether they prayed regularly, whether they taught Islamic culture to their children at home etc. to mark them as
          
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           “safe”, “average”, or “unsafe”.
          
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            In this manner, the officials concluded as to who is a potential threat and fitted for transformation through “education camps”.
           
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           Not only this, a high definition portfolio of face
          
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           signatures
          
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            has also been developed by the authorities by scanning people from different angles and with different facial expressions. Alongside this Uighur individuals have also been compelled to download
           
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           nanny apps
          
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            which keep a check on everything that they see, read, write and talk about  using their smartphones. In several cases, even years of
           
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           WeChat history
          
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            has been used as evidence of the prerequisite for Uighur individuals to be sent to the detention camps.
           
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           In these camps, which are often referred to as
          
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           vocational training centres
          
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            by the Chinese authorities, Muslim minorities, are being forcefully detained wherein they are stripped off of  their social, cultural and religious identity. Further, they are exploited as cheap labour to produce
           
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           beauty products
          
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            and exposed are to brutal torture, sexual violence,
           
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           mass sterilization,
          
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            abortions etc.
           
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           International response
          
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    &lt;a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/un-demands-unfettered-access-for-china-uighur-region-visit/article30931384.ece" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           UN and its officials
          
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            have demanded official access to these camps. Even the United States of America has imposed
           
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           sanctions
          
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            on Chinese officials involved in persecuting the Uighurs and also passed a
           
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            requiring U.S. businesses and individuals operating or selling products in Xinjiang to ensure that their activities don’t contribute to human rights violation.
           
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           Several human rights activists and organisations including the
          
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           Human Rights Watch
          
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            have also called for other actions such as denying exports of technologies that facilitate abuse; insisting on allowing UN investigators in Xinjiang; and preventing China from targeting members of the Uighur diaspora etc. As contended by 
           
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           the Financial times
          
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            , the time has come that countries across the globe participate in a realistic engagement to challenge this dystopia.
           
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           Srishti Nair is pursuing her undergraduate degree in law from Symbiosis International ( Deemed ) University. She is interested towards exploring the intersectionality between law and technology and the protection of human rights.
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2020 00:53:22 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/orwellian-dystopia-of-the-east</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">digitalhumanrights,binoculars,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Google-Fitbit Takeover: Good Night Sleep or Insomnia?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/google-fitbit-takeover-good-night-sleep-or-insomnia</link>
      <description>Last year, Google announced its decision about Fitbit’s acquisition. However, the European Commission will now carry out an in-depth investigation into the effects of the transaction as it is concerned that Google, that holds a dominant position in the online advertising markets, will gain a huge “data advantage” as a result of this acquisition.</description>
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           BIG TECH
          
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             Google-Fitbit Takeover:
            
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             Good Night Sleep or Insomnia?
            
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           Last year, 
           
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            Google
           
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           announced its decision about Fitbit’s acquisition. However, the European Commission will now carry out an
           
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            in-depth investigation
           
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           into the effects of the transaction as it is concerned that Google, that holds a dominant position in the online advertising markets, will gain a huge “data advantage” as a result of this acquisition.
          
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           By Vicky Tatsi
          
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           October 10, 2020
          
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           Ezra Whittaker
          
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           The concerns
          
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            On the one hand,
           
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           Fitbit
          
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            is an American company active in the development, manufacturing and distribution of wearable devices (both smartwatches and fitness trackers), that collect sensitive data including users’ heart rates, their fitness activity, and their sleep patterns, and connected scales in the health and wellness sector, as well as in the supply of related software and services.
           
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            On the other hand, Google is active in different business fields including online search and advertising technology, mobile hardware and software such as Google Chrome. It’s true that the above mentioned transaction has caused
           
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           fears
          
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            about Google’s increased access to data from Fitbit’s hardware, that may be used for personalization of the ads Google serves and
           
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           displays
          
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            , although Google-and Fitbit- claim(s) that this deal is about devices, not data and that it will not use sensitive data for
           
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           Google ads
          
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            .
           
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           What is European Commission’s role?
          
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           The European Commission, at its latest press release, makes it clear that by acquiring Fitbit, Google would acquire (i) the database maintained by Fitbit about its users' health and fitness; and (ii) the technology to develop a database similar to Fitbit's one. The Commission has the duty to assess mergers and acquisitions involving companies with a turnover above certain thresholds, according to the Merger Regulation’s provisions, and to prevent concentrations that would significantly impede effective competition in the EEA or any substantial part of it.
          
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           Data sharing as a remedy?
          
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            The combination of data through an acquisition may provoke
           
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           competition concerns
          
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           , as Google will solidify its dominance and limit competition, and thereby limit data sharing when a remedy would require the parties to keep their databases separate. In case the level of data concentration enabled by a merger significantly impedes effective competition, there are two paths to be followed;
          
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           In order to face the competition concerns, either the relevant databases have to be kept separate, which limits data sharing among the parties, or the data has to be divested to a third independent party, which would enable data sharing beyond the parties. The latter approach can be explained by the following reasoning; by requiring the parties to divest or even duplicate the relevant data, competitors have to develop competing or even complementary services in order to keep the relevant product (and geographical) market competitive after the acquisition.
          
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            Precedent for such a remedy can be found in the acquisition of Reuters by Thomson in 2008 where the Commission approved the merger under the condition that the merging parties would divest copies of their databases containing
           
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           financial information
          
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           . Nevertheless, Google-Fitbit takeover is a bit different case as Google and Fitbit are not competitors as they are active in different product markets. So, in this case which is the right path to follow?
          
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           The commitment
          
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            According to Google, the combination of Google and Fitbit's hardware efforts will increase competition in the sector, making the next generation of devices better and more affordable. It is in this spirit Google’s initiative to offer not to use health data of fitness tracker company Fitbit. This proposal/commitment was an attempt to address EU antitrust concerns about its proposed $2.1 billion acquisition, which as it turned out was insufficient for the European Commission and its ex ante control.
           
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           Furthermore, Google Senior Vice President for Devices and Services Rick Osterloh said that “As we do with all our products, we will give Fitbit users the choice to review, move or delete their data”. However, let’s note at this point that users have these choices and rights at any moment, according to the GDPR’s provisions, which are legally binding.
          
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            Next steps
           
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           While the European Commission has underlined that its main concern is the "data advantage" Google will gain to serve increasingly personalized ads via its search page, it also said its investigation would look into:
          
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           1.	the effects of the merger on Europe's nascent digital healthcare sector, and
          
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           2.
          
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           whether
          
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            Google would have the ability and incentive to degrade the interoperability of rivals' wearables with Google's Android operating system for smartphones once it owns Fitbit.
           
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            Last but not least, it is crucial to be clear which is the interaction between consumer and personal
           
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           data protection legislation
          
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            and EU competition law in the digital economy. Different cases have proven that there is a regulatory dilemma faced by European antitrust authorities, which are currently struggling to find a solution to the market failures arising in digital markets due to legislative gaps.
           
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           This shows that there are many steps to be taken in order for a contemporary solid EU legal framework to be shaped that could be used by the authorities, member states and citizens in order to protect their rights and set limits on the action of companies that abuse their dominant position in the market, especially in case they make use of sensitive personal data.
          
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           Vicky Tatsi is a trainee lawyer with working experience in health, pharma and life sciences issues and GDPR. She is completing her LL.M. in Intellectual Property and Competition Law at the University of Athens. As an undergraduate, she studied Law at the University of Thrace, and at the University of Strasbourg via the Erasmus+ program. During her studies, she interned at the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs and participated in legal research teams and different voluntary projects. She is fluent in Greek, English, French and can communicate in Chinese.
          
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      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2020 00:53:21 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/google-fitbit-takeover-good-night-sleep-or-insomnia</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">antitrust,binoculars,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>The Responsibility Behind the Interface</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-responsibility-behind-the-interface</link>
      <description>The interface of autonomous systems is crucial in evoking user’s trust in the system. To enhance such trust, the research area Explainable AI (XAI) suggests to increase the transparency of the system towards the user. This article outlines XAI research and findings, addresses concerns inherent in the pure maximisation of trust, and provides inspiration for prospective research.</description>
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           EXPLAINABLE AI
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             The Responsibility Behind the Interface
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           The interface of autonomous systems is crucial in evoking user’s trust  in the system. To enhance such trust, the research area Explainable AI (XAI) suggests to increase the transparency of the system towards the user. This article outlines XAI research and findings, addresses concerns inherent in the pure maximisation of trust, and provides inspiration for prospective research.
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           By Emma Kallina
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           October 10, 2020
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           Юрий Тюленев
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           How Much Autonomy Would You Delegate?
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            ﻿
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           Imagine you had the opportunity to pass a repetitive task (e.g. classifying images, transcribing, translating) to an autonomous system. Would you trust such an AI-based system enough to delegate agency to it? Would this change with your comprehension of the system or with different application contexts? Since a low level of trust leads to diminished use, a growing effort in research is guided towards its enhancement through increased system transparency. This research area is called Explainable AI (XAI).
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           Opening the Black Box?
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           To increase the transparency of autonomous systems, two directions have been taken in XAI: 
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             Explaining the Black Box: This approach aims to explain the processes underlying the system. This was shown to be successful in improving the user’s mental model of the system, for example via
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            written explanations of the underlying processes
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             ¹, a
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            video of the latter
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             ², or a
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            video showing a user interacting with the system
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            ³ whilst the system’s real-time decision-making processes are simultaneously displayed. 
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             Leaving the Black Box Untouched: The second approach does not attempt a detailed explanation of the underlying processes but providing other additional information regarding the system. This can be in form of
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            animation cues
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             4 that show the systems status, the display of the
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            certainty of the system
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             5 about the correctness of its output, or via a
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            proximity network visualisation
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            6 with which users could interact to change the weight of factors underlying the algorithm. 
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           However, both approaches have disadvantages which are addressed in the next two paragraphs.
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           Impractical Transparency
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            The idea of the first approach is undisputed: Increasing the users’ understanding of a system empowers them to make informed decisions about the trust they put into them. However, such explanations are very challenging - if not impossible - to curate in an understandable manner for more complex systems. This is critical since
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           past research
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            suggests that users only perceived a beneficial trade-off between invested effort and increased understanding when the explanation of the system is complete (vs. only fragmented)7. Additionally, oversimplification was even found to decrease trust.
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           This scrutinises the presumption that users are generally willing to invest the effort to understand a system, leading to more detailed questions: Do users differ in this willingness? Does the wish for transparency change with the application context or a growing familiarity with the system? The answers to these questions hold important implications regarding the field of XAI, changing the question from “Which is the most effective way to increase the transparency of a system?” to “How can we increase the transparency of a system in a way that matches the motivation of a specific user in a specific application context to actually review it?”. Here, less process-based - and thus less complex - explanations of the second approach could be valuable.
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           Intransparent Transparency 
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           Approaches of this latter category hold great potential to empower the user. The proximity network visualisation, for example, enabled the user to assure that her priorities are reflected by the system’s algorithm, even though she might not fully understand it. Likewise, the confidence information communicates the inherent risk, thus enabling the user to make an informed decision about delegating agency.
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           Other strategies, however, should be regarded more carefully: Displaying the system’s status via animation cues was found to enhance the user’s trust to a level where he preferred a less accurate system over a non-animated system with better functionality. Here, trust was increased without any deeper understanding or increased control.
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           Careful Calibration
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           Such potential in influencing the user’s perception underlines the responsibility inherent to the design of the interface of autonomous systems, especially in potentially harmful application contexts (e.g. medical, transportation, military). In XAI, this is often sacrificed for a the-more-trust-the-better approach that maximises the use of autonomous systems. However, the trust that an interface evokes has to be carefully calibrated to not only match the abilities of a system, but also the application context (level of risk and costs of errors) and the personality of the user (inclination to trust or delegate control). 
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           Considering the Human Part in the Interaction
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           This shifts the perspective on the user from a passive role - merely reacting on the XAI of the system - towards an active evaluation of these. This expands the field of future XAI research significantly: Under which preconditions does the user feel an increased need for transparency - and thus the motivation to review more complex explanations? Conceivable factors include the user’s personality, the moral or economic significance of the application context, and the familiarity with the system. 
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           Such research would guide the development of highly tailored system interfaces that intuitively evoke an appropriate (not necessarily maximised) level of trust. Neither too trusting or too untrusting – but just right!
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           Emma Kallina is currently pursuing her MSc in Human-Computer Interaction at the University College London, funded by the “Stiftung der Deutschen Wirtschaft” (Foundation of the German Economy). She is part of the AI Society at UCL and contributes to the ei4ai (ethical innovation for AI) project. Furthermore, she is a finalist of this year’s CHI student competition, handing in a multisensory public display game that raises awareness for locally endangered animals in a fun and engaging way.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Oct 2020 00:53:19 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-responsibility-behind-the-interface</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,fair,algorithmics,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Rousseau &amp; the Cyberutopia</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/rousseau-cyberutopia</link>
      <description>Can digital forums live up to their democratic promise? In the last decade, online participatory platforms associated with “digital” parties have emerged and thrived across Europe. Harnessing digital innovation, these online spaces have the potential to enhance democratic politics and participation. The example of Italy’s Rousseau platform provides us with precious insight into the potential of digital technology applied to party politics as well as possible shortcomings.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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             Rousseau and the 'Cyberutopia'
            
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           Can digital forums live up to their democratic promise? In the last decade, online participatory platforms associated with “digital” parties have emerged and thrived across Europe. Harnessing digital innovation, these online spaces have the potential to enhance democratic politics and participation. The example of Italy’s Rousseau platform provides us with precious insight into the potential of digital technology applied to party politics as well as possible shortcomings. 
          
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           By Enzo Floris
          
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           September 21, 2020
          
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           “In the strict sense of the term, a true democracy has never existed and never will exist”. In the work of prominent Enlightenment thinker Jean-Jacques Rousseau, “true democracy” is synonymous with direct deliberative democracy. Direct deliberative democracy refers to an unmediated democratic system in which consensus and deliberation, rather than majority rule, are the policy output’s primary sources of legitimacy. At the time of the penning of those words, only independent European city-states like Rousseau’s native Geneva came close to fitting such definition, but ultimately fell short. Indeed, the Swiss political philosopher believed the spatial, temporal, demographic and societal constraints on full democratic practice to be unsurmountable. Three centuries later, as digital technology achieved previously unthinkable feats in terms of connecting people, one of Europe’s largest and most influential online participatory platforms bears his name. Founded by the Italian political party Five Star Movement (FSM) in its quest to introduce elements of direct democracy in Italian institutional life, the Rousseau platform fulfils various purposes. It runs primary votes, serves as a public forum discussing salient political issues, and organizes referendums on policy proposals. 
          
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           A success born of the public’s disillusion
          
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           The success of the Rousseau platform is partly ascribable to dwindling trust in representative democratic institutions.
          
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           Data
          
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           gathered in Italy shows that as of 2019 the share of the population having faith in the Parliament and public officials reached a low of 15%. For parties, the situation is even more dire as they enjoy the trust of a measly 9% of respondents. Arguably, the rise of online deliberative platforms is also influenced by a pervasive democratic deficit. The current systems of democratic representation date back to a time when technology did not allow to overcome space and time distances. As new possibilities open, the public’s expectations of further involvement in the public sphere increase. Indeed, the Italian
          
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           trend
          
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           fits into a wider global picture of dissatisfaction with representative institutions, the ruling class and politics as a whole. 
          
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           Making an impact in Italian politics
          
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           FSM’s Rousseau aims to answer this expanding need for alternative and better systems of representation and for greater democracy within party structures. The platform offers registered users the right to weigh in on important issues, which traditional political organizations reserve to party elites. The significance of the users’ preferences reflects clearly in recent Italian political history, as several key decisions for the party as well as the country were taken within such framework. Remarkably, in 2018 Rosseau determined the birth of a coalition government between FSM and Salvini’s League, after an overwhelming online vote in favor of it. The platform will also likely play an important role this autumn in the crucial upcoming regional elections, as FSM’s governor candidates are chosen through the same online voting
          
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           process
          
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           Enhancing political participation
          
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           By investing in the public’s ability to have a say on party policies and nominees, Rousseau bolsters political participation and introduces tools of direct democratic practice in the Italian political system. The platform also provides its users with e-learning material concerning the functioning of political institutions and the democratic process. By doing so, it raises civic and political awareness among previously disenfranchised voters, which constitute a sizable part of FSM’s
          
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           electoral basin
          
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           Despite Rousseau’s numerous positive contributions to the system, the platform has yet to reach its proposed goals of democratic egalitarianism and inter-party democracy. As a matter of fact, there are critical issues that paint the FSM as hardly more democratic than traditional parties. The decision-making process appears plebiscitarian rather than deliberative as the voting system values preference aggregation over debate. Deliberation, notwithstanding the presence of vibrant policy discussion threads, seems to be de facto left entirely to the party’s leadership. Indeed, users for the most part can only decide on proposals that were previously crafted by FSM officials. In addition, there appears to be no transparent standard or explicit rule on how to call an online referendum and the weight of users in shaping the
          
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           A modest pool of users
          
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           Moreover, as a result of scandals surrounding FSM and the platform’s own flaws, participation in online voting and discussions has been steadily decreasing over the last few years. As of 2017 the percentage of members participating in online voting dropped to 13%, down from an initial height of 68% in 2013, back when votes took place on FSM founder Beppe Grillo’s blog. This process hinders Rousseau’s legitimacy as a democratic tool. Only a few months ago the selection of FSM’s candidate governor for the Marche region (where more than 1,5 million people live) with a mere 454 votes, casted
          
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           on the relevance of such choice and of the platform as a reliable indicator.
          
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           Improving online participatory democracy moving forward
          
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           European
          
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           decision-making forums like Podemos’ Participa in Spain and the Pirate Party’s LiquidFeedback in Germany platforms share some of Rousseau’s problems. In light of these problematic aspects, FSM and other parties which employ online participatory platforms should implement adequate changes. In order to balance a system that relies on top-down decision making, more importance should be given to the deliberative process and to grassroot initiatives. Such a perspective shift would ensure that members feel more included in party politics and that their participation has a more meaningful impact. Furthermore, the relationship between platform and party leadership needs critical rethinking. On one hand, the management of forums should be less centralized and more independent from internal elites. This would restore credibility as well as legitimacy. On the other, party narratives around digital democracy should recognize the existence of hierarchies and power structures even within “digital” political organizations.
          
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           Digital innovation’s promise of unmediated democratic practice and rejection of traditional schemes of representation has incredible potential. However, in their current incarnations, digital democracy platforms have had both successes and shortcomings. While the introduction of instruments of direct participation has strengthened popular involvement in the political system, their influence has mostly been limited to plebiscitarian online consultations and subject to the filter of party leadership. It is imperative that endeavors are made to increase the trust in such forums and to ensure that the users’ deliberative input actually matters. Otherwise, true direct and deliberative democracy, as Jean-Jacques Rousseau predicted, runs the risk of remaining just a utopia.
           
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           Enzo Floris is pursuing his Master's degree in European Affairs at the University of Sciences Po Paris. He completed his Bachelor’s degree in Politics and Government at SciencesPo Paris and spent the third year on an exchange program in the department of European Studies at Trinity College Dublin. In the Autumn of 2018, he collaborated with the Italian Office of the European Parliament in Milan on a social media campaign in the context of the 2019 EP elections. He is fluent in Italian, English and French.
          
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      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Sep 2020 19:35:55 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/rousseau-cyberutopia</guid>
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      <title>With Legal Tech Towards More Justice</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/with-legal-tech-towards-more-justice</link>
      <description>Legal tech applications, such as those already used by firms offering compensation payments, facilitate the immediate and uncomplicated information for people seeking legal advice on simpler issues. By taking the risk of litigation away from consumers and reducing the costs of counseling through legal automatisation they enable the economically reasonable enforcement of rights.</description>
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           LEGAL TECH
          
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             With Legal Tech Towards More Justice
            
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           Legal tech applications, such as those already used by firms offering compensation payments, facilitate the immediate and uncomplicated information for people seeking legal advice on simpler issues. By taking the risk of litigation away from consumers and reducing the costs of counseling through legal automatisation they enable the economically reasonable enforcement of rights.
          
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           By Benjamin Förder
          
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           September 24, 2020
          
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           The number of lawsuits in Germany is falling. For years, a decline in the figures of incoming cases at the civil courts of first instance has been observed. In the comparative period from 1995 onwards, this decline amounts to around 20% at the Regional Courts and even around 47% at the 
          
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           Local Courts
          
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           . These figures are alarming and indicate a possible problem in the effective enforcement of legal rights. To investigate the causes, last year the BMJV commissioned a comprehensive research study. Such unmet-legal-needs studies have already been known, especially in the Anglo-American region (e.g. the annual LSC reports), in order to be able to adjust the legal system to possible needs. The following outlines the possible barriers to the effective enforcement of legal rights, and then explains how legal tech may overcome them, at least on simpler issues.
          
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           The enforcement of law as an integral part of the rule of law
          
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           The organised access to justice is an essential component of the rule of law and a functioning state. However, this requires that citizens not only can acquire legal rights but are also able to enforce them. This is so, particularly in situations of asymmetrical distribution of power, where there is a danger that potential claimants will not use their rights for a number of reasons.
          
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           Barriers to the enforcement of law
          
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           First and foremost, there is the financial risk involved in legal proceedings from the perspective of the claimant. Art. 3 of the Basic Law in conjunction with the principle of the rule of law stipulates that the access to courts may not be impeded to a party because of the party’s financial capacity (subjective-relative cost barrier). From the perspective of a person who usually has to employ limited economic resources as effectively as possible, however, this would de facto also be the case if the financial risks in relation to the economic success envisaged by the lawsuit were no longer considered to be economically reasonable (objective-absolute cost barrier).
          
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            To overcome these obstacles, legal aid on the one hand (subjective-relative cost barrier), and the staggered scale of counselling fees of the RVG on the other hand are intended to make legal proceedings economically reasonable even in the case of lower values in dispute (objective-absolute cost barrier). Nevertheless, these concepts do not seem to be fully effective. In 2013, in a study commissioned by the GdV (German Insurance Association), 71% of the people questioned stated that they would not engage a lawyer because of
           
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           fear of the costs of legal action
          
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            In addition to the financial risks, there are often further factors that impede the enforcement of law. In particular, the lengthy instance procedure, with its various stages of appeal, may impede effective legal protection. While the average duration of proceedings at the Regional Courts was 6.3 months in 1995, it increased to 10.4 months in 2018 (from 4.5 to 5 months at the
           
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           ). It can take several years to exhaust the number of courts of appeal, which makes it unattractive to start a lawsuit with regard to time, mental, and financial resources. In addition, frequently people may not even be aware of their rights, especially when consumer rights are violated. This, combined with the uncertainties surrounding the procedure and the outcome, ultimately causes many people to refrain from enforcing their rights in court.
          
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           Legal tech as a solution
          
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           Of course, even with the help of legal tech, the outcome of a lawsuit cannot be predicted, and the long and risky process through the instances generally remains, but legal tech provides solutions especially in the area of alleged bagatelle cases. 
          
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           In the context of automatised legal counselling, people seeking advice can be instantly informed of their legal situation in simpler cases by means of “decision trees”. An example of this are the legal tech companies specialising in compensation payments in the event of flight or train cancellations and delays. Besides the provision of immediate information, it is also significantly easier to open the browser, outline the situation, and be directed to a website via search engine optimisation which is used by the firms, instead of going to an office-based lawyer.
          
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           Where previously the costs of a lawsuit including legal counselling were perceived as an objective-absolute cost barrier and were disproportionate to the potential profit, these firms can ensure the economically reasonable enforcement of rights through legal automatisation due to the mass of similar cases. 
          
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           Although this service is not for free and usually remunerated with a considerable commission, this is obviously only due in case of success. This eliminates the financial risk as the main obstacle to the enforcement of legal rights. In addition, the firms often offer the customers an immediate (but lower) payout and thus assume the full risk of litigation. In this way, the person seeking legal protection can pass on all the factors that may prevent him to start a lawsuit. He does not have to struggle with long and risky instances, nor does he have to spend “fresh money” on the proceedings.
          
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           Now, it may be argued that this form of legal enforcement undermines the statutory instruments of legal aid and staggered counselling costs and the legal counselling market in general, but this fails to recognise that in the context of previous legal tech applications nothing is lost, but much is gained. The above-mentioned bagatelle cases do not fit into the traditional categories and thus also lead to a weakening of the rule of law and its reputation among the people. The business that legal tech firms do on the basis of the assignment of consumer rights constitutes a win-win situation. They catch the cases that the traditional legal market cannot manage cost-effectively and economically, and thus offer consumers a real alternative. From the perspective of the consumer, who would otherwise get nothing at all, the sums offered and easily obtained represent a significant part of the compensation claims. Taking into account the risks for the firms, such a deal seems only fair.
          
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           Cost barrier vs. rule of law
          
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           Legal tech applications, such as those already used by firms offering compensation payments, facilitate the immediate and uncomplicated information for people seeking legal advice on simpler issues. By taking the risk of litigation away from consumers and reducing the costs of counseling through legal automatisation in the mass of similar cases, they enable the economically reasonable enforcement of rights that would otherwise frequently remain unclaimed due to the objectively-absolute cost barrier. In this way, they catch cases which cannot be handled cost-effectively and economically by the traditional legal market and thus contribute to the rule of law.
          
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           Benjamin Förder is in his fourth year of law studies at the Humboldt-University of Berlin. From 2019-2020 he completed his advances studies at King’s College London. This gave him the opportunity to broaden his horizon form legal studies traditionally focused on Germany to an international dimension. During his internships in both the private and public sector (GSK Stockmann lawyer, home 24 SE, Berlin district court, German Bundestag), he has gained valuable impressions and experiences in various areas of legal practice. He is author in initiator of a blog about current issues regarding the development of Legal Tech and artificial intelligence in the legal sector and member of several law societies in Berlin and London. 
          
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      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Sep 2020 19:35:50 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/with-legal-tech-towards-more-justice</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalhumanrights,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Profanity in Digital Media</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/profanity-in-digital-media</link>
      <description>Over recent decades, society’s tolerance of offensive language has gradually risen. This in part has been driven by social media which has made it possible to recourse to inflammatory, shocking language to attract attention and help posts gain traction. It is not a surprise that consequently, some are willing to risk using profanity in their marketing strategies, to attract a certain audience. Whilst Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) guarantees freedom of expression, in practice its exercise may be subject to restrictions prescribed by law and if necessary, imposed for the protection of morals. But how to determine the floating border where the freedom to express ourselves intersects with public morality? In different fields of law, this dilemma shifts from a theoretical towards a real problem.</description>
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           FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION ONLINE
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             Profanity in Digital Media
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            Public Morality v. Freedom of Expression
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           By Dr. Miljana Todorovic
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           September 24, 2020
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           Rising tolerance for foul language 
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            Over recent decades, society’s tolerance of offensive language has gradually risen. This in part has been driven by social media which has made it possible to recourse to inflammatory, shocking language to attract attention and help posts gain traction. It is not a surprise that consequently, some are willing to risk using profanity in their marketing strategies, to attract a certain audience. Whilst Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) guarantees freedom of expression, in practice its exercise may be subject to restrictions prescribed by law and if necessary, imposed for the protection of morals. But how to determine the floating border where the freedom to express ourselves intersects with public morality? In different fields of law, this dilemma shifts from a theoretical towards a real problem. 
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           Controversial trade mark case
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            The recent case involving a German producer who wanted to protect a controversial word sign is such a case. The story begins in 2013, when a German comedy movie Fack Ju Göhte, made a huge success. Within a mere 17 days the film was watched by 3 million people in German cinemas, an impressive number that later rose to almost
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           7.4 million viewers
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           . This intriguing title is a combination of phonetic transcription of an English profanity and a misspelling of the famous German writer Goethe.
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            This success in the film industry likely motivated the producer,
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           Constantin Film Produktion GmbH
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            , to apply to the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO) for registration of the word sign
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            Fack Ju Göhte
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            as an EU trade mark on 21. April 2015 . The EUIPO refused the application on basis of Article 7(1)(f) of Council Regulation No. 207/2009, which excludes from registration trade marks that are contrary to public policy or to accepted principles of morality. The
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           Constantin Film Produktion GmbH
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            contested this decision. However, the appeal was rejected at the Fifth Board of Appeal of the EUIPO and subsequently at the General Court. 
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           Whose moral is protected?
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            The
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            have made a substantial body of decisions concerning the registration of trade mark applications that are contrary to the accepted principles of morality. In order to prevent the registration of trademarks that are contrary to the ethical and moral principles recognised by a Member State and throughout the EU, the Boards have concluded that the most reliable assessment, in the absence of particular surveys, is provided by the historical background, the national offices’ guidelines and
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           the case-law of Member States
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            . Furthermore, the concept of morality in Article 7(1)(f) is not concerned with bad taste or the protection of individuals’ feelings. A trade mark must be perceived as against public morality by the relevant public, or at least a significant part of it, and as going directly against the
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           basic moral norms of society
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            . The ‘relevant public’ is not confined to the consumers of the goods and services covered by the mark, since a broader public than just the targeted consumers may encounter the
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           mark
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            However, in April 2018 the appellant commenced proceedings  in front of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU, Case C-240/18 P). The producer asserted, inter alia, that the word sign
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           Fack ju Göhte
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            is perceived not as profanity, but “as a joke, the students’ occasional frustration with school and uses, for this purpose, a selection of words taken from teenage slang”. On 27 February 2020 the applicant finally received a positive decision.. The CJEU found that the General Court erred in its interpretation and application of Art. 7(1)(f). It set aside the General Courts judgment and annulled the decision of the EUIPO to refuse the registration of
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            Fack Ju Göhte as a
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           trade mark
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            .
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            What was the reasoning of the CJEU? The concept of ‘accepted principles of morality’ is not defined by Regulation No. 207/2009, so it had to be interpreted. As AG Bobek has emphasised, values and norms should be determined according to the social consensus prevailing in a particular society at the time of the assessment. In making that determination, due account is to be taken of the social context, including, where appropriate, the cultural, religious or philosophical diversities that
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           characterize it
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           The overruling of the decision by the CJEU demonstrates that although volatile concepts, like morality, are escaping precise definition, there is a need to clarify the applicable legal test for assessing eventual intrusion on public morals. Only that way the freedom of expression can be protected from unnecessary restrictions.
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            Miljana Todorovic is a doctor in law from the University of Belgrade. She worked as a teaching assistant at the Law Faculty of Nish. She conducted research in the field of Constitutional Law, Criminal law and Property Law and has 15 publications. She participated in numerous scientific conferences in Serbia, Austria, Italy and Belgium. At the Université libre de Bruxelles she completed an LL.M. in International Business Law. She is a scientific collaborator at the University of Ghent and a mother of two.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Sep 2020 19:35:45 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/profanity-in-digital-media</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalhumanrights,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Cyberspace &amp; International Law</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cyberspace-and-international-law</link>
      <description>Application of international law to cyberspace: a treaty regulating cyberspace?</description>
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           REGULATION OF CYBERSPACE
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             Cyberspace &amp;amp; International Law
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            Application of international law to cyberspace: a treaty regulating cyberspace?
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           By Marco Piccolo Brescacin
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           September 24, 2020
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           Regulation of cyberspace is a current and discussed debate in the international law field, especially due to the exponential growth of technologies and globalisation in the last decades. Internet servers in multiple locations, global networks and transatlantic cables under the sea are a reality and cyberspace has become, in a certain sense, a virtual common that is intrinsically linked to public services, health, information and national security services. 
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           Efforts have been made at an international level to regulate cyberspace but a consensus is far from being reached. The first step towards this might be recognising that general principles of international law should regulate and guide the development of technology, especially when it affects relationships between states. This article briefly describes the main postures of some countries with regards to the regulation of cyberspace and some of the open questions on this topic.
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           International efforts to regulate cyberspace: cybersecurity or information security?
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           The complexity of regulating cyberspace is related to its character of ‘virtuality’ and ‘communality’. Precisely due to these features, international law comes into play as a solution to a collective problem and tries to address issues such as cyberattacks, especially because those attacks surpass territorial boundaries and may be carried out without physically invading another state’s territory. This raises questions related to the attribution of such actions, the physical/kinetic consequences of such, and the possible rights that governments may have (for example, self-defence).
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            The starting point of this discussion (that is, regulation of cyberspace) is the absence or poor  regulation.
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           The UN Group of Governmental Experts (UNGGE)
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            has strived to reach a consensus on these matters, but has failed to achieve anything transcendental due to strategy, politics and ideological differences between Western countries, on one side, and  Russia and China, on the other side. 
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            On the other hand, there have been important declarations by the
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           UK Attorney General
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            in 2018 and by the
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           French Minister of Defence
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            in 2019 with regards to the UK’s and France’s position, respectively, on applying international law to cyberspace. These statements were preceded in 2012 by clear affirmations of the former US Legal Adviser of the Department of State, Harold Koh, that, pursuant to US’ legal opinion, international law principles apply to cyberspace. It is not a coincidence that in 2013 the Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare was published and then in 2017 was expanded as the Tallinn Manual 2.0. Both texts are the result of academic studies that identifies the application of international law to cyberwarfare and, more generally, cyberconflicts. At least, this is the opinion of Western countries.
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            One of the reasons states do not agree on the regulation of cyberspace is the ideological differences (as well as naked interests) regarding Internet openness and fundamental freedoms between Western powers, Russia, China and Middle East countries. These divergences of opinion make it difficult to reach an agreement to regulate cyberspace and, in general, Information and Communication Technology
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            . There is a constant debate about how cyberspace should be dealt with: cybersecurity (West) or information security (China, Russia)
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           (Henriksen, 2019)
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           . Russia and China’s proposals to ban or regulate cyberweapons are intrinsically related to their wish to maintain domestic political control over information (
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           in addition, of course, to their fears of cyberattacks
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           ) .
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           Cyberspace and warfare: sovereignty and non-intervention
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            In summary, yes, Western countries are trying to regulate cyberspace and there is a tension because of ideological differences. However, why are the Western powers the first ones interested in establishing clear principles of application of international law regulating cyberspace? Maybe because of its implications in cyberwarfare: as a matter of fact, many cyberattacks and cybernetic intrusions have been carried out during the last few years, allegedly by states (or private actors located in / paid by other states). For example, the NotPetya cyberattack in 2017 on Ukraine attributed to Russia, or the Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections. On top of that, on April 15, the US accused North Korea of certain cyberattacks whereby the country steals and launders money, extorts companies and uses digital currencies to gain cash for its nuclear program. The US, UK and Australia also attributed to North Korea the 2017
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           WannaCry
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            ransomware attacks. It appears, at least from a superficial point of view, that countries not wanting to regulate cyberattacks are the ones that commit them.
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            So, yes, there is an interest to clarify how international law applies to cyberspace, especially cyberattacks. But there’s an additional question: are current principles of international law enough? Some authors think that new treaties are not necessary and that the current principles of international law are up to the task. I do not completely agree with this approach.
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           Koh
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            mentions that it is necessary to develop a common understanding about how these rules apply to cyberspace, but wouldn’t that consensus be reflected in a treaty?
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            I
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             ﻿
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            believe such an agreement must, of course, be based on current principles of international law, but be aware of this new and changing reality cyberspace is. Without a clear treaty regulating this matter, many topics are left open to interpretation, although some countries such as Russia and China appear to be happy with this scenario (that is, the legal gap) that allows them to continue organizing and perpetrate cyberattacks (directly or through private actors). In 2015 the UNGGE prepared a draft to clarify regulation of cyberspace, but China and Russia did not accept such document, apparently, because there were explicit references ‘to the potential applicability of the right to self-defence, the general international law principles of countermeasures and international humanitarian law ’
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           (Henriksen, 2019)
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           .
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           The application of general principles of international law in cyberspace is not as simple as it seems. Further discussions between states are still needed, but those considerations should be directed to the drafting of certain treaties or conventions with specific provisions. In any case, states should clearly state their position as the UK, France and the US have done.
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             Marco Piccolo completed a Master of Laws (LLM) degree at the University of Cambridge where he specialised in International Law. He studied his law degree at the Universidad de Monterrey (UDEM) in Monterrey, Mexico, and practiced corporate and commercial law for five years at a Band 1 law firm. He recently joined the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society and is interested in the relationship between law and technology. 
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/23100-happy-bird.gif" length="372363" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Sep 2020 19:35:39 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cyberspace-and-international-law</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">new,digitalhumanrights,#law,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Health Records in a Digital Society</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/health-records-in-a-digital-society</link>
      <description>The current pandemic pushed health care systems to their limits. Today’s technology allows us to improve medical work in many ways, such as eTreatment and ePrescriptions. It can simplify the exchange of information between doctors, make education for doctors and nurses around the world accessible and help to transmit data to patients. Amazingly even remote surgeries had been successful.</description>
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           E-HEALTH
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           Health Records in a Digital Society
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           The current pandemic pushed health care systems to their limits. Today’s technology allows us to improve medical work in many ways, such as eTreatment and ePrescriptions. It can simplify the exchange of information between doctors, make education for doctors and nurses around the world accessible and help to  transmit data to  patients. Amazingly even remote
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      &lt;a href="https://www.inverse.com/innovation/5g-telesurgery-is-here" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
        
            surgeries
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           had been successful.
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           By Pia Staudenmaier
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           September 13, 2020
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           The new digital way gives us the opportunity to collect all the necessary medical data to have the best treatment for every patient. Most of this information is, undoubtedly, very sensitive. The disclosure could lead to discrimination, professionally, by health insurances and even by society. The freedom from discrimination of any kind is set in Article 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 12 grands freedom of arbitrary interference with privacy. Choosing what happens with your data is covered by the right to self-determination from Article 1 (2) of the Charter of the United Nations (UN Charter). Following the importance of digital privacy, the European Union passed the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) which builds on the idea that every information processed should be covered by consent. 
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           Consent is crucial for the success of digital medical solutions. In analog times few people would have the change to access medical data and these people are legally bound by medical confidentiality. Confidentiality is
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           defined
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           as the process of and obligation to keep a transaction, documents, private and secret aw well as the right to withhold information, e.g. medical information, from others. Today, the information is stored by third parties, private companies. Patients need reasons to trust these entities to approve eHealth solutions. 
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           Approaches
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           A selective overview of some eHealth solutions will depict different approaches and thus give an understanding of  why and where consent is important. Countries such as
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           England
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           ,
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           Estonia
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           ,
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           Australia
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           and
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           Ghana
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           all run government owned e-health systems that are centralised. Meaning the data is stored all together, which aims to have comprehensive access. Whereas in Germany so far different companies provide services, among them the
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           insurance companies
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           .
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           Also in China,
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           two big companies
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           that are mostly controlled by the government store medical information. There is no opportunity to opt-out of the system as it is connected to the Chinese
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    &lt;a href="https://qz.com/1049669/chinas-tencent-hkg-0700-is-quietly-testing-a-social-credit-score-based-on-peoples-online-behavior/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
           Social Scoring System
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           . Since the pandemic started, even public transport and stores are
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           not
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           accessible without it.
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           Other countries failed to maintain the opt-out system. Especially England’s care.data programme had to be paused several times due to
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           massive criticism
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           . The National Health Service had
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           failed
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           to properly educate the public about risks and benefits. As a consequence of the breach of sensitive data to commercial organisations the British Medical Association demanded the whole system to be
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           opt-in
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           . Within weeks millions of people opted out which led to the end of
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           care.data
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           .
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           Australia
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           on the other hand started as an opt-in system (MyHealthRecord) and due to low participation rates changed to opt-out. Putting the focus on the success of MyHR, everything got forced into the centralised document store with a limited consent model. Critics question the way the Australian Government informed their citizens about MyHR and the legitimacy of the consent. Over
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           30%
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           of the population already opted out of the system.
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           Another failed system is the virus infection tracking app Smittestopp from the Norwegian Government. Though there is
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           consensus
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           among health institutes, that these apps help to control transmissions, the app had to be taken down after
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           Amnesty International
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           rated it one of the most alarming apps worldwide. The app collects health information as well as accurate and hourly updated location data that is linked to an individual,  in doing so it became a fully functional surveillance device. While
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           virus tracking app is free to opt-in, it could not accumulate enough users due to security breaches.
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           tracking app with a decentralised approach, where no personal data can be linked to an individual whatsoever, was ranked one of the most secure apps in the world.
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           Many factors can contribute to a trustworthy medical system. The right to self-determination (Article 1 (2) UN Charta), the right to live without arbitrary interference with privacy (Article 12 UDHR) and the protection from discrimination (Article 2 UDHR) has to be in balance with the benefits and the utility of medical programs. Which for its part is contributing to the right to life from Article 3 UDHR. 
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            Having mandatory programs like in Australia, England and Norway can logically help to have consistent data. But as the cases have shown, people will not use the technical capabilities if they do not have control over it.  A
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           survey
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            in the European Union (EU) showed that the major barriers to sharing electronic health data was the premier risk of privacy breaches.
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           The EU defined consent to be the fundamental reason for lawful data collection according to  Article 6 (1) (a) GDPR. Albeit, the processing of health data is prohibited under Article 9 (1) GDPR, there  are many exceptions (Article 9 (2) GDPR) such as inter alia statistical research and  defence of legal claims. 
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            It can be difficult to understand the complexity for some people.
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            say even the language in which the consent is framed can lead to misunderstandings. Which can be overwhelming and thereby cause loss of trust. Article 12 (1) and 32 of the GDPR require information to be in a easy accessible form and consent should be given by a clear affirmative act. Unequal power balances can lead to a feeling of duress, for decisions to be free, the controller needs to eliminate all imbalances of power and indirect externally effects. Therefore no government nor any company should have the opportunity and the legal basis to use health information to their advantage.
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            Having the control to delete information and to revoke consent gives power to the patient. The Australian legislation reacted to the above mentioned pressure on MyHR and passed a bill that allows patients to permanently delete the records.  It grants the right to be forgotten not only for health records but in any situation.
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            In Estonia 90% of the doctors trust and use the centralised record that is encrypted by
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           blockchain technology
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            preserve the right to determine access to the data to the patient which shows that well functioning eHealth records can be used responsibly. 
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            ﻿
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           E-health can be compatible with privavy
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           Lawfulness, fairness and transparency are the principles of the GDPR and consent is the foundation to all data processing. This should apply for all health records. It is essential for every health care system to be trusted by citizens. Which can only be achieved through control of data and information. As some countries proved in the past months and years, it is possible to find creative and efficient solutions for a system that protects privacy and retains self-determination. Health information is intimate information, therefore digital responsibility should be treated just like patient confidentiality.
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           Pia Staudenmaier is studying law at Freie Universität Berlin. She has a Bachelor of Law and wrote her thesis about data privacy in e-health. While living in Sweden for one year she specialized in international law at Stockholm University. Since the beginning of 2019 she is working as a Legal Engineer at LegalOS in Berlin. She is part of the Law &amp;amp; Technology Team of the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society. 
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2020 19:59:06 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/health-records-in-a-digital-society</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,privacy,#law</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Doing Democracy Digitally</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/doing-democracy-digitally</link>
      <description>Digital governance is a black box. So much is unknown and unpredictable yet, democracy needs an actionable plan. But the unknown should not become a distraction in the pursuit of democratic ideals.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
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             Doing Democracy Digitally
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            Digital governance is a black box. So much is unknown and unpredictable. Yet, democracy needs an actionable plan. 
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           The unknown should not become a distraction in the pursuit of democratic ideals.
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           By Yamunna Ramakrishna Rao
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           September 13, 2020
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           Demanding all hands onboard
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           In democracies, policymaking is ‘designed to aggregate preferences into binding collective decisions’ because citizens are expected to play an active role in the governance process (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009, p. 13). After all, legitimate decisions can only be reached after amassing and negotiating the different positions that are represented, subject to institutional and structural limitations.
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           Typically, citizens are expected to make their preferences public to facilitate deliberation and collective decision making. While the democratic system expects an ‘active willingness to influence the constraints’ of the democratic institutions on the part of the citizens, there is equal emphasis on building institutions within which these participatory aspects of governance unfold (March &amp;amp; Olsen, 1995).
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           Quick and Bryson emphasise the need for the state to undertake ‘stakeholder analysis’ and actively manage conflict and power differentials so as to facilitate ‘active negotiation’ to build inclusive institutional practices (2016, p. 162). Another important role the state takes up is to design and implement empowerment and solidarity oriented policies (Snower, 2019). By way of such policies, it is expected that citizens’ ‘access to and immersion in a particular set of norms which develop certain habits of mind and body over the long term’ will generate the necessary social capital to that make them engaged and prepared participants within the communities they identify with (Parvin, 2018, p. 39).
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           Drawing people together
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           Digital platforms are fertile ground for citizens who are disenchanted with traditional and formal forms of engagement but still seek to participate meaningfully (Yue, Nekmat, &amp;amp; Beta, 2019). With the proliferation of the Internet and the advent of new media, citizens have increased their reliance on digital platforms to gather information as well as take collective action. They have adopted new forms of engagement and participation which are considered more suitable and in alignment with the values and goals espoused by modernisation and prosperity (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009; Meijer &amp;amp; Thaens, 2010).
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           As individuals become more attuned to the needs and problems in their society, they sharpen their understanding of their roles, responsibilities and capabilities to contribute towards their communities (Clark, 2017). Their heightened sense of concern and civic responsibility generates personal value and satisfaction which justifies the time and effort they invest to track updates on policy issues that matter the most to them.
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           Debating the quality of digital governance
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           Digital tools for participation have decreased the ‘need for physical proximity’ to conduct meaningful exchanges and engagement without impairing the development of trusting relations (Hooghe &amp;amp; Oser, 2015, p. 1180). Technology has ‘transformed the character of social capital building’ while preserving the fundamental elements of communicative interaction that are needed for social relations to flourish, identities to be built and inclusive participation to be fostered (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009, p. 14; Kösters &amp;amp; Jandura, 2019). Technology has bridged the time and space divide.
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           Although citizens’ active participation is functionally important in fulfilling their responsibilities as democratic citizens, the procedural quality of governance is arguably more critical for effective policymaking.
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           The theory of issue specialists posits that individuals’ increased reliance on new technological platforms has increased the number of specialist-type citizens who are concerned about specific issues while avoiding content that does not pique their interest (Jang &amp;amp; Park, 2013). This problematises the efficiency gains argument because, in balance, new technologies have created citizens who have evolved from ‘content consumer to content prosumer’; they selectively seek, consumer and produce information of high personal salience to ‘economise their investment’ in the decision making process (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009, p. 5; Jang &amp;amp; Park, 2013; Ronchi, 2019, p. 12).
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           Its effect is underscored by the observation that technology ‘atomises and alienates’ people whose shrinking social circles makes it challenging for them to deliberate on policies publicly (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009; Snower &amp;amp; Bosworth, 2016). Both the lack of interest as well as inadequate trusting relations explain the political disengagement of issue specialists and thereby, the failure to facilitate meaningful interaction and participation. On a pragmatic note, some interest is still better than none at all. The opportunities and the voice of specialist-type citizens ought not be discredited in the participatory processes.
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           Due to differences in resource endowments, income inequality is manifested in the widening ‘participation gap between lower status groups and higher-status individuals’ (Dalton &amp;amp; Klingemann, 2009, p. 15). Individuals perceive their relatively lower status and power differentials as barriers to enter and engage in participatory spaces (Fischer, 2009). Lastly, the lack of ‘rules that govern such [online] exchanges’, which Fischer describes as ‘soft or mushy’, places further constraints on public participation to be seriously considered as an epistemological tool that could and ought to inform policymaking (2009, p. 110).
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           Designing inclusive spaces
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           The true cost of becoming a well-informed individual with the requisite capability and capacity to participate in collective decision making processes is substantial – there are associated risks which threaten to undermine the benefits of participatory governance. Without recognising the limitations of online participatory spaces, pushing ahead with the digital participation agenda is reckless and only serves to undermine the procedural quality of governance.
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           Doing democracy digitally is a call to action and a work in progress. The pursuit of democratic ideals is unceasing. Curiosity and inquisitiveness will show the way forward. Doing democracy digitally mirrors the hopes and aspirations of the future - one that is vibrant, active and inclusive.
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           References
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            Clark, N. (2017). Explaining Political Knowledge: The Role of Procedural Quality in an Informed Citizenry.
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           Political Studies
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            ,
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           (1), 61–80. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321716632258
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    &lt;i&gt;&#xD;
      
           Yamunna Ramakrishna Rao specialised in management and organisation with a focus on digital governance, public sector innovation and active citizenry during her studies at the Hertie School. Prior to joining the Hertie School, she completed her Bachelor of Arts in Economics at the National University of Singapore and a Postgraduate Diploma in Education at the National Institute of Education (NIE), Singapore. Beyond her professional experience as an educator in Singapore, Yamunna is an active volunteer with the West Coast Community Centre (Singapore) and served as its youth committee’s Vice Chairperson. She is fluent in English, Tamil and Mandarin while working to improve on her German. Yamunna is proud of her stamp collection and enjoys travelling to unfamiliar places.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/31712-social-network.gif" length="2137288" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2020 19:59:01 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/doing-democracy-digitally</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">frontpage,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/31712-social-network.gif">
        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
      </media:content>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/31712-social-network.gif">
        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Your Brain On Social Media</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/your-brain-on-social-media</link>
      <description>How the digital era reprogrammed our brains. The rise of social media dramatically changed the ways we interact with one another, our attitudes and how we engage with information. An increasing body of researchers investigates links between the rise in psychiatric illnesses and the use of social media. At its very basis, our smartphone usage underlies measurable effects in your brain’s reward center, affecting our free will (if there is one). Is it time for a digital detox?</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           NEUROETHICS
          
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  &lt;div&gt;&#xD;
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           Your Brain On Social Media
          
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           How the digital era reprogrammed our brains. The rise of social media dramatically changed the ways we interact with one another, our attitudes and how we engage with information. An increasing body of researchers investigates links between the rise in psychiatric illnesses and the use of social media. At its very basis, our smartphone usage underlies measurable effects in our brain’s reward center, affecting our free will (if there is one). Is it time for a digital detox?
          
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    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           By Faissal Sharif
          
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           September 13, 2020
          
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  &lt;a&gt;&#xD;
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&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           The digital generation: The iGen
          
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           In early 2020, nearly
          
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://wearesocial.com/blog/2020/01/digital-2020-3-8-billion-people-use-social-media#:~:text=More%20than%204.5%20billion%20people,the%20middle%20of%20this%20year." target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           59% of the world’s population
          
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           had access to the internet with 49% actively using social media. That is 3.8 billion people scrolling, swiping, liking and commenting on platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and Tik Tok - on average,
          
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    &lt;a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/270229/usage-duration-of-social-networks-by-country/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           144 minutes a day
          
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           . 
          
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           While the benefits of social media are obvious - connecting to individuals globally, seek emotional support, access information, share ideas and raise awareness etc. - they come at a cost, especially for young people. While living with this environment of hyperconnection, statistics show that adolescents disengaged from social interactions in real life, whether it is with friends or with dates. Meanwhile, rates of psychological distress and depression
          
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    &lt;a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/30869927/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           rose dramatically
          
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           over the last decade.
          
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           Jean Twenge, a professor of psychology at San Diego State University links this to the use of smartphones and social media. He calls this new digital generation born between 1995 and 2012, the
          
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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    &lt;a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2017/09/has-the-smartphone-destroyed-a-generation/534198/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           iGen
          
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    &lt;/a&gt;&#xD;
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           , and criticizes how social media increased teens’ fears of missing out (FOMO), loneliness and disrupted sleep. The empirical data on long-term effects is often contradictory and inconclusive. The ABCD (Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development) study,
          
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      &lt;span&gt;&#xD;
      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
    &lt;a href="https://www.addictionresearch.nih.gov/abcd-study" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           launched in 2015
          
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           , follows nearly 12.000 children over the course of at least ten years, starting from when they are nine or ten years old. The study launched by the National Institute of Health promises new insights on the relationship between early smartphone use and brain development.
          
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           Addictive by Design 
          
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           At the core of our tendency to spend hours in front of our smartphone screens are intricate mechanisms deployed by big tech companies to grow their arguably most valuable asset - our attention. As one of the most prominent figures spearheading the conversation, former Google employee Tristan Harris started the
          
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    &lt;a href="https://www.wired.com/story/tristan-harris-tech-is-downgrading-humans-time-to-fight-back/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Time Well Spent movement
          
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           . According to Harris, the digital revolution, powered by big tech in Silicon Valley, hijacked our minds as part of the Attention Economy. Social media platforms engage in a War for Attention - trying to get us hooked for as long as possible, engaging with content and ads. His
          
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    &lt;a href="https://www.humanetech.com/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           Center for Humane Technology
          
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      &lt;/span&gt;&#xD;
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           advocates for more socially meaningful interactions through social media by working with the public, policymakers and tech companies. Their work is featured in the upcoming Netflix movie
          
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           The Social Dilemma
          
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           by Jeff Orlowski, set to release on September 9th. 
          
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           According to a report by
          
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           Gallup
          
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           , 52% of American smartphone users check their phones several times an hour or more. Among users between the ages of 18 and 29, one in five admitted to checking their phone every couple of minutes. Simultaneously, Google
          
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           searches
          
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           on Digital Detox and Digital Detox Retreats have risen steadily over the last ten years. Users are increasingly aware of the negative mental health consequences linked to social media and permanent digital connectivity. While initially turning a blind eye, tech companies have started to listen and are increasingly implementing Digital Wellbeing features in their products. Google’s
          
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           strategy
          
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           for AndroidOS involves, among others, app timers with daily limits and a grayscale mode to “reduce the attention-grabbing nature of many app icons”. As part of their Digital Wellbeing Experiments collection, one of their apps forces users on a “
          
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           Desert Island
          
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           ” and limits their phone use to the most essential apps.
          
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           Silicon Valley native Jaron Lanier, “the father of VR”  went one step further and wrote a book on
          
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           10 Reasons to Leave Social Networks
          
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           . #1 on his list: You are losing your free will.
            
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           "When an algorithm is feeding experiences to a person, it turns out that the randomness that lubricates algorithmic adaptation can also feed human addiction. The algorithm is trying to capture the perfect parameters for manipulating a brain, while the brain, in order to seek out deeper meaning, is changing in response to the algorithm’s experiments; it’s a cat-and-mouse game based on pure math. Because the stimuli from the algorithm don’t mean anything, because they genuinely are random, the brain isn’t adapting to anything real, but to a fiction. That process -- of becoming hooked on an elusive mirage -- is addiction. "  - Jaron Lanier
           
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           The neuroscience of Social Media: Dopamine, compulsion loops and slot machines
          
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           So how did we end up with digital detox retreats and apps sending you to a desert island? When Tristan Harris talks about tech companies taking part in a “race to the bottom of the brain stem”, he refers to one of the most fundamental, primitive features of the mammalian brain: the dopamine system. Neurons, the cells our brains are largely composed of, communicate through chemical messengers called neurotransmitters. These facilitate interaction between areas of the brain involved in different functions. The transport of dopamine, the main neurotransmitter responsible for pleasure and reward, follows distinct pathways in the brain depending on its function. Think of it as motor highways connecting brain regions for the efficient transport of information. The mesolimbic dopaminergic pathway is active in all sorts of human behaviour involving reward and reinforced behaviour, most commonly food, sex and
          
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           social interactions
          
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           . So what happens when we get a new notification? A red icon flashes up, showing us new likes, comments or messages?
          
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            Image Source:
           
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           Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology
          
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            We experience a small burst of dopamine in an area of the Midbrain called the Ventral Tegmental Area (VTA). Through the neurotransmitter highways mentioned earlier, dopamine is passed on to the amygdala, which is responsible for strong emotional responses, such as fear and pleasure. Its connection to the hippocampus, where memories are produced, leads us to remember the cause of the dopamine surge - the reward itself, the like on Instagram. The VTA is also connected to the Nucleus Accumbens (NAcc) which is involved in motor function - the finger tapping, the swipe down to update. These associations between different brain areas and our memories reinforce dopamine-releasing behaviour. With each like, the response becomes more efficient, more hard-wired - we become hooked in a so-called
           
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           compulsion loop
          
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            .
           
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            This mechanism is crucial when thinking about survival - the pleasure of food or sex for reproduction - but can have adverse effects, as seen in addiction. Interestingly, apps designed to grab our attention act on similar parts of the brain as those involved in e.g. cocaine and amphetamine addiction, which rely on the dopamine system. Dopamine is not only released after a reward but also during
           
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           reward anticipation
          
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            , the period where we expect a reward to occur based on previous experience. Slot machines are designed to show spinning wheels for a couple of seconds to build up dopamine as a mere
           
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           response to anticipation
          
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            .
           
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            Instagram, for example, releases notifications in a batch, withholding them to increase expectation. Similarly, we reach out our phone as it vibrates, fuelled by dopamine because we expect a small reward in the form of a message or e-mail. App developers and user experience (UX) designers are well aware of these neurobiological underpinnings. Jaron Lanier speaks of a “social-validation feedback loop (..) exploiting a vulnerability in human psychology” - and he got a point. Long-term effects of social media on the brain, especially among the
           
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           iGen
          
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           , remain elusive. However, with all that being said: You should definitely consider that digital detox.
          
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           Faissal Sharif obtained a BSc in Biomedical Sciences at Maastricht University in the Netherlands with a semester abroad at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. As a visiting scholar at the University of California, Irvine, he investigated biomarkers for Alzheimer’s Disease. Currently, he is completing his MSc in Translational Neuroscience at Imperial College London and works at the Centre for Psychedelic Research. He is co-leading the Neuroethics cycle at the Institute for Internet &amp;amp; the Just Society.
          
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1554177255-61502b352de3.jpg" length="71116" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2020 19:58:57 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/your-brain-on-social-media</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">neuroethics,all,fair,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Towards the ‘Zoomatisation’ of Politics?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/towards-the-zoomatisation-of-politics</link>
      <description>The consolidation of video conferencing provides numerous opportunities to improve the public sphere and advance new forms of governance.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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             Towards the ‘Zoomatisation’ of Politics?
            
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           The consolidation of video conferencing provides numerous opportunities to improve the public sphere and advance new forms of governance. 
          
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           By Javier Canales Luna
          
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           September 21, 2020
          
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           Covid-19 and video conferencing: a necessary and profitable romance 
          
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           The social distancing measures adopted to contain the covid-19 have compelled societies to find alternatives to face-to-face communication. With hundreds of millions of people forced to remain in their home, video conferencing has never been more crucial. 
          
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            While many sectors of the economy are struggling with the pandemic, video conferencing providers such as Zoom, Google Meet or Microsoft Teams can be seen as corporate winners. For example, Zoom
           
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           reported
          
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            an increase of 354% in the number of customers with more than 10 employers in the first quarter of 2020 and a rise of revenues by 169% year-on-year. 
           
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            Video conferencing platforms have been vital to keep social contact with relatives and friends, and its consolidation is likely to have a profound impact in areas like (remote)
           
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           work
          
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            and (online)
           
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            While these two sectors are receiving broad coverage by media and academia, less has been reported so far about how video conferencing may transform politics. Indeed, the key question is not whether video conferencing can change the way politics is made (the answer is yes, as explained in next session), but whether governments and politicians will continue using these tools once restrictions are lifted. If the latter is proved true, video conferencing has the potential to change politics (and thus, democracies) forever.
           
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           Politics and video conferencing during lockdowns 
          
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           Just like companies, governments and political parties worldwide have been affected by social distancing measures. As a result, their day-to-day work has rapidly shifted towards video conferencing, which has become a standard medium to conduct meetings, negotiate or hold press conferences. 
          
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            The same goes for parliamentary activity. Indeed, the coronavirus crisis has already left us historic moments, such as the
           
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           first ever online parliamentary sessions
          
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            in the UK House of Common —with MPs participating in Parliament in person and via Zoom—, which can be seen as one of the greatest changes in British parliamentary procedure in centuries. The Brits probably drew inspiration from Canadian House of Common, which celebrated its
           
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           first virtual sitting
          
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            some weeks before. 
           
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            The covid-19 crisis is also having a significant impact on
           
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           electoral processes
          
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            . Fearing the spread of the virus at the polling stations, state authorities have postponed a planned election or considered alternative voting processes. Where authorities have decided to continue with holding elections, political candidates have explored innovative campaigning mechanisms to reach their electorates. This includes video conferencing. For example, during the second round of the municipal elections in France, celebrated in June, several candidates in the city of Grenoble have held
           
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           online debates in Zoom
          
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            Finally, governments are leveraging the capabilities of video conferencing to enable democratic participation. Local authorities, whose actions have a direct impact on citizens, are particularly well-suited to advance initiatives of this nature. For instance, the UK Local Government Association have listed
           
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           several cases
          
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            of councils that have piloted virtual  meetings to deliberate with citizens.
           
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           A case for the ‘zoomatisation’ of politics 
          
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            It is too soon to say whether the covid-19 pandemic will bring about the ‘zoomatisation’ of politics. However, in these unprecedented times, where the world is experiencing one of the biggest
           
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           transforming moments
          
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            in the last decades, instead of making a retreat to pre-covid practices once restrictions are lifted, politicians and public servants should seriously consider the prospects of video conferencing. 
           
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            Yet these tools and platforms have been with us for a while (in 2018,
           
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           the industry was valued over 3 billion dollars
          
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            , and was expected to reach 6,37 billion by 2026), the current crisis is driving demand for video conferencing solutions as never before. The widespread use of videoconferencing is among the main forces in the current
           
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           cultural shift towards virtual communications.
          
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            If we manage to
           
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            and everyone —particularly older people, students and people with low-incomes— has access and is familiar with these tools, politics and democracies could go (partly) virtual. 
           
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            Concerns such as the democratic deficit, the lack of transparency or accountability could be partially mitigated if we take advantage of video conferencing tools to establish a more constant, closer and honest dialogue between politicians and society. Nowadays, in rare occasions people have the possibility to speak directly and ask questions to their representatives. Video conferencing could alleviate that hurdle, paving the way for
           
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           new models of participatory democracy
          
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           . Governments at every level could take advantage of virtual tools to promote citizen engagement, from the European Union (EU) to local administrations.
          
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            Also, video conferencing is crucial to increase the frequency of meetings between governments. While it will be easier for local authorities to go back to face-to-face meetings eventually, governments and organizations that have to commute long distances to meet —e.g. the EU— have a lot to win in the long term,
           
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           once they gets used to it
          
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           . Further, it would be possible to establish new and strengthen existing networks between governments at different levels. As video conferencing means the end of most of the spatial and temporal limitations that have always conditioned human communication, nothing would preclude a local authority from, say, Spain, to connect with a regional authority in Poland.  These initiatives will be crucial not only to create bonds between societies, but also to transmit knowledge and share ideas that will help authorities to deliver more effective policies in crucial challenges such as climate change, poverty, or the current pandemic. 
          
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            The covid-19 pandemic is changing our world already. As a result of the restrictions to contain the virus, we are witnessing an explosion of creativity as people are using technology, including video conferencing, to bridge the physical gap. Yet
           
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           imperfect
          
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            , video conferencing has a huge potential to improve our lives and societies. Politics should not be an exception.
           
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           Javier Canales holds a Dual Bachelor in Law and Political Science from Carlos III University and a LL.M. in European Law from Maastricht University. After completing his legal studies, he specialised in the field of data science. He currently works as a Data Analyst at Trecone Solutions and part-time teacher of a course about Big Data and Python Programming.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2020 19:58:53 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/towards-the-zoomatisation-of-politics</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy,cosmonaut</g-custom:tags>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Externalities &amp; the Collective Action Problem</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/externalities-and-the-collective-action-problem-the-gig-economy</link>
      <description>The gig-economy is evolving at high-speed. Time to step back and look at some of its traits from the perspective of economics and policy.</description>
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           GIG ECONOMY
          
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            Externalities &amp;amp; 
           
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           the 
          
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           Collective 
          
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           Action Problem
          
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           The gig-economy is evolving at high-speed. Time to step back and look at some of its traits from the perspective of economics and policy.
          
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           By David Schoenwerth
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           “The gig economy is empowerment. This new business paradigm empowers individuals to better shape their own destiny and leverage their existing assets to their benefit” (
          
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           McAfee, 2016
          
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           ). It was with from perspective of individual autonomy and liberalism that McAfee described the mere potential of the gig economy. Others cynically call it “flexibility fetishism” (
          
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           Kaminska, 2019
          
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           ) at the disadvantage of the so-called gig-workers whose social destiny would not be all rosy and full of benefits after all. That rings a bell of the genesis of workers unions. Some go beyond gig-economy and predict the broader rise of some sort of universal basic income (
          
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           Jones, 2020
          
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           ) – helicopter money.
          
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           The perks of the gig-economy are evident: gig-workers can schedule their work at their own disposition, full-time or occasionally. Gig-platforms bring together several groups to craft an efficient service-delivery system while heavily relying on digital technology. Customer groups, such as providers of goods or consumers, experience lower transaction cost.
          
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           At the same time, prominent issues at place at quite a few gig-platforms include privacy, labor protection, consumer protection, tax compliance, and ensuring a level playing field (
          
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           Frenken et al., 2019
          
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           In the following five points, I will illustrate these identified issues based on their compelling 2019 study, analyze them from a lens of economic externalities, and give a few solutions. Finally, I sketch the messy world of Collective Action. Positive or here rather negative externalities are present when a price does not reflect the true cost of producing goods or providing services, but these costs are paid by others.
          
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           Privacy
          
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           In terms of consumer and employee privacy, we observe a tendency of gig-platforms to gather and analyze a sizeable amount of personal data to optimize their operations. Understanding customer preferences and behavior enables more intuitive smartphone apps, faster available deliveries, or more contextual information like ratings on restaurants. Regarding gig-workers’ privacy, data on their performance, speed, availability, smartphone behavior, or their received customer ratings are on the table.
          
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           Information in a people-business often comes at the expense of privacy. The latter can be considered externalizing the cost of information. Still, the question here is thus not if we need either information or privacy, but how to combine anonymization technology, proper enforcement and valid, freely given consent of the data subject. (Note: an excellent piece on the privacy paradox touching
          
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           Collective Action Theory by Solove (2013)
          
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           Labor protection
          
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           The degree of labor flexibility offers a better fit of supply planning and demand – when and where are how many gig-workers needed? By flexibly paying gig-workers per delivery or per time-period, salary only must be paid if there is work for them. It also means that a considerable degree of business risk is externalized to gig-workers. Similarly, by relying on those ‘independent’ workers, social security, and pension savings, if any, are paid for mainly by the gig-worker, decreasing fixed cost for gig economy firms. The same applies to sick leave and holidays whose cost is externalized – gig-workers are usually paid only for the hours they work.
          
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           In short, as we do have regulatory blueprints to stop this, we need to make proper employment contracts mandatory if gig-work surpasses a certain weekly threshold.
          
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           Tax compliance
          
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           The question of adequate also exists in other sectors where multinationals leverage loopholes in the global tax landscape. While highly relevant, it is considerably less of a problem specific to the gig-economy (more on this issue in
          
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           ). Regarding gig-workers’ income, tax regimes can offer difficulties for ‘independent’ workers, e.g. which of their expenses are gig-related, which are personal (Watson, 2019)? On a higher level, are different rates of taxation and administrative burdens (
          
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           The efforts needed to actually improve taxation systems here are shifted from tax authorities to gig-workers, making them assemble available information into sophisticated forms (Estonia is an example to look at in
          
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           (n.d.)). While some administrative burdens are externalized to gig-workers, a sustainable solution is to simplify tax systems by integrating payroll systems with tax authorities and moving a global taxation framework forward.
          
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           Safety measures such as background checks, education programs, knowledge checks, working hours policies or regular check-ups are not always required or, if so, properly enforced. While they create trust and safety for everybody, paying for such procedures is transferred to gig-workers or customers who do not necessarily take all these factors into account but still bear the externalized potential cost. Here as well, there already exists a diverse toolkit to ensure workplace and consumer safety that needs to be put in place, though more agile and open to change than it often is now.
          
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           Level playing field
          
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           Gig-platforms may have inherent advantages towards incumbent businesses in their industry. Some of them are legitimate technological innovation and should be considered well-earned. Others again results from blatantly circumventing the regulatory framework and growing immensely in size before industry regulatory action kicks-in. In this case, the rules of the game are disregarded.
          
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           Like above, agile and open regulatory frameworks are highly necessary to balance the speedy innovativeness of new competitors with the risk of industry fatigue in a highly regulated environment. As we have now made our way through five problematic pillars, it is time to bring it all together. 
          
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           Diagnosis and way forward
          
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           There are not only plenty of issues. There are also plenty of existing approaches to balancing interests of businesses and individuals. Now, why have they not been implemented?
          
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           Some might say there is a lack of ownership and responsibility by gig-workers and consumers. They could ultimately vote with their feet and choose not to interact on the platform. If they do it anyway, they probably accept those conditions. Here, we come back to negative externalities which are not sufficiently reflected in the pricing and conduct of many gig-platforms.
          
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           There is a simple explanation for what we observe: the so-called Logic of Collective Action (
          
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           Wikipedia, 2020
          
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           ). The more one is invested in a certain issue, the more one chooses to actively campaign and lobby for it, such as gig-platforms finding ways to leapfrogging existing sectoral regulation. While consumers might not even be aware of the existing issues, both consumers and gig-workers struggle to publicly voice their interests, to organize (e.g. due to technology) and finally achieve regulatory change. One possible cause is the free-riding problem: “It won’t make much of a difference if I participate or not” (much more on this in
          
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           Hardin (2013)
          
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           ).
          
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           Economic activity can increase welfare for everybody by both innovating and reducing inefficiencies. What we need to figure out is which externalities we want to accept and who, but the most vulnerable people of our society, pays for them to make economic growth more sustainable for everybody. If we empower existing and new advocacy groups to make a difference and better reach and represent gig-workers, we can find a viable compromise for these issues.
          
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           David Schoenwerth is a graduate student of Public Policy at Sciences Po Paris and also holds a degree in Information Systems. His main area of interest is the intersection of technology, policy, and economics. He has gained experience in private and public sector organisations like Microsoft and Bundeskartellamt on topics such as software development, public affairs, and regulation. He speaks German, English, and French 
          
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          and has a side interest for LGBT+ politics. At our Institute, he co-leads the cycle on Antitrust.
         
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:48:39 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/externalities-and-the-collective-action-problem-the-gig-economy</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,antitrust,digitalgovde</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Hashtags &amp; Viruses</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/hashtags-viruses</link>
      <description>Digital insights from a Pandemic. Collective reappropriation of power, space and visibility increasingly plays out both in the physical and in the virtual arena. How can the ongoing pandemic inform our understanding of contemporary online social movements?</description>
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           DIGITAL ACTIVISM
          
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            Hashtags and Viruses - 
           
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           How organizing spreads globally
          
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           Digital insights from a pandemic. Collective reappropriation of power, space and visibility increasingly plays out both in the physical and in the virtual arena. How can the ongoing pandemic inform our understanding of contemporary online social movements?
          
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           By Margherita Massarenti
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           Artifacts Have Politics. Digital Activism Does Too.
          
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           Contrary to the belief, that spreaded at the beginning of the Internet era, according to which the World Wide Web was destined to become a democratizing tool, granting equal access, knowledge and opportunities to everyone, researchers and activists have acknowledged what Langdon Winner suggested in 1980: artifacts have politics. 
          
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           That is to say, as the result of human design and production, just like other forms of technology, ICTs are likely to reproduce biases, injustices and power dynamics that characterize offline societies. Among other things, studies have shown that digital inequalities are layered at multiple, intertwined levels - access, participation, production, real life outcomes (Shaw and Hargittai, 2018; Van Deursen and Helsper, 2015). In different ways, this applies to every field and function they are used for. 
          
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           Specifically in respects to social media activism, research has pointed out that the lower costs of engagement typically associated with it, often lead to a lack of real impact, while also not always being low for everyone (Bimber, Flanagin, Stohl, 2005; Schradie 2018 a, b).  If the viral spreading mechanism has allowed for what Bimber called ‘accelerated pluralism’ - higher numbers of people can participate with just a click -, critiques rightfully problematize the failure of such movements and their supporters to engage in effective political action beyond their online activity (Bimber, 1998, Gladwell, 2010). 
          
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           However, if the romanticization of cyberspace as a place of freedom and democracy fails to identify hierarchies of power and forms of control and exclusion that are exercised through digital tools, their importance for the articulation of the political struggles of oppressed and marginalized groups in more or less authoritarian contexts, cannot be overlooked (Sassen, 2011; Rasch; 2012). These same groups are those whose socioeconomic condition makes their use of ICTs for political advocacy and organizing more costly, difficult and risky (Schradie, 2018). As a consequence,  it needs to rely on more structured organization and relationships, able to pool such risks into collective strategies for timely solutions. 
          
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           How can the 2020 pandemic inform our understanding of the phenomenon? 
          
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           As Covid-19 spreads around the world, communities are being forced to re-adapt individual and collective life, and to move a big part of it online. In a time of  widening inequalities and  further exposure to safety and social risks,  lockdown and health measures make it harder for offline collective action to happen. Paired with the urgency of the needs of precarious groups, such constraints encouraged creativity and digital-intensive solutions. They also recreated a peculiar environment to investigate the role of the digital for political strategies and democratic outcomes. 
          
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           Here is how I researched the issue with an analysis of the 2020 Rent Strike movement started from the US in response to the Covid outbreak. 
          
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           Rent Strike 2020:  individual constraints and collective opportunities in the Covid crisis.
          
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           The 2020 Rent Strike movement represents a useful case study to observe how the interaction of class inequalities and digital divides shapes the organizational structure of online collective action. The issue is particularly relevant as it comes to a movement that requires timely, specifically localized solutions, and a deep and tight coordination between strikers to actually have them protected from evictions and other legal consequences. With nearly 10 millions of Americans filing for unemployment already in the first weeks of March, a widespread call for rent freeze or postponement, moratorium and bans on evictions was gathered and conveyed on Twitter with hashtags and dedicated websites (Bahney, 2020). 
          
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           My research was based on the methodological combination of institutional data, social network analysis and content analysis of users’ profiles. The sample was obtained by downloading social media data relative to the hashtag #RentStrike and resulted in 436 tweets, posted between April 25, 8.12 PM and April 26, 2.39 PM Paris Time. Social network analysis allowed us to understand the structure and main actors of the movement on Twitter. Those main actors were then categorized as central figures, gatekeepers or highly visible tweeters according to the extent to which they were found to be vectors of organizing, information or both. The study of the main accounts then provided information about their individual or organizational character,  political colour and affiliation to offline civil society groups.                                               
          
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           The graph resulting from the social network analysis layout highlighted a dense group of users at the core of the network, characterized by a tight web of interactions between mainly individual accounts. Leader-less and structure-less, this cluster can be considered to account for Bimber’s accelerated pluralism, created by the viral retweeting and resharing of the hashtag. These forms of ‘clicktivism’ are likely to be the main social media activities of highly visible tweeters and the general mass of users: while they do an important work of hashtag dissemination and visibilization in the online political conversation, they seem to have a less direct contact with the actual planning of the rent strike. 
          
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           This instead, was found to be taken care of rather by peripheral groups in the network,  who have less visibility but tighter and more structured clusters. Despite being marginal, such smaller clusters present clearly identifiable central figures that also qualify among the key elements of the entire network.  By matching these findings with the content analysis, what emerges from the observation of the profiles is that most of them are the  ‘institutional’ accounts of either associations, organizations, mutual aid or activism groups. The majority of them presents a strong ideological background recalling typical leftist narratives -  the black and red colors, the fist symbol, statements on values of equality, class struggle, anti-capitalism and anti-fascism. Finally, most of these accounts show affiliations to offline local groups whose purposes they serve through online activities of coordination and resource sharing. Such coordination seems to happen most often at the state and city-level, and to involve working class, black and overall vulnerable communities. 
          
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           Local Fights, Global Narratives
          
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           The importance of these actors is even more evident when we consider the geographical spreading of the movement across the globe. In fact, a certain, still moderate level of transnationalization emerged, particularly involving the anglophone world and Southern Europe. Most online campaigns seemed to be conducted by local groups operating on the territory and benefiting from global networks of organizing to build their own narratives, strategies and legitimacy.
          
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           Moreover, mapping and combining Twitter data on the #RentStrike hashtag, allowed to unfold the multiple, interwoven digital venues beyond Twitter, through which the movement developed and grew. This includes websites and strike trackers that give access to interactive maps or lists of initiatives. This was the case of @igd_news, the Twitter account of It’s Going Down, a well-established platform for mutual aid and anarchist organizing across the US. Examples like this suggest that a deep interconnection exists across small groups and organizations involved in the initiative. Despite the challenges posed by the global situation and beyond the actual success of the strikes, this tells us the important work of activists to create networks of solidarity and support across worse-off communities, and to build online tools that made them visible to the other struggling populations. 
          
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           Internet as a common: reclaiming the digital space
          
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           Our findings, together with literature on class and digital divides, point out that individualization might not always be the case, as class opportunities and constraints require shaping networks of social media activism differently (Bennet and Segerberg, 2012, Schradie, 2018 a,b). The Rent strike 2020 experience tells us that, contrary to what is thought of social media activism - that weaker ties and a less defined political color allow for a larger spreading of the cause -, a clearer framing is necessary when anti-system politics, timely solutions and socio-economic justice are advocated for.
          
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           T﻿he Internet can be understood as a Common: in Harvey’s definition, a space that has been transformed by social processes of production into a collective good (2012). If the physical space of the city for example, is understood as the urban common where offline struggles are fought for, Harvey applies the concept to the Internet, too, to highlight its character of knowledge-based common (Harvey, 2012). In this way, it reframes our understanding of cyberspace so as to recognize the cases in which online social movements are able to produce community and resources out of disadvantage.
          
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           In Saskia Sassen’s own expression, both the physical and virtual arenas of mobilization can be considered to contribute to the ‘enabling of the powerless’: they create an environment for the pooling of tensions and resources that makes social issues shift from being individual to being shared, collectivized and, finally, organized into movements for reappropriation of power against injustice. In this sense, the intertwined challenges, sharper class conflict and higher urgency created by the pandemic are likely to continue to offer us insights on combinations of online and offline linkages, and on the political dimension of such struggles.
          
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           Bimber B., (1998). The Internet and Political Transformation: Populism, Community, and Accelerated Pluralism. Polity, 31:1, pp 133-160.
          
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           Bimber B., Flanagin A. J. &amp;amp; Stohl C., (2005). Reconceptualizing Collective Action. Communication Theory, 15 : 4,  pp 365–388.
          
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           Harvey D., (2012).
          
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           Rebel Cities: from the right to the city to urban revolution
          
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           Rasch C. C., (2012). Unveiling the Revolutionaries: Cyberactivism and Women’s role in the Arab Spring. Rice University. 
          
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           Sassen S. ,(2011). The Global Street: Making the Political. Globalizations, 8:5, 573-579.
          
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           Shaw, A. &amp;amp; Hargittai, E. (2018). The Pipeline of Online Participation Inequalities: The Case of Wikipedia Editing. Journal of Communication 68: March 2018, pp. 143–68.
          
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           Schradie J., (2018a). The Digital Activism Gap: How Class and Costs Shape Online Collective Action. Social Problems. 65: 1, pp 51–74.
          
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           Schradie J., (2018b). Moral Monday Is More Than a Hashtag: The Strong Ties of Social Movement Emergence in the Digital Era.  Social Media and Society 4:1.
          
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           Van Deursen, A. J. A. M. &amp;amp; Helsper El. J., (2015). The Third-Level Digital Divide: Who Benefits Most from Being Online? Communication and Information Technologies Annual, Digital Distinctions and Inequalities, ed. Laura Robinson et al. London: Emerald Group, 2015, 10, pp. 29–53.
          
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           Winner L., (1980). Do Artifacts Have Politics. MIT Press.
          
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           Margherita Massarenti is a Master’s Student in Social Policy and Social Innovation at Sciences Po Paris. As an undergraduate, she studied Political Science at the University of Bologna and University of Copenhagen. While at Sciences Po, she collaborated with the Agence Nouvelle de Solidarités Actives. She is now external researcher for NYC &amp;amp; Company. At our Institute, she co-leads the project on Digital Inclusion.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:21:47 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>The GovTech Revolution</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-govtech-revolution</link>
      <description>Digital government of the public, for the public, by the public.</description>
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           DIGITAL GOVERNANCE
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            The GovTech Revolution
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           Digital government of the public, for the public, by the public.
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           By Maximilian Richter
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           August 30, 2020
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           At the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic, many governments hosted Hackathons to develop innovative solutions that help fight the virus. For example, Germany’s “
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           #WirvsVirus
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           ” attracted more than 20,000 participants, resulting in over 1,500 projects. 20 of these ideas are now being tested and receive further funding. This would have been inconceivable only a few months earlier in one of Europe’s least digital countries where citizens still need to physically go to their local authority and fill complicated documents manually. This, however, is about to change, thanks to a small, but rapidly growing industry: GovTech.
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           The term GovTech is not yet clearly defined. It broadly refers to creating a multi-stakeholder ecosystem that allows companies of all sizes to provide the public sector with digital technologies. In the broadest sense, "
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           if you’re updating governmental websites – you’re doing GovTech
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           While the lack of a clear definition is indicative of how new the industry is, it has silently grown quite considerably. Accenture estimates that €340bn (US$400bn) are spent on government technologies worldwide, with an increasing share dedicated to new technologies. European governments alone spend
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           €22bn
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           on GovTech, with projections forecasting a market size of at least
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           €90bn
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           Some pioneers, such as Poland and Singapore, have already set up GovTech labs to accelerate the digitalisation of their public sector. Countries like France even created start-up incubators in which public servants can bring their ideas to life. 
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           But the key driver is not the public sector. PUBLIC - a London-based GovTech incubator - has been at the forefront of the GovTech revolution. The company not only supports GovTech start-ups in Denmark, France, Germany, and the UK but also organises the annual GovTech summit which has attracted more than 1,000 people from over 90 countries. The event was previously hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron, and lists many senior government officials, such as Estonia’s President Kersti Kaljulaid, as keynote speakers.
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           GovTech is a win-win-win
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           Looking at these facts, the industry has a bright future. But what distinguishes GovTech from the modus operandi? Currently, governments spend vast sums on legacy management and largely depend on solutions from a small number of leading tech companies. This makes the public sector dependent on Big Tech and produces less innovative, higher-priced solutions that are not tailored to the needs of citizens. The status quo is a win-lose-lose situation which only benefits a small number of businesses. By embracing GovTech, legislators can turn the future into a win-win-win scenario: Better for government, better for businesses, and better for citizens.
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           GovTech will help to make the public sector operate more efficiently. For instance, one key obstacle of digitising public services and processes are silos that prevent authorities from collaborating and scaling up solutions across different agencies. Several GovTech start-ups have set out to assist governments in this endeavour. For example, Berlin-based
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           developed a platform for data analytics and visualisation that allows public servants to use and combine city and municipal data from multiple sources, thereby enhancing their decision-making and planning. Apolitical takes a different approach. The GovTech start-up
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           a “social media” platform connecting policymakers and civil servants from more than 160 countries and helps them to share information, knowledge, and experiences.
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           Given its collaborative nature, GovTech also allows a wider range of entrepreneurs to compete in public tendering and gives smaller companies a seat at the table that is currently taken by Big Tech. But this requires a radical change in how governments perceive themselves. Rather than simply buying digital solutions from businesses, they must actively develop and adopt a Government-as-a-Platform model. That is, they have to amend the tendering processes, open a constant dialogue with academia, civil society, and the private sector, and tear down silos.
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           This collaborative, multi-stakeholder ecosystem will create a more competitive market, boost innovation, and produce citizen-centred digital solutions. For instance, Singapore’s GovTech Agency introduced so-called “dynamic contracts”, giving more companies the opportunity to participate in public procurement procedures, even if they missed the initial call for ideas. The country also transitioned from outsourcing to co-developing and is working directly with companies in trials to develop bespoke solutions rather than just seeking to buy them. If partners meet the key performance indicators, contracts are extended and businesses have the prospect of even running
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           entire systems
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           But GovTech is as much about efficiency and cost-cutting as it is about providing better service to citizens and, ultimately, improving democracy. This is perhaps the most important “win”. Adopting the concepts of design-thinking and consumer-centricity, GovTech will help governments to choose from user-friendly and citizen-centred solutions and create a space for collaboration, discussion, and civic engagement. The civic tech platform Civocracy, for instance, allows citizens, businesses, organisations, and governments to engage in conversations, crowdsource ideas, share statistics and analytics, and track policy impact in real-time.
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           thereby revives a sense of community through participation, collaboration, and transparency.8 Similarly, using solutions from the Belgium start-up Citizen Lab, the city of Hasselt actively included its citizens in a local project. The company has now
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           more than 100 governments to engage with about 15,00 citizens.
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           As these examples show, GovTech is a win-win-win. It helps governments to create a more heterogeneous digital ecosystem, making it more efficient and empowering up-start businesses. But perhaps most importantly, it returns to the fundamental values of democracy: Creating a government by the people to improve government of the people so it can focus on government for the people.
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           Maximilian Richter is pursuing a Master's degree in Digital, New Technology and Public Policy at Sciences Po Paris. He obtained his Bachelor’s degree in politics and economics at the University of Bamberg, Germany. Maximilian’s main research foci are the ethics and regulation of Artificial Intelligence, the digitalisation of public sector institutions, and GovTech. During past internships and voluntary work, he has gained sound and interdisciplinary knowledge of digitalisation and the regulation of digital technologies. At our Institute, he co-leads the cycle on Digital Democracy.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:46 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/the-govtech-revolution</guid>
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      <title>The Never-Ending Story of Regulatory Challenges</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/regulation-of-technologies</link>
      <description>Today, more than ever, the development of new regulation requires a holistic approach that observes social, political, legal, economic, commercial, and scientific factors. Regulating emerging technologies is a challenge per se. The reason for this challenge lies in both the nature of innovation and existing regulatory techniques.</description>
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           TECHNOLOGY REGULATION
          
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            The Never-Ending Story of Regulatory Challenges
           
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           Today, more than ever, the development of new regulation requires a holistic approach that observes social, political, legal, economic, commercial, and scientific factors. Regulating emerging technologies is a challenge per se. The reason for this challenge lies in both the nature of innovation and existing regulatory techniques.
          
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           By Dr. Dusan Pavlovic
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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            The exponential growth of emerging technologies generates many benefits but also creates many challenges including those that relate to their regulation. In general,
           
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           regulation
          
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            is a set of rules created to control the way something is done, or the way people behave. Planning and the use of technologies substantially depend on the regulation. However, regulation of any innovation has never been an easy task. The fact is that subjecting new technologies to the existing legal norms and other sources of regulation is a challenge. Thus, it is not wrong to raise doubts about the effectiveness of conventional ways of regulation. For that reason, the careful selection of regulatory techniques is
           
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           necessary
          
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            when regulating emerging technologies.
           
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            The regulatory technique describes the processes of the creation of the regulatory framework. There is no universal guidance on how to create a regulatory framework. Nevertheless, the phases of its development are perceivable. The first step in this process usually relates to the determination of regulatory purposes (e.g. protection of vulnerable categories of the population, preservation of socio-economic order, ensuring the legal certainty, allocation of responsibilities). The following step is about the analysis of the problem and setting up of the hypotheses that could serve for problem-solving. In the advanced phases, it is necessary to investigate the hypotheses, and to reject or accept them. It is desirable to base the decision on scientific evidence. The last phase is about the creation of the framework and its announcement. The
           
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           regulatory framework
          
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            might exist in the form of mandatory legislation, international or supranational law, Soft Law, recommendations, or in the shape of other means.
           
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           Between law and society
          
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           Common sense might lead us toward the conclusion that regulation of technologies forms the triangle of law, technology, and society. This is not ultimately a wrong conclusion. However, this triangle is composed of complex, and to a certain extent unusual structure.
          
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            There are many sources of law that are
           
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           ‘technology-neutral’
          
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            but they regulate technologies. Also, there are many opinions and stances about the notion of technology-neutral regulation. Notwithstanding conflicting opinions about this concept, it might be said that the technology-neutral regulation refers to the set of regulatory sources that regulate the effects of technology, and not the technologies themselves.
           
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            Also, this kind of regulation does not hinder the development of technology. It provides a sustainable legal framework but sufficiently flexible to preserve its applicability to the effects of various technologies. However, it seems that the dynamic development of technologies might stay unregulated if we use technology-neutral regulation as the exclusive source of regulation. Therefore, the real
           
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           challenge
          
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            is to strike a balance between the effects of technology-neutral regulation and maintaining legal certainty.
           
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           The legal certainty is a principle that enables an individual to predict the application of law and potential sanctions if the law is violated. We are coming to the point when it would be legitimate to ask what the law really is. The most frequent perception about the law is related to a set of norms prescribed by legislative acts, bylaws, and court decisions. This understanding, although not incorrect, seems incomplete. Namely, we should not neglect the relationship between law and (for instance) ethics when we try to grasp what the law really is. Without ethical foundations, the concept of the law is almost meaningless. Therefore, every legal norm is supposed to have its ethical basis and it is the case also with legislative acts, bylaws, and court decisions. So, do we need to create a positive law with ethical foundations when we tend to regulate something? It would not be wrong to say that ethical discourse should be taken into consideration. However, positive law is not a necessary element of regulation. The regulation of technologies in the last two decades has confirmed that. There is a well-known practice of protecting intellectual property rights through ‘digital rights management’ or protecting the secrecy of communications through encryption. These cases are examples of the regulation of technologies through regulation by technologies. Therefore, the absence of positive legal norms does not necessarily result in a lack of regulation.
          
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           Between society and values
          
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           The prevalent system of values in a society depends on inter alias dominant ideology and generally accepted ethical principles. The ideology and ethic affect the autonomy of will, individual freedom, responsibility, dignity, equality, or protection of personal privacy. Thus, the treatment of human rights and freedoms is strongly linked with prevalent ethical values. Although the role of ethical values is very often underestimated in the regulatory process, the values are an indispensable part of the regulatory process. It comes as no surprise that regulations are very often discussed, analyzed, or even contested from the perspective of essential values in society. Moreover, a public debate is a regular phase in democratic societies when a new law is created and adopted.
          
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            Protection of human rights and freedoms must coexist with regulation, including regulation of technologies. Human rights and freedom are part (or at least, should be) of a system of values that places the protection of individuals, the rule of law, and democratic principles in the central focus. In this way, the system of values is supposed to protect individuals from unjustifiable intrusion in personal privacy, it should guarantee that autonomous robots will not endanger someone’s life or flying drones will not cause chaos in the sky and jeopardize air traffic.
           
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           In other words, having the protection of human rights and freedoms as a pivotal factor of regulation should ensure that the development and use of technologies are not formed to provoke adverse consequences to citizens and society.
          
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            The fact is that socio-cultural and political patterns are different in Japan, China, the United States, Europe, or Africa. Clearly, these variations create systems of values that differ among societies.
           
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           Therefore, there is a need to consider an appropriate level or a forum for the creation of a regulatory framework. For that reason, the regulation might be created on an international level, supranational level, on a federal or state level. Each level (and forum) generates the applicable system of values and subsequently forms the regulation that protects human rights and freedoms in a specific way.
          
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           Between values and time
          
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           The technology may be at the beginning of its development, or it may represent a certain prototype that may never be put in serial production. Also, technology might be in the testing phase, or it may be available at a market where it is freely offered and used. The development of emerging technologies is not immune to negative and positive perceptions and results concerning their productivity. It is obvious that the dynamic of technological development is very high. The high dynamic increases productivity and/or forms rooms for new innovations. There is nothing wrong with that.
          
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            If we consider the
           
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           Gartner’s Hype Cycle
          
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            as the blueprint for maturing of technology, we may extract several phases of the development. Gartner believes that after the public presentation of an innovation trigger, general attention influences the creation of a public perception that has high expectations from an innovation. However, such expectations are often exaggerated and when they reach the ‘Peak of Inflated Expectations’ they usually fall down to the ‘Trough of Disillusionment’. At that moment, the expectations about innovation are usually underrated. Afterward, the perception of and expectations are formed on a realistic basis. Thus, innovation slowly takes a stable place on the so-called ‘Plateau of Productivity’. Of course, positioning on the Plateau of Productivity requires a flow of time.
           
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            The different phases of maturing and dynamics of the development substantially influence the regulation of technologies. The right moment for regulating technologies is the subject of scientific and public discussion for several decades. This problem was addressed almost 40 years ago by David Collingridge in his book -
           
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           Social Control of Technology
          
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            Collingridge presented his dilemma regarding the moment when technologies should be regulated. He presented two regulatory approaches. According to the first one, technologies should be regulated at an early stage of their development. The second approach involves the regulation of technologies at a later stage of development and during the implementation of technologies.
           
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            Both approaches have certain advantages and disadvantages. Namely, the first approach supports the conventional understanding of the rule of law and the legal certainty (or at least creates their illusion). However, the regulation at an early stage could be pointless due to many difficulties related to the application of the regulation. Also, there is a danger that having a legislative framework at the early stages may slow down the further development of technology. If technologies are regulated at later stages, then the proposed regulatory measures can be based on empirical evidence rather than assumptions. Thus, the regulatory framework should be more meaningful and applicable. However, the disadvantage of this approach might be found in the potential for occurring undesirable social consequences as the result of regulatory/legislative vacuum in the period from the occurrence of an innovation trigger till the stable existence of technology at the
           
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           ‘Plateau of Productivity’
          
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          ﻿
          
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           Dr. Dusan Pavlovic works as a Data Protection Advisor in the gambling industry. Before joining the industry, he was working in several respectful European academic institutions. Also, he was engaged as a part-time Research Fellow at University Nevada (International Center for Gaming Regulation). His professional focus is on personal data protection, regulation of technologies, legal aspects of online gambling service providing, and regulation of online marketing activities. He is the author of several scientific publications and articles.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:43 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/regulation-of-technologies</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,antitrust,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Can I Get A Loan?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/can-i-get-a-loan</link>
      <description>ML&amp;AI systems are increasingly involved in shaping decisions that have a significant impact on individual and collective life. While they serve for higher efficiency of decision-making processes compared to humans,  they may take discriminatory decisions without adequate remedy.</description>
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           AI DISCRIMINATION
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            Can I Get A Loan?
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           ML&amp;amp;AI systems are increasingly involved in shaping decisions that have a significant impact on individual and collective life. While they serve for higher efficiency of decision-making processes compared to humans, 
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            they may take discriminatory decisions without adequate remedy.
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           By Elena Beretta
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           August 30, 2020
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           John is a divorced father who has two dependent children living with him. In the morning he turns off the alarm clock, gets up, and first reads the news on Facebook while listening to the music recommended by Spotify. He takes his children to school and then enters on Google Maps the address of his bank, where he needs to ask for a loan. John never remembers the exact address because he lives far away in a popular and suburban area of the city. Once he arrives, he fills in a loan application form.
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           Male
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           After two days, an automatic response from the bank notifies him that the loan application has been declined.
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           "We regret to inform you that because of your gender, the neighborhood you live in and your ethnicity, you are not eligible to receive the loan".
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           As you can easily imagine, this is a fictional story. No human being or automatic decision-making system will discriminate against John because he is Caucasian or because he is a man, and yet this story has a kernel of truth.
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          ﻿
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           We live in a historical era in which machine learning and artificial intelligence systems (ML&amp;amp;AI) are increasingly widespread in our economies (Pasquale 2015). These systems make growing and massive use of a large amount of data on human behavior collected through various channels (e.g. social media, apps, telephone data, credit card transactions, search engines, etc.). The extensive and large-scale use of this data for different purposes is rapidly transforming different areas of our daily lives. ML&amp;amp;AI systems are in fact increasingly involved in shaping decisions that have a significant impact on individual and collective life as well as affecting fundamental public functions such as the administration of justice; primary public interests such as security, crime prevention, counter-terrorism, or control of migration flows; essential public services such as the education system or access to other social services. In all these areas, ML&amp;amp;AI systems show extremely productive results, especially in terms of greater efficiency and rapidity of decision-making processes - unlike human beings, ML&amp;amp;AI systems do not get tired or bored -.
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           However, the opposite is also true. In fact, ML&amp;amp;AI systems have the potential not only to make mistakes, but also to take - without adequate corrective action - highly discriminatory decisions. Several studies have in fact highlighted some relevant issues related to these systems which in some cases, when affected by distortions, systematically and unfairly discriminate against certain individuals or groups in favor of others, denying opportunities or generating undesirable results for inappropriate reasons, as in John's case.
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           The way machine learning systems operate is a crucial issue for our societies (O'Neal 2016). Algorithms are designed to recognize winners and losers, specifying precisely which situations lead to satisfactory results; they are shaped to look for patterns and characteristics in individuals who have historically led to success, not by making things right when used randomly, but by replicating past patterns and practices.
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          ﻿
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           A relevant example is the recent case presented by the ProPublica survey site on COMPAS recidivism tool, an algorithm employed by the judicial American system to inform criminal convictions in predicting the risk of recidivism. In particular, the study found that the COMPAS was more likely to labeling black defendants at higher risk compared to white defendants - twice as high as false positives and half of false negatives -.
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            In the last few years, several solutions and formal definitions of equity have been suggested by the machine learning community in order to mitigate the discriminatory effect of ML&amp;amp;AI systems (Barocas 2018). However, the solutions proposed mostly focus on mathematical aspects of the models. Researches pointing out the need to implement socio-technical systems in which fairness is treated not merely as strictly technical but also as a social component, are still very few (Beretta 2019). Although research is increasingly focusing on finding solutions to mitigate the segregation effect of ML&amp;amp;AI systems, many efforts still need to be made in order to understand when a system fails, why it fails and what are the social costs of failure (Corbett 2017).
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           Therefore, designing an ML&amp;amp;AI fair system means firstly to assess the implications of choosing one type of fairness instead of another in a certain social context; secondly, to assess the degree of acceptability depending on the context and the chosen fairness criterion. Taking into account that it is not possible to implement more than one type of fairness simultaneously (Kleinberg 2016), the design choices have an extremely relevant impact on the effect that the system’s results will have on society. The integration of social values and democratic assumptions embedded in the current mathematical formalizations of fairness is therefore crucial.
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           The debate on fairness in the field of machine learning shows a profound and relatively worrying lack: although researchers are reacting in a positive and proactive way, data scientists and computer engineers are increasingly involved in making decisions that affect individuals by acting as judges in decision-making processes, although society as a whole should assume this role.
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           References
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           ﻿
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           Barocas, S.; Hardt, M.; and Narayanan, A. 2018. Fairness and Machine Learning. fairmlbook.org.
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           http://www.fairmlbook.org
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           Beretta,  E.,  Santangelo,  A.,  Lepri,  B.,  Vetr ́o,  &amp;amp;  De  Martin,  J.  C.  2019.   The  Invisible Power  of  Fairness.  How  Machine  Learning  Shapes  Democracy.   In  Meurs,  M.-J.,  &amp;amp;Rudzicz, F. (Eds.),Advances in Artificial Intelligence, Proceedings of 32nd CanadianConference  on  Artificial  Intelligence,  Canadian  AI  2019,  Vol.  11489,  pp.  238–250.Springer, Cham.
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           ﻿
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          ﻿
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           Corbett-Davies, S.; Pierson, E.; Feller, A.; Goel, S.; and Huq, A. 2017. Algorithmic decision making and the cost of fairness. In Proceedings of the 23rd ACM SIGKDD International Conference on Knowledge Discovery and DataMining (KDD 2017).
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           O’Neil, C. 2016. Weapons of Math Destruction: How Big Data Increases Inequality and Threatens Democracy. NewYork, NY: Crown Publishing Group.
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          ﻿
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           Pasquale, F. 2015. The Black Box Society: The Secret Algorithms That Control Money and Information. Cambridge, MA, USA: Harvard University Press.
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           Elena Beretta is a PhD student at the Polytechnic University of Turin where she works on a project on Data and Algorithms Ethics. She is an effective member of Nexa Center for Internet &amp;amp; Society at Polytechnic University of Turin and of Bruno Kessler Foundation (Trento). Her current research focuses on improving the impact of automatic decision-making systems on society through the implementation of models involving data on human behavior. At our Institute, she co-leads the cycle on algorithmic decision-making.
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      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/34a95d4d/dms3rep/multi/29927-office-worker.gif" length="1229346" type="image/gif" />
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:38 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/can-i-get-a-loan</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,fair,algorithmics</g-custom:tags>
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        <media:description>main image</media:description>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Analyzing One Decade of Blockchain Litigation</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/analyzing-one-decade-of-blockchain-litigation</link>
      <description>Blockchain has been described as a 'passing fad'. Then litigation erupted.</description>
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           BLOCKCHAIN
          
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            Analyzing One Decade of Blockchain Litigation
           
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           Blockchain has been described as a 'passing fad'. Then litigation erupted.
          
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           By Dr. Thibault Schrepel
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           Blockchain was first introduced by Satoshi Nakamoto with her/his/their article “
          
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           Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System
          
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           ” published on October 31, 2008 (although… interestingly enough, Satoshi Nakamoto never used the word “blockchain” in the white paper). Hundreds of millions of transactions have since been implemented on it. This is me being sarcastic on Twitter:
          
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           Needless to say, such a craze couldn’t possibly go without litigation. While most conflicts are being settled within the blockchain ecosystems (see “
          
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           The DAO incident
          
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           ,” in 2016), I decided to take a closer look and analyze the 
          
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           320
          
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           cases
          
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            in the United States mentioning “blockchain” OR “bitcoin” OR “cryptocurrency” that are listed on WestLawNext for the past decade. Now, that’s what I call a rise! Interestingly enough, the number of cases has increased only slightly until 2018, even though 287 million transactions had already taken place on the Bitcoin blockchain at the end of 2017, and 117 million on the Ethereum blockchain. It confirms (the initial) blockchain communities’ strong dislike for the state system (here, state justice). The spirit of John Perry Barlow’s “A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace,” has been very well alive. As he said indeed: “Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. You have neither solicited nor received ours. We did not invite you.”
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           Ten years from now, I bet that a similar article will include all the litigation settled by blockchain using services such as 
          
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           Aragon Court
          
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            and 
          
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           Kleros
          
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           . But for now, back to our subject. For those of you exclusively interested in crypto-currencies, here is, among all 320 litigation, the distribution of the (public) disputes per crypto-currency:
          
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           ﻿
          
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           Am I surprised by the results? To some degree, Bitcoin has attracted lots of attention during the past decade, and one should expect the many scams that come with it. And yet, I was expecting more litigation regarding smart contracts and “unstoppable code” (
          
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           see page 120
          
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           ) related issues. I see two possibilities in that regard: (i) it’s too soon, or (ii) the fact that blockchain code is unstoppable has discouraged legal action, making the parties aware of the difficulties in applying the law (for more on that, you may want to read 
          
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           this article
          
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           ). As a famous philosopher said one day: 
          
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           only time will tell
          
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           .
          
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           In any case, let us dive into these 320 cases. Here’s a first overview of the legal issues that were at stake:
          
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           Civil matters are KING. One could have expected more on the side of criminal activities, but let us remember that they are (way) harder to detect on blockchain than they are in the outside world. I am not even discussing the ability to stop them (see 
          
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           that article
          
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            for more on the subject). As for securities, I find it quite interesting to know that they represent “only” 23% of all litigation, considering the fact that they are the center of most regulations.
          
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           Evidently, one category has caught my attention: the one WestLawNext calls “antitrust.” I have renamed it “unfair practices” for reasons that I explain right below, but first, here’s a panorama of related litigation over the last ten years:
          
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            ﻿
           
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           As one can see, the increase is more recent than what it has been for other types of litigation. But what does this category include anyway? Well, 32 of these cases are concerned with issues of fraud, 12 with securities, 7 trademarks, and 12 with unfair competition. This last category includes 8 cases mentioning Section 5(a) of the FTC Act which, as you know, is used in antitrust matters (Section 5(a) of the FTC Act provides that “unfair or deceptive acts or practices in or affecting commerce . . . are . . . declared unlawful.”).
          
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           ﻿
          
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           The others concern “unfair competition under the Lanham Act,” or disputes brought on the basis of California’s Unfair Competition Law. Let us remember here that “[t]o assert a claim under the UCL’s unlawful prong, the plaintiff must allege a violation of another law. To assert a claim under UCL’s unfair prong, the plaintiff may allege conduct that threatens an incipient violation of an antitrust law, or violates the policy or spirit of one of those laws because its effects are comparable to or the same as a violation of the law, or otherwise significantly threatens or harms competition, see Cel-Tech Commc’ns, Inc. v. Los Angeles Cellular Tel. Co., 20 Cal. 4th 163, 187 (1999).” We are getting closer to our subject of choice: 
          
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           antitrust
          
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           .
          
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            In fact, when looking at it more closely, one may find one case dealing with a non-compete clause (Scott v. Grens, 2019 IL App (1st) 181527-U) and a few others touching upon issues more or less related the Sherman Act. I will discuss that very soon with an article to be published on the Concurrentialiste. In the meantime, let us emphasize that the number of antitrust litigation remains quite low, but the trend is upwards, as it was for civil and criminal cases a few years ago. Let’s get ready. You can start
           
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           here
          
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            if you want.
           
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          ﻿
          
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            The article was first published on
           
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           CONCURRENTIALISTE
          
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           .
          
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           Thibault Schrepel is a 
          
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          Faculty Affiliate at Stanford University's CodeX Center and has been previously Faculty Associate at the Berkman Klein Center at Harvard University. He is an Assistant Professor in European Economic Law at Utrecht University School of Law, an Associate Researcher at University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, and an Invited Professor at Sciences Po Paris. He holds a Ph.D. in antitrust law (Europe &amp;amp; US) as well as a Master of Laws (LL. M.) in International Law and Legal Studies.
         
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:37 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/analyzing-one-decade-of-blockchain-litigation</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>How 'Pivotal' a Moment in Global Governance?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/facebook-oversight-board-how-pivotal-a-moment-in-global-governance</link>
      <description>The Facebook Oversight Board has been introduced as a novel experiment in global governance which is posited as having the potential to conduct independent and external assessment of controversial cases the determination of which are likely to have far-reaching implications for human rights. This article attempts to ascertain whether the Facebook Oversight Board presents true promise, or whether it is a smokescreen to gain greater legitimacy with minimal changes to its corporate structure undergirded by certain vested interests.</description>
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           FACEBOOK OVERSIGHT BOARD
          
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            How 'Pivotal' a Moment in 
           
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          Global Governance?
         
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           The Facebook Oversight Board has been introduced by Facebook as a novel experiment in global governance which is posited as having the potential to conduct independent and external assessment of controversial cases the determination of which are likely to have far-reaching implications for human rights. This article attempts to ascertain whether the Facebook Oversight Board presents true promise, or whether it is a smokescreen to gain greater legitimacy with minimal changes to its corporate structure undergirded by certain vested interests.
          
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           By Sanskriti Sanghi
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           The retelling of Facebook's history, if analogized to the world of sports, would come across much like a chess player practicing moves against herself. With every new frontier of the digital space scaled by Facebook, along comes a setback for its legitimacy. There is however a critical difference between Facebook and the game of chess – each ‘move’ by Facebook has far-reaching implications for a global society. The words of Savielly Tartakower for the game of chess, “
          
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           The blunders are all there on the board, waiting to be made
          
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           ” are profoundly truer today of the past of Facebook in its attempts to regulate digital speech and in its moves to build a novel structure for global governance.
          
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           Given the
          
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           global democratic culture created by digital speech
          
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           and the private online platforms on which these interactions take place, the participation and key role of actors such as Facebook in these tasks does not seem to be surprising. However, the chequered past of Facebook and the threat to a
          
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           truly
          
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           democratic culture inherent in its every attempt at regulation and governance caution us against
          
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           moves which
          
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           bestow the
          
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           appearance of legitimacy
          
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           , and urge us to explore the extent to which they
          
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           offer substantive value
          
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           . In pursuance of this narrative, this article attempts to ascertain whether the Facebook Oversight Board (“FOB” or “Board” hereinafter) presents true promise, or whether it is a smokescreen to gain greater legitimacy with minimal changes to its corporate structure undergirded by certain vested interests. 
          
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           Locating the impetus for the creation of the Board within Facebook’s past
          
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           Facebook is no stranger to voices which rally for private online platforms such as itself to be better, i.e., for them to be more accountable to their users and follow due process, to be more transparent in their decision-making regarding content, to correct the ‘
          
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           systemic entrenchment of algorithmic b
          
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           ias’ etc. Facebook has been criticized time-and-again for each of the foregoing (and more), with specific instances highlighting the role attributable to it in the spread of misinformation, data mishandling, unequal access to participation, biased algorithmic decision-making etc. With the message within each new clarion call for change, such prior practices of Facebook have raised grave public concern and received ‘unprecedented public scrutiny’ due to which it is now suffering from a ‘crisis of legitimacy’. An introduction to this crisis in this section is necessary for three reasons which help us locate the impetus or motivations for the creation of the Board within Facebook’s chequered past. 
          
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           First, it is to help us identify and juxtapose the scope and powers of the Board with the lofty goal projected by Facebook, which is revelatory of the desire to gain legitimacy without compromising on the corporate structure of Facebook and its vested interests. It is also to aid an understanding of the idea that the lofty goal projected by Facebook of deciding on “
          
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           what should be acceptable speech in a community that reflects the social norms and values of people all around the world
          
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           ” is in itself impossible to attain as “
          
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           a universal community with a universal set of norms underlying those standards does not exist at the global level
          
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           Second, it is to put forth the argument that the impetus for the creation of the Board lies more in that which Facebook seeks to avoid than the goal it projects as the rationale for the introduction of the Board. ‘That which Facebook seeks to avoid’ is a reference to the threat of
          
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           coercive public regulation
          
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           , in contrast to which self-regulation is preferred by Facebook. For the acceptance of such self-regulation however, the garb of a loftier goal is essential, for without such a goal it would be difficult for Facebook to address the crisis of legitimacy or to instil public trust in Facebook’s regulation. The Board is the structure introduced by Facebook in pursuit of its preference for self-regulation, comprised of experts with innumerable skills but scarce power as the
          
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           Board starts making its determinations
          
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           to
          
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           collectively exercise
          
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           a check on Facebook or to balance its power. 
          
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           Third, it is to argue that the narrative of locating the impetus for the creation of the Board is shaped as much by that which is said or revealed as that which is not said or revealed. Illustrative of this argument is the absence of the mention of ‘due process’ as an endeavour of the Board which has been termed the ‘
          
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           Facebook Supreme Court
          
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           ’. It is also evidenced by the absence of a ‘
          
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           concrete commitment to the use of an international human rights framework
          
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           ’ in the Charter and bylaws of the FOB. Though the framework is referenced (for instance, in Article 1, Section 4.1. of the bylaws), I assert that it is more a rhetorical device than a true commitment, aimed at garnering public trust, quelling civil society outrage, and protecting Facebook’s vested interest in its autonomy. This is argued due to the contrast between the broad-and-sweeping, or rather general, reference made to human rights in the bylaws, and the prioritization of human rights norms protecting free speech specifically in the Charter (Article 2, Section 2), with a limited mandate for the Board in the backdrop.
          
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           An exercise in peeling apart the layers
          
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           The FOB, due to its novel approach to the moderation of content, theoretically presents the potential for an independent and external assessment of controversial cases the determination of which are likely to have far-reaching implications for human rights. Not only does it sound
          
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           fairer
          
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            that a second chance is provided to the aggrieved in the form of an appeal to an independent body, especially given the pro-active use of AI to enforce policies, but it also sounds like Facebook upon self-reflection has found itself willing to cede some of its authority in favour of the pre-eminence of the goal of the protection of human rights.
           
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           H﻿owever, in its present form, the Board has limited ‘
          
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           ability to make meaningful and sustaining impact
          
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           ’ because in its initial stages, it will only have the power to review decisions on removal of content from the platform, leaving all other decisions for an undetermined date in the future. A single reading of the
          
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           Charter
          
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           is also revealing of the limited mandate and scope of the powers of the Board beyond its subject matter jurisdiction, which indicate that the role of the Board is limited to “
          
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           checking whether or not Facebook complies with its own rules, and this corroborates the idea that the Board is constructed to protect Facebook as such
          
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           ”. 
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           Illustrative of this are Article 1, Section 4 (2.) (“Interpret Facebook’s Community Standards and other relevant policies (collectively referred to as “content policies”) in light of Facebook’s articulated values”), Article 2 (“The board will review and decide on content in accordance with Facebook’s content policies and values”) and Article 2, Section 2 (“Facebook has a set of values that guide its content policies and decisions. The board will review content enforcement decisions and determine whether they were consistent with Facebook’s content policies and values.”).
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           On the basis of the foregoing, it may reasonably be argued that the Charter and the machinery made operational pursuant to it by Facebook guide the decisions of the Board in a manner favourable to (and even
          
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    &lt;a href="https://hbr.org/2019/10/facebooks-oversight-board-is-not-enough" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           commercially convenient
          
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           for) Facebook, and
          
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    &lt;a href="https://cmpf.eui.eu/some-reflections-on-the-announced-facebook-oversight-board/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           re-route
          
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           them continuously in that direction. Moreover, this is done in a manner which does not allow the members of the Board to base their decisions on a ‘
          
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           wider consideration of interests, rights, experience and conflicts
          
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           ’ which is essential for a balancing exercise of rights. Facebook thus appears to be more interested in projecting a credible impression than true oversight, so it can avoid being constrained by more stringent regulatory measures external to it.
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           It is also pertinent to peel apart and peer into the commitment to human rights promised by Facebook in its
          
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           Charter
          
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           and
          
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           bylaws
          
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           . While the creation of the Board in itself is in tandem with the request of Human Rights bodies for platforms such as Facebook to provide the aggrieved with access to remedies in relation to decisions made by them (e.g. as in Principle 31 of the
          
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           United Nations’ Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights
          
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           ), and ‘indisputably worthy and sweeping values’ such as safety, privacy, dignity, voice are invoked for consideration in the decisions of the Board, the problem lies in the Board’s
          
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           mandate
          
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           (as entailed in the Introduction to the Charter) which is limited to the protection of free expression. The scope of the mandate has been recognized as too narrow by BSR which was commissioned by Facebook to conduct an independent assessment of the Board (“
          
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           all human rights—not only freedom of expression and personal safety and security—can be impacted by content decisions
          
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           .”). 
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           These decisions could have an impact on multiple rights the content of which cannot be defined by Facebook through its Community Standards, and which often need to be balanced in a context-specific manner against each-other as opposed to by according pre-eminence to one among them. Consequently, such
          
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           cherry-picking
          
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           reveals a  “
          
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           hierarchy of human rights for the board’s evaluation of content decisions, which is antithetical to an international human rights approach in principle
          
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           ”, and which might result in practice in prioritization of freedom of expression even in the face of severe harm. It also appears to be the use of rhetoric language to “
          
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           shore up public trust and the company’s reputation globally, after many well-founded criticisms
          
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           ”. Facebook must also find a way for the Board to
          
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    &lt;a href="https://verfassungsblog.de/difficult-times-ahead-for-the-facebook-supreme-court/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           engage
          
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           with limits on free speech as set by domestic laws, for a
          
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    &lt;a href="http://opiniojuris.org/2020/03/04/some-questions-regarding-facebooks-oversight-board-and-remediation-of-human-rights-impacts-part-ii/" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           global ban
          
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           on content which is locally prohibited might be non-compliant with International Human Rights law.
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           A novel experiment in global governance, but how pivotal? 
          
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          ﻿
          
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           The narrative of this article has up till now been largely cautionary. It is yet undeniable that the FOB is a novel experiment in governance which attempts to respond to the “unprecedented amount of control by a private platform over the global public sphere” as shaped by the context – a
          
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    &lt;a href="https://digitalsocialcontract.net/facebooks-oversight-board-and-the-challenges-of-making-policy-we-can-trust-9088482601b8" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           context
          
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           in which people are demanding true legitimacy from private platforms such as Facebook due to their role in shaping online democratic culture and more generally, our social environments. Scholars have gone as far as to label private online platforms the ‘
          
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           new governors
          
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           ’, who sit between the users and the State in a ‘triadic’ model, to drive in the idea that to think of them as capable of fitting into existing categories of businesses or corporates (despite commercial interests) would be to miss the larger picture. 
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           However, novel as this experiment may be, the creation of the Board shall only be ‘pivotal’ to the narrative of governance in terms of being a model to be emulated or built further upon (in other words, pivotal as a ‘success’ as opposed to a ‘cautionary tale’ for others) if Facebook empowers the Board with a broader mandate and mainstreams human rights into its policies and practices even if it comes at the cost of changes to its corporate structure. Not only must the Board have the authority to adjudicate disputes on key content decisions other than regarding the removal of content (e.g. regarding algorithmic ranking decisions) and by relying on a host of considerations which are not limited to ‘Facebook’s content policies and values’, it must also have the ability to
          
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    &lt;a href="https://www.gp-digital.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Facebooks-Oversight-Board-Public-Consultation-GPD-Submission.pdf" target="_blank"&gt;&#xD;
      
                      
           recommend revisions
          
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           to the policies underlying their decisions, and highlight the weaknesses of the policy formulation process for the future. 
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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           ﻿
          
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          ﻿
          
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           Given the grandeur accorded by Facebook to the creation of a structure such as the Board, and the potential for transparent public reasoning theoretically inherent in judicial structures, the Board must necessarily be so empowered. Otherwise it remains hollow and but a smokescreen of legitimacy, and short-lived legitimacy at that, for the Board lacks a ‘reservoir of legitimacy’ from which to draw upon. Moreover, it would serve this experiment in governance better should Facebook acknowledge the limitations of the Board as a decision-maker in terms of the magnitude of cases it can effectively determine and the extent to which the Board can authoritatively ascertain global norms of speech and expression, as well as accept that in order to build trust the Board will be required to
          
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           integrate
          
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           with other forms of checks and balances as well. Attempts at regulation which are self-serving and devoid of true
          
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           commitment to the global community are likely to replicate the threat to democratic culture, and maybe even worsen it due to their attempts at obscuring such effects. While the vague and unspecified future date at which Facebook intends to broaden the scope of the Board’s functioning acts as a thimble of hope, the growing
          
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           calls
          
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           to members of the Board to ‘speak up or step down’ urge each of us to not view the creation of the Board in isolation, but in continuation of the trajectory traced by Facebook since its inception. 
          
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           Sanskriti Sanghi is an alumna of the University of Cambridge, where she read for her Master's in Law (LL.M., International Law). She graduated from Cambridge in 2020 with First Class (H) and as a recipient of the Jennings Prize (Wolfson College). Prior to pursuing her graduate studies at Cambridge, Sanskriti was an undergraduate student at the Gujarat National Law University (GNLU) where she was an Aditya Birla Scholar, and from which she graduated in 2019 as a recipient of 8 gold medals. During her time at both these institutions, Sanskriti worked as a research member of the Cambridge Pro Bono Project on ‘Action on Armed Violence’, as a Research Assistant for a chapter on children’s rights for a book on ‘The Right to Life in International Law’, or as the Convenor of the research centre for Law and Society at GNLU. Presently, she is a lecturer at the Jindal Global Law School (JGLS). At our Institute, she co-leads the cycle on Digital Constitutionalism.
          
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&lt;/div&gt;</content:encoded>
      <enclosure url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1568378780196-a9a0444a9151.jpg" length="333538" type="image/jpeg" />
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:32 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/facebook-oversight-board-how-pivotal-a-moment-in-global-governance</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalconstitutionalism,digitalgovde</g-custom:tags>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1568378780196-a9a0444a9151.jpg">
        <media:description>thumbnail</media:description>
      </media:content>
      <media:content medium="image" url="https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/md/unsplash/dms3rep/multi/photo-1568378780196-a9a0444a9151.jpg">
        <media:description>main image</media:description>
      </media:content>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Digitization for Decarbonization</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitize-decarbonize</link>
      <description>There are currently two transitions taking place parallelly within the European Union (EU); a green transition and a digital transition. Both of these entail a major transformation of current practices, towards the same objective – a sustainable and competitive economy to work for the current generation, and the next.  Six months after the launch of the Commission’s Green Deal, experts and civil society groups are warning that current efforts are insufficient. Can better use of digitally-enabled solutions be the acceleration needed to reach the EU’s – and the world’s -  climate objectives?</description>
      <content:encoded>&lt;div data-rss-type="text"&gt;&#xD;
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           CIRCULAR ECONOMY
          
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            Digitization for Decarbonization
           
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           There are currently two transitions taking place parallelly within the European Union (EU); a green transition and a digital transition. Both of these entail a major transformation of current practices, towards the same objective – a sustainable and competitive economy to work for the current generation, and the next.
          
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           By Josephine Andersen
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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            Six months after the launch of the Commission’s
           
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            Green Deal,
           
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            experts and civil society groups are warning that
           
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           current efforts are insufficient
          
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           . Can better use of digitally-enabled solutions be the acceleration needed to reach the EU’s – and the world’s -  climate objectives?
          
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            The
           
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           Green Deal
          
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            was launched by Ursula von der Leyen’s Commission in December 2019, an initiative which in her own word’s is described as “
           
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           Europe’ man on the moon moment”.
          
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            It is an unprecedented and ambitious attempt to alter nearly every aspect of the European economy with the overall objective of a climate neutral Europe by 2050. A couple of months later, the Commission presented its new digital strategy:
           
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           Shaping Europe’s Digital Future
          
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            which acknowledges the role of digital solutions as key tools in supporting decarbonization and advancing efforts related to the circular economy and improving resource efficiency.
           
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           Digitalisation technologies supporting decarbonization
          
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           The move away from fossil fuels to increased electrification by renewable energy sources like solar and wine, fundamentally changes the energy landscape to a system that is more complex, and the increasing amount of communication and information technology is already changing the way we produce, distribute and consume energy. As opposed to fossil fuels that are found below the ground, the topic is increasingly becoming an issue of having access to technology, more so than having access to resources. There is a wide range of applications of digitalization technologies that support decarbonization, from optimization within the energy sector, overall dematerialization or a smarter use of resources. The following section highlights some of the application of digitalization technologies that can contribute and accelerate the decarbonization process. 
          
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            Huge amounts of data are already being collected in various areas. Better management of this data can allow big data to become a tool in decarbonization making electricity smart grids more accurate or through improving life-cycle assessments (LCA) of products and their value chains. Similarly, AI and machine learning can support the design of more sustainable products by learning from previous experiences and obtaining the optimal result at a higher speed then previously.
           
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            In addition to optimizing production processes, AI and machine learning can support the decarbonisation of the energy sector by predicting the output of wind and solar farms (see Google’s
           
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           Deepmind
          
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            subsidiary for an interesting initiative on predicting wind and solar capacity). AI also holds large potential in providing services to consumers as energy generators and personalization of energy devices. Increased use of Internet of Things (IoT) can lengthen the lifespan of products by monitoring their functioning through
           
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           predictable maintenance
          
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            or contribute to a more resource efficient energy use through the increased use of smart-meters or application in electric vehicles (EVs). Blockchain as a distributed ledger technology can facilitate a secure and transparent peer-to-peer transaction in a future energy system where all households act as prosumers in a highly complex and integrated grid system. Blockchain can also enable better and safer traceability of products and materials needed to support circularity in value chains. 
           
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           Challenges and obstacles
          
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           While digital and technological solutions at times seem like the obvious solution, there are barriers that need to be overcome and possible rebound effects to be aware of. There is still a long way to go for digital infrastructure to fully harness the potential of digital solutions. In addition, increased use of IoT and AI raises issues related to privacy, trust and security that must be addressed to gain the acceptance of citizens and the public sector. For example, the ‘
          
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           black box’
          
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            nature of machine learning for automatization can be problematic when it affects energy access to thousands of homes. 
           
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            In terms of rebound effects stemming from increased digitalization, there is the risk that the efforts to decarbonize sectors though digitalization in itself will lead to a higher use of energy and resources. The indication that the ICT sector itself needs to undergo “a green transformation” has been highlighted in the EU’s digital strategy. The environmental footprint related not only to electronic and electrical equipment, but also data centres and cloud services is significant and needs to be decoupled from emission and waste.
           
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           It is estimated that 5-9% of global electricity consumption is consumed by the ICT sector, making up over 2% of global emissions
          
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            . As an example, estimations show that
           
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           Bitcoin technology’s energy consumption is at a similar level as that of Switzerland.
          
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            The need for the ICT sector to lower their environmental footprint is however growing on the agenda with tech companies announcing  net-zero emission targets. Microsoft, as an example, have partnered with the Swedish energy company Vattenfall in the
           
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           procurement of renewable energy for their data centres in Sweden and the Netherlands
          
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            and is one of the
           
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           largest purchasers of renewable energy in the world.
          
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            The state of Europe in 2050 will be the result of the efforts to make the continent both green and fit for the digital age. As the EU’s digital strategy acknowledges:
           
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           “Digital technologies, as advanced as they may be, are just a tool
          
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           ”. They are however tools that hold the enormous potential to accelerate the green transition.
          
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           Josephine Andersen is a graduate student at Sciences Po Paris at the Paris School of International Affairs. She is currently an intern  with the Centre for European Policy Studies where she conducts research on topics related to energy and circular economy. 
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:30 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digitize-decarbonize</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">circulareconomy,fair,fair+,cs_climatechange</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Challenges of GDPR in Telematics Insurance</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-gdpr-telematics-insurance</link>
      <description>IOT devices in Telematics insurance record a great deal of personal data, but where does it all end up? The GDPR imposes strict rules on capturing, using and saving this data. It increases the need for transparency towards the customers and introduces the “Privacy by Design” principle. GDPR ensures that organizations can only use data for the purpose for which it was collected. A more proportional collection and use of data (data minimization) should be the result, as well as clear communication towards the customer about the following policy.</description>
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           GDPR &amp;amp; IoT
          
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            Challenges of GDPR in 
           
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          Telematics Insurance
         
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           IOT devices in Telematics insurance record a great deal of personal data, but where does it all end up? The GDPR imposes strict rules on capturing, using and saving this data. It increases the need for transparency towards the customers and introduces the 'Privacy by Design' principle. GDPR ensures that organizations can only use data for the purpose for which it was collected. A more proportional collection and use of data should be the result, as well as clear communication towards the customer about the policy followed.
          
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           By Sahil Tharia
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           Intersection of Ethical training of AI with GDPR in Telematics insurance
          
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           The relation between AI technology and the GDPR is multidimensional. On the one hand, the story tells us that AI effectively helps detect GDPR violations. On the other hand, several elements of the GDPR themselves challenge the effective use of AI. There are four different aspects of the regulation that create legal issues when it comes to the use of artificial intelligence: the principle of data minimization, the principle of transparency, the right for access related to the automated decision making algorithm and the admissibility of the automated decision making as such.
          
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           The extent to which pricing executives consider consumer perceptions of deception, fairness, and social justice is positioned within an emerging area of research that triangulates the dynamic between legal constraints, ethical considerations, and algorithmic models to make decisions about pricing , premium value and claims.
          
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           Principle of Data Minimization
          
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            According to the data minimisation principle, as few data as necessary, for the purposes of the processing shall be processed. Similarly, the objective of ‘ The principle of storage limitation’ is to ensure that controllers do not keep data longer than necessary for the initial purpose of the processing. Thus, the purpose of initial collection of data shall be processed and as soon as the initial purpose of the collection is fulfilled, the personal data has to be deleted. If we consider the nature of Telematics insurance working model or its requirements for training of ethical AI, it is arguably impossible to be specific about the purposes of big data analysis because for training of AI we need a lot of profiling and data for labeling and testing the model and its tools to respond such as ‘Chatbots’. Since the data would have to be deleted as soon as the initial purpose is fulfilled, data reuse would be generally impossible according to these principles. The principles of data minimisation and storage limitation may have a
           
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            on the accuracy of the data analysis carried out to determine individual risk profiles and willingness to pay, which questions the accuracy of ethical or unbiased automated decision making for individualisation of insurance contracts.
           
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           Principle of Transparency &amp;amp; Purpose Limitation
          
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           The principle of transparency obliges controllers to be transparent with regard to their processing operations. This principle is closely connected to the principle of purpose limitation as it requires the controller to provide information on the purpose of its processing. In Telematics insurance, when we talk about ‘Chatbot’, then transparency of algorithm in personalized insurance contract for paying premium is clearly a blackbox and lack of transparency is there. How ‘Chatbot’ gets into any decision for refusal &amp;amp; acceptance of claims is also another blg blackbox area. As many past studies have shown that decisions are often biased and unfair so the transparency of data processing is arguably not only the single most important principle of data protection law, but also the reason for the broad information duties of data controllers and the right of access.
          
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           Right for Access related to the Automated Decision Making Algorithm
          
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           Under the rights of data subject in ‘Article 15 (h)’ of GDPR which includes the reference to ‘Article 22’ of GDPR the existence of automated decision-making, including profiling, referred to in ‘Article 22(1) and (4)of GDPR’ clearly states that a person is having the right to access the information behind the decision whether it is automated or not .When we talk about Telematics insurance which is having whole ‘Data Bias’ issues and automated decision making by ‘Chatbots’ or algorithm of AI is widely in practice. In such a case, the right to access the information behind the decision is how that algorithm reached a particular decision to offer any individualized insurance to the customer is really important. If we consider this situation practically then it is really difficult when technologies like 'Deep learning' in AI in which it is so complicated and tough to reveal that ‘How decision is being made’. We have to consider and interpret the relation between  ‘Article 9 (a) and (g)’ of GDPR in relation to ‘Article 22 (1) &amp;amp; 22(4)’ of GDPR because it clearly states the processing of special categories of data which is the case in telematics insurance. 
          
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           Admissibility of Automated Decision Making
          
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            When we access ‘Article 5’ of GDPR “Principles relating to processing of personal data’ and relation between Article 5(1)(a) and (2) which clearly interprets about ‘Lawfulness’ , ‘Ethical processing’,’Transparency’ and ‘Accountability’ of processors .In Telematics insurance,where these insurance companies are processors and process personal data or sensitive  data via ‘Chatbots’. Accountability is one of the main underlying principles of the GDPR, and that poses a very big problem for machine learning algorithms, especially for newer tools such as
           
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           deep learning
          
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            and automated feature extraction because we don’t know how the evaluation is being done or what features data points are being used . Automated decision making made by algorithms are responsible for any decision about claims and individualized insurance premium .These types of ‘Automated decisions’ are having public liability issues so if any wrong claim or biased decision for personalized offer is being given then we don’t know who will be responsible in such case. Thus, we have to consider the admissibility and accountability issues for responsibility in such consequences. 
           
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           Sahil Tharia is an IT &amp;amp; IP Law attorney &amp;amp; consultant. He had wide international experience of ICT &amp;amp; IP Law and he specializes in Copyright Law , IP licensing , IP monetization , Technology Transfers among universities and government, FRAND Licensing &amp;amp; SEP licensing in ICT sector, Data Privacy /Protection in emerging technologies . He also worked as a consultant to various international, Chinese, Hongkong &amp;amp; Singapore based law firms and currently lives in Oslo, Norway. He was also associated with the Peking University of Transnational Law as guest Lecturer in Copyright Law. Mr. Tharia has done his LL.B. from ILS Law College, Pune, and Bachelors in International Business from the University of Pune, Cyber Law Diploma from Asian School of Cyber Laws and also PGDM in IPR LAWS from Indian Law Institute, New Delhi. He has done his LL.M. in IT &amp;amp; IP Law from Leibniz University Hannover. He is currently pursuing his second LL.M. in ICT Law from University of Oslo and working as Legaltech researcher with NRCCL (Norwegian Research Center for Computers and Law,Oslo).
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:28 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/challenges-of-gdpr-telematics-insurance</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,privacy,#law</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Why Facebook Users Matter in National Elections</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/why-facebook-users-matter-in-national-elections</link>
      <description>The 2016 US elections have been dominated by the wide exploitation of social networks. While they have showcased how behavioural political micro-targeting and fake news’ circulation can have a decisive impact, the role of online users has been largely undervalued. Hence, they are mainly seen as the receptors of the online campaigning process. Yet, as this article explains, their potential impact should not be underestimated, especially for the next elections this fall.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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            Why Facebook Users Matter in National Elections
           
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           The 2016 US elections have been dominated by the wide exploitation of social networks. While they have showcased how behavioural political micro-targeting and fake news’ circulation can have a decisive impact, the role of online users has been largely undervalued. Hence, they are mainly seen as the receptors of the online campaigning process. Yet, as this article explains, their potential impact should not be underestimated, especially for the next elections this fall.
          
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           By Francesco Vogelezang
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           Campaigning on Social Networks
          
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           Since the 2008 Obama Campaign, social media have become the routine in election campaigns. Most notably, this is because they provide a
          
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           direct, immediate and unmitigated channe
          
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           l with
          
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           voters
          
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           that allow to circumvent the traditional role of
          
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           professional gatekeepers
          
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           (i.e. the press) typical of the 1.0 media era. They also enable politicians to extend their
          
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           network outreach
          
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           to larger lots of the electorate through the
          
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           virality
          
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           of their publications. This is ensured by
          
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           algorithms
          
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           that in the context of social media can be defined as “a system of criteria which are used to make decisions about the inclusion and exclusion of material and which aspects of said material to present in an algorithmically driven news feed”.
          
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           In the case of Facebook, the algorithm at stake is
          
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           ‘EdgeRank’
          
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           , that determines the content of the center column of a user’s homepage and represents a constantly updating list of stories from friends and pages. Although we know
          
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           little
          
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           about its
          
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           current version
          
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           , various scholars have shown that the
          
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           popularity
          
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           of an ‘Edge’ is determined by the extent of
          
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           interactions
          
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           it receives by users in the form of likes, reactions, comments, and shares. In this way, publications that are highly reacted can boost their overall visibility. This means that politicians can potentially expand their exposure to more voters as long as their followers recirculate these messages to their connections that do not follow the politician in question.
          
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           Yet, does this communication opportunity hold? What is its impact in national elections? And which users are the most active in augmenting the visibility of their preferred political actors? Do populist parties benefit more than their mainstream counterparts from this communication opportunity? In the next section, I show how I have tried to answer these questions.
          
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           Users’ Interactions: Predicting the Electoral Outcome
          
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           I have selected in total one hundred parties that ran for office across four European countries between 2017 and 2018: Italy, the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden. In total, I have identified twenty-one populist parties out of one hundred.I have then performed a multiple regression analysis to test the extent of interactions per publication that parties have posted eighteen months before the election day - my independent variable - against their final electoral result - the dependent variable.
          
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           In total, the model showed a positive moderate correlation of 0.48 while the R2 coefficient indicated that parties’ online presence alone could be predictive for 25.3% of their electoral outcome. Across the four countries, this impact varied. In Germany and the Netherlands, it had moderate positive relationships of 0.44 and 0.51. This means that the online presence of Dutch parties could be predictive of 27% of their electoral variance, whereas, for German parties, it could explain 20% of their electoral outcome.
          
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           S﻿imilarly, during the 2018 Swedish elections, parties also enjoyed a moderate positive relationship, as the coefficient amounted to 0.48. In this case, their presence on Facebook could predict 24% of their electoral variance. Finally, during the 2018 Italian elections, the online sphere even played a bigger role as parties had a strong positive relationship. This is confirmed by the correlation coefficient of 0.60, which indicates that it could be predictive for 37% of their electoral success. 
          
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           Figure  1: Relation between Parties’ Online presence and their Electoral Result across Italy, the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden (Source: Own Research).
          
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           Concerning the difference between mainstream and populist parties across countries, both forces displayed moderate positive relationships, though populist parties had slightly higher coefficients. Mainstream parties have had a moderate positive coefficient of 0.44, which means that online dominance could be predictive on average for 20% of their electoral variance. On the contrary, populist parties had a slightly bigger coefficient of 0.50, thus indicating a moderate positive relationship. Hence, their Facebook dominance could be indicative for 25% of their electoral success. 
          
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           Figure  2: Relation between Online presence and Electoral Result between Populist and Mainstream parties (Source: Own Research).
          
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           Implications for the 2020 US Elections
          
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            What will be the impact of users in recirculating online information on Facebook during the next US elections? That we cannot know… What we can do, however, is to draw some conclusions from past experience and put into context for 2020. During the 2016 US elections,
           
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           Alcott and Gentzkow
          
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            found that approximately a quarter of voters have shared a fake news story at least once. Concretely, they have demonstrated that if a fake news is shared 38 million times, it can potentially generate more than 760 million clicks. Moreover,
           
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           social media bots
          
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            were found to play a central role as about a fifth of Clinton’s and Trump’s tweets have been automatically generated. Yet, pro-Trump bots produced about four times as many tweets as pro-Clinton bots.
           
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           Though we are not sure about the impact of parties’ online presence in the US electoral context, fake news’ generation through automated bots seems the perfect cocktail to expose a larger portion of users to specific political content. As these elections will probably be one of the most politically tense in history, there is the precondition to observe the fervent circulation of extreme political information, whose virality will be determined by ‘EdgeRank’. Concretely, this means that users will actually regulate the circulation of political information on Facebook. Yet, they will perform this ultimate role from their isolated and tailor made echo-chamber. 
          
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          Francesco Vogelezang is pursuing a Master's degree in European Affairs at SciencesPo Paris, with a specialization in Digital, New Technology &amp;amp; Public Policy. Previously, he graduated from Maastricht University with a Bachelor degree in European Studies. This summer, he interned as an external consultant at the OECD Directorate for Science, Technology &amp;amp; Innovation. He co-leads the cycle on Digital Democracy at our Institute.
         
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:25 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/why-facebook-users-matter-in-national-elections</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>It’s Time to Start e-Voting</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/its-time-to-start-e-voting</link>
      <description>A parallel e-voting system has a lot to offer, from protecting the fundamental right to vote to halting declines in voter turnout and reducing costs. Although governments should not rush to implement e-voting during the current crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic should at least make us think about the need to put such systems in place.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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            It's Time to Start e-Voting
           
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           A parallel e-voting system has a lot to offer, from protecting the fundamental right to vote to halting declines in voter turnout and reducing costs. Although governments should not rush to implement e-voting during the current crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic should at least make us think about the need to put such systems in place.
          
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           By Maria Tataki
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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            The COVID-19 pandemic has
           
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           forced
          
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            the postponement of national and subnational elections in over 60 countries and territories. Chileans saw their referendum for a new constitution postponed until October, with the government exploiting the lockdown to remove protest art from Santiago. Bolivians, following the resignation of Evo Morales in November 2019 and the indefinite postponement of the May presidential elections are now stuck with an interim president who seems in no mood to give up power.
           
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            The threat to democracy is severe. Elections are a safeguard of democratic institutions and the rule of law. Their postponement could and has already provided opportunities for wannabe  authoritarians to further cement their hold on government structures and erode their democratic quality. Yet, conducting in-person elections under these conditions is not really a good option. Those elections that did take place faced record low voter turnouts, credibility issues, poll worker dropouts and even the infection of electoral officials. In
           
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           Chicago
          
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           , a poll worker died from COVID-19 and several others tested positive, creating fear that the election had fostered the spread of the virus.
          
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            Had an effective e-voting system been in place, it could have provided a viable and safe option. Indeed, in many parts of the world discussions have been animated to allow online voting. Following the disaster of the first round of the French municipal elections, a poll revealed that 56% of people would have welcomed the opportunity to vote online. In the U.S., several states are expected to follow the example of West Virginia, New Jersey and Delaware in enabling small sections of their electorates –mainly military and overseas voters and voters with disabilities - to vote online in this year’s presidential primaries. In the UK, the Labor Party
           
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           elected
          
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            its new leader in an online ballot with very high participation - 70% of its 550,000 members voted.
           
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           Despite e-voting’s small-scale success amidst the crisis, it is not the purpose of this article to encourage governments to rush its implementation during the pandemic. On the contrary! A rushed, insufficiently prepared implementation of e-voting could prove to be disastrous. It could fail to serve the very cause of democracy it is meant to support. It will render e-voting just another failed system that will be abandoned as quickly as it was introduced . The crushing of the election app for the Iowa Democratic caucus will resonate more strongly with the public than any of the successful efforts in other states.
          
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            Yet, the current pandemic should at least make us think about the necessity of putting such a system in place in time for the future, not only as a tool in the face of crises but also as a safeguard for our democracies. Since the beginning of the 1990s, we are facing a global decline in voter turnout. Participation in elections has
           
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           fallen
          
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            from 76% in the 1980s to less than 66% in recent years. The youth is increasingly less likely to vote. Such a trend poses a serious threat to the legitimacy and future of our democracies.
           
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            I will refrain from the highly optimistic statements of the past that internet voting could restore high turnout levels.  We don’t so far have sufficient evidence to support such optimism with most studies
           
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           estimating
          
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            a positive albeit modest increase in voter turnout in the range of 2-4 %. However, even if e-voting is failing –at least for now- to achieve large increases in participation, it has been shown to prevent further declines. Evidence suggests that once people start e-voting, they are more likely to continue on voting than those who choose to vote in-person. Internet voting
           
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            to trigger a process of habit formation which renders turnout somewhat more resilient to short-term feelings of political discontent.
           
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           More importantly, our democracies rely on the provision of an equal opportunity to participate in elections for all citizens. Yet, the current system of in-person voting renders the exercise of this fundamental democratic right exuberantly costly or even impossible for certain demographic groups. Those living in isolated regions often have to travel more than a hundred miles to reach the nearest polling station. People in overseas military service have frequently been unable to vote even where vote by mail is allowed. People with disabilities face insurmountable difficulties in accessing polling places which has historically kept their turnout very low. The list goes on but the concept is simple: for some, e-voting is the easiest or even the only option. There is no reason not to provide them with the opportunity to pursue it.
          
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            It is true that there are still several challenges to be addressed with many arguing that the available technology is still insufficient to properly safeguard the process from cyber-attacks while simultaneously eliminating verifiability and anonymity concerns. Nevertheless, e-voting already counts several successes, with
           
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           15 countries
          
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            currently employing it. In Estonia, elections with the possibility of e-voting first took place in 2005. Since then, voters have been able to cast a vote online in three local elections, two national elections, and two European Parliament elections without any security violations. Switzerland and Canada have also successfully been using it for over a decade. Recent developments in blockchain technology could further boost the security of the process. Although no technology will ever be fully immune from cyber-attacks, there is a certain level of risk we can afford to accept. After all, even in-person elections are subject to the possibility of f
           
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           The biggest challenge will not be the technology itself but rather making people trust in it.
          
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            We must ensure that voters understand the underlying technologies and have faith in the security and anonymity of e-elections. Otherwise, we run the risk of voter apathy, legitimacy loss and increasing disengagement even if e-voting remains a voluntary option.
           
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           Building the necessary trust will take time and will require full transparency and a series of information campaigns that governments must meticulously run. It will necessitate the establishment of accessible, fast and transparent mechanisms to review the outcomes by independent bodies- in a similar fashion to in-person electio
          
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            ns. This will be a highly complex yet not impossible task. The case of Estonia is very telling in this regard. The share of e‐votes has
           
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            from 1.85% in 2005 to 30.5% in 2015 and 44% in 2019.As the technology proves itself and more people acquire access to it, this percentage is expected to further increase.
           
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           E-voting has a lot to offer. It is expected to speed up the process, reduce costs and eliminate informal voting. More importantly, it could act as a safeguard to our democracies by protecting the fundamental right to vote -especially amid crises- and halting declines in voter turnout. It could even constitute a fundamental step in the further digitization of governmental institutions. The elaboration of an electronic I.D., could open the gateway to an internet-based deliberative democracy. However, there is no point in rushing its implementation. We must give it the time it needs for both the technology to mature and voters to acquire trust in it. We must not force people to e-vote but rather provide them with the option to do so. After all, we must take into account the still very persistent digital divide. But, we must start now.
          
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           Maria Tataki is completing her Master's degree in Economics and Public Policy at the University of Sciences Po Paris specializing in European Affairs. As an undergraduate, she studied Political Science at Sciences Po and Economics at the University College London. At the International Telecommunication Union, she interned as a junior policy and strategy analyst and participated in the WSIS Forum 2017. At our Institute, she serves as Chief Public Policy Officer at our Institute.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:23 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/its-time-to-start-e-voting</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Internet &amp; Arab Spring</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-arab-spring</link>
      <description>Nowadays, the internet is a tool used by millions all over the globe in their everyday lives. Even though it is making our daily lives easier, contemporary political events have shown that it can also facilitate the spread of revolutionary messages.</description>
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           DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
          
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            Internet &amp;amp; Arab Spring
           
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           Nowadays, the internet is a tool used by millions all over the globe in their everyday lives. Even though it is making our daily lives easier, contemporary political events have shown that it can also facilitate the spread of revolutionary messages.
          
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           By Elena Douvika
          
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           August 30, 2020
          
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           CC BY-SA 3.0
          
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           Sherif9282
          
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           Historically coming from an effort to interconnect computers in the United States, it later involved international collaboration. Gradually, it led to “the network of networks”, the global system of interconnected computer networks that enables the communication between networks and devices. Since the primary purpose of the internet is connection, it seems that creating social relationships and spreading information is inevitable. 
          
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           Why the internet poses a threat to autocracies
          
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           The circulation of information and the establishment of social relationships is perceived as a problem to regimes that strive to keep information sharing as well as the freedom of association under tight control. This is why autocracies are trying to restrain access to the internet or block the use of some websites, mostly those identified as social media and more precisely social networks. These can be defined as being online platforms used by people to build social bonds with others sharing identical interests. The perception of these platforms as a danger is not unfounded since social media and the internet have been of massive importance in numerous popular uprisings during the past years. One shining example is the Arab Spring, dubbed as “
          
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           the social media revolution
          
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           ” due to the widespread use of social network platforms. Their presence could be perceived as a cornerstone mostly in Tunisia, where the revolution started, and Egypt. These were the first countries to resort to massive protests as well as the only ones to oust their leaders in a somewhat peaceful way. 
          
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           Tunisia: the spark of the social media revolution
          
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           In Tunisia, the internet played a critical role in spreading awareness amongst the population. According to
          
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           Samir Ghezlaoui
          
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           , data on WikiLeaks that exposed the ruling’s family degree of corruption caused profound indignation amongst Tunisians. The self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid sparked protests as anger rose against the regime in place. Peaceful protests led to a popular uprising in Sidi Bouzid, that was not covered by traditional media. This gap in media coverage was fulfilled by social media platforms, and more precisely by Facebook and Twitter.  Bloggers and activists called the Tunisian people to take the streets in order to protest for the events of Sidi Bouzid. Calls to protest multiplied via Facebook groups and Youtube videos, that were later diffused by Al Jazeera and the Arabic version of France 24. Most protests were arranged via Facebook groups that gave details concerning the protest, its demands, as well as its time and place. 
          
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           The use of social media in the Egypian uprisings 
          
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           Egypt is a similar case. Activists and regime’s political opponents used Facebook to denounce political oppression and corruption. They worked closely with the anonymous administrators of the page ‘We Are All Khaled Said’ which focused mainly on police violence. This page reached even people who were politically inactive in their lives, thus being used to contact new members. Its administrators, along with activists, organized real-life meetings where opposition to the regime was discussed. The people who came to the meetings slowly formed the circle of loyal followers, who organized the 25th of January protests. The calls for protests were published on Facebook, as well as the demands, the place, and the time. Most protests were arranged in different cities simultaneously, “which increased the protests’ visual and symbolic impact”, according to
          
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           Killian Clarke and Korhan Kocak
          
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           . Moreover, according to the same authors, “it made them harder to contain since security forces were forced to deploy troops to multiple sites.” Twitter was also used to update followers with live information about all events during the day. The use of Twitter benefitted protesters demanding live information and helped spread the news by using the “retweet” feature. What is more, Twitter’s hashtag feature allowed users to tag their texts, meaning that the hashtag’s popularity could lead in reaching out to many more followers nationwide as well as worldwide. Hence, Twitter was instrumental to spread news about the uprisings all over the globe. 
          
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           The reason why these countries in particular turned social media into a cornerstone of the revolution is that their population was already familiar with the internet, and active on social networks. Tunisia, for example, was the regional leader of the internet connection since its internet penetration rate in 2010 was that of 104,7ii. Yet, this was not so much the case of Syria and Libya. 
          
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           The internet: an information hub rather than the cause of the revolution
          
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           However, the internet should not be viewed as the main reason leading to popular uprising
          
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           . This is because it was mainly conveying a message that was already present in daily lives of these countries. According to
          
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           Aday, Sean, Henry Farrell, Marc Lynch, John Sides, and Deen Freelon
          
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           “New [or social media outlets that use bit.ly links are more likely to spread information outside of the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry.” In conclusion, the information transmitted on social media, as well as the feeling of exasperation that was expressed was already widespread amongst the rebelling population. These platforms rather helped spread the message outside the region, and therefore transmit it to other countries whose population was living under the same conditions. 
          
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           ﻿
          
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           Elena Douvika is an undergraduate student at a double bachelor’s degree in law and political science at Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne University. She is fluent in Greek, English and French and is currently learning Arabic and Spanish.
          
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      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Aug 2020 19:08:20 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-arab-spring</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Where Do You Throw Your Chewed Apple?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/where-do-you-throw-your-chewed-apple</link>
      <description>People have not embraced the urgency to respect and reuse valuable components. Recycling is not worth it for the owner. Though it should be.</description>
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           CIRCULAR ECONOMY
          
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            Where Do You Throw Your Chewed Apple?
           
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           People have not embraced the urgency to respect and reuse valuable components. Recycling is not worth it for the owner. Though it should be.
          
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           Dimitris Glynos
          
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            May 23, 2020
           
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                As a child I had a passion: I loved phones and especially mobile phones. They fascinated me. There are multiple photos of baby me with different phones. I could not speak properly; but somehow, I was already chit chatting.  If they weren’t being used by an adult in the family, any old devices –functional or not – would end up with me. As if this was their destiny all along. The true reason for their production. And I possessed many.  Every time my father bought a new cell phone, I got the previous as a toy. 
               
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                This happened quiet frequently. Either my father was too careless or he was experiencing the delirium of  the consumer society of the late 90s early 00s. Point being that anytime I wanted a new toy, I could pretty much sabotage his current phone - for instance by throwing it in a glass of water. And my father would give it to me. Because there was not such a thing as recycling electronic devices. Or at least it was not an established concept.
               
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                 Has the situation changed from those days - which I can assure you are not long ago? Today the roles have been reversed. It is more likely that I get a new device and my old one ends up with my father or another boomer in the family. And in most cases, this constitutes an upgrade for them. The sad common ground: the device is not recycled. Despite the raw materials it contains. 
                
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                 This realization applies to a plethora of electronic devices.  People have not embraced the urgency to respect and reuse valuable components. Recycling is not worth it for the owner. Consumers don’t perceive the financial benefit of it, so they refrain from doing it. `'Recycling for the sake of the environment' is a concept that doesn’t “move” the user.  After all, they consider the price they paid for their fancy smartphone, fridge or television. When comparing it with the reimbursement for recycling, if there is one, they feel offended.  The collectors- either recycling companies or product manufacturers- treat their beloved items as worthless packages. But unlike packages they have paid a fortune to acquire them, and the package itself has been disposed in colourful cans. It is not that people want to store them in Victorian armoire in case they adopt a more hipster lifestyle. They don’t want to open a museum for obsolete devices, where they would exhibit their collection either. The absence of measurable financial benefit is translated into reluctance to recycle.  So, our drawers, our basement and our garden in the summer cottage come to resemble a setting out of a Kusturica film. 
                
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                 The
                 
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                 describes the ‘’waste of electrical and electronic equipment such as computers, TV-sets, fridges and cell phones as one of the fastest growing waste streams.’’ More than 12 million tonnes are expected to be generated in the EU this year. As a comparison, the total amount in 2005 reached 9 million tonnes. The trend is clear, and it illustrates a substantial worldwide increase over the next decades. Our world becomes more digitalised and at the same time the replacement cycles of the devices- take mobile phones as a typical example- become shorter.  Approximately 44.7 Million tonnes of discarded electrical and electronic equipment have been accumulated across the globe in 2016. That would be the equivalent to almost 4500 Eiffel Towers. In one year. This data stems from ‘
                 
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                 Researchers from the United Nations University, the International Telecommunication Union and the International Solid Waste Association have joined forces and published this fascinating report, where they express their concern regarding the low recycling levels of e-waste. According to their estimation it does not exceed 20% worldwide.  The rest is either stored in households, collected through informal channels and possibly subjected to improper treatment or disposed in landfills and incinerated as unsorted municipal waste. The last two are the worst-case scenarios. 
                
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                 E-waste contains hazardous materials. The toxic content endangers the public and poisons the environment, when it burns or remains exposed. In this context, the transfer of e-waste to other regions is restricted as prescribed in the
                 
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                 . Another beautiful city on the long list of conventions that have not been ratified by the USA. Apropos USA, the collection rate of e-waste generated is 22%. In Germany 34%. Not great, not terrible. Northern Europe achieves the highest rates in the world. Generally, the EU urges its member states to improve their performance by implementing the
                 
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                 describes, the European Commission set an ambitious goal from 2019 onwards at 65% ‘of the electrical and electronic devices put on the market in the prior three years’. 
                
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                 Setting the environment and public health aside, low recycling levels undermine the efforts toward a circular economy in line with the
                 
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                  Agenda
                 
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                 for Sustainable Development 2030. Sophisticated electronics are comprised of up to 60 elements from the periodic table. And these are wasted when they do not enter the formal recycling chain. Although many of them are technically recoverable.  The market mechanisms simply do not facilitate the recovery of these resources. Instead they promote the purchase of new devices and the extraction of additional resources. Because buying a new device is cheaper than repairing. And more profitable - for the seller. Because extraction is cheaper than reuse. Based on the example of mobile phones, the report elaborates on this paradox. In 2016 the average selling price of a new smartphone was around 200€, whereas a used one was sold on average for 118€. The estimated value of the raw material was 2€ per piece.
                
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                 For those who neglect the ecological aspect and do not comprehend the necessity of prolonging the product usage span. For those who are reluctant to establish systems and invest in infrastructure that treats e-waste as a resource. For those who see the world from the monetary perspective.  I have a final argument to make.   The e-waste generated in 2016 was worth 55 Billion €. Hopefully, this information might set market mechanisms in motion for more efficient waste management.
                
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            Dimitris Glynos holds a bachelor’s degree in Industrial Engineering and Management from the Technical University of Berlin and is now pursuing his master’s. In our Institute, he serves as Vice President and Chief Technology Officer.
           
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2020 22:38:19 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/where-do-you-throw-your-chewed-apple</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,circulareconomy,digitalgovde</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Human Rights vs. Covid-19</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/human-rights-vs-covid-19</link>
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             Human Rights vs. Covid-19
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           Humanity was suddenly called to face an unprecedented situation in human history, and the question that emerges is the following: are the measures taken legitimate?
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              By Spyros Kalogeropoulos
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            15 May, 2020
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                  Honestly, it doesn’t take a lot of effort to start questioning about the constitutionality of the governmental measures imposed so as to protect public health from the catastrophic impact of COVID-19. Especially when one enjoys the privilege to be a European citizen, taking into consideration that the European region is characterized by constitutional pluralism, which creates a theoretically impervious to unwelcome interference complex for the protection of human rights. Humanity was suddenly called to face an unprecedented situation in human history, and the question that emerges is the following: are the aforementioned measures legitimate? The legitimacy of laws is judged by the provisions of leges superiores, i.e. laws the supremacy of which dictates to some extent the content of legislation. 
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                 In order to provide an answer with universal applicability to all European States, the European Convention on Human Rights is the ideal instrument: With 47 signatories and with provisions guaranteeing a wide spectrum of liberties, the ECHR is the sword of Damocles hanging over those who adopted restrictive measures. 
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                 A quick look at the provisions, or even their titles, is more than sufficient to pinpoint the articles involved in the “dispute” between the ECHR and the COVID-19: Articles no. 2 (right to life), 3 (prohibition of torture), 5 (right to liberty and security), 6 (right to a fair trial), 8 (right to respect for private and family life), 9 (freedom of thought, conscience and religion), 10 (freedom of expression), 11 (freedom of assembly and association), 12 (right to marry), 14 (prohibition of discrimination) and 15 (derogation in time of emergency) are all more or less related to the action taken to minimize the effects of the newly detected virus. Article 2 of Protocol 4 (freedom of movement) together with article 1 and 2 of Protocol 1 (protection of property, right to education) are associated with the pandemic as well. And the list of articles could be even longer, as more freedoms guaranteed by the ECHR might be addressed by the court when the first applications related to the pandemic are judged. 
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                  Right to life
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                 As for the right to life, which constitutes a rare example of a non-derogable right included in the text of the ECHR, article 2 of the Convention imposes a positive obligation to Member States to protect the lives of the people under their jurisdiction. Therefore, the -thankfully rejected- “herd immunity” plan would constitute an omission of the State, resulting in a violation of article 2. The elderly and people with pre-exiting conditions could under no circumstances be sacrificed for the welfare of the general public, as their lives are equally protected by the Convention, which leaves no room for discrimination of any kind. However, in case any death occurs, the causal link between the omission and the result has to be proven, and this prerequisite has to be fulfilled for a violation to be found. All in all, effectively responding to the threats to life and to physical integrity posed by COVID-19 is part of the positive obligation of States. The positive obligation of states is not fulfilled when the nature of the measures to be taken is clear, and their adoption is feasible for the government (Finogenov and Others v. Russia, no. 18299/03, 20 December 2011). Controversial scientific data, though, render the adoption of adequate measures a hard political decision, falling within the margin of appreciation of each Member State.
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                  Prohibition of torture
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                 As for the prohibition of torture -another example of a non-derogable right of the ECHR- the lack of proper and effective medical treatment could constitute degrading and inhumane treatment, leading to a violation of article 3 of the Convention. The significance of the article is greater in Member States which are currently dealing with migratory flows, as the conditions under which the asylum seekers are detained are extremely favourable for the transmission of the virus. The refusal to access, though, to medication at an experimental stage was not regarded as a violation of the Convention (Hriztozov and Others v. Bulgaria, no. 47039/11, 13 November 2012).
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                  Deprivation of liberty
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                 As for article 5 of the ECHR, house arrests surely constitute a “deprivation of liberty”. The severity of the restrictions is crucial in order to determine the proportionality and the necessity of the measure, but in any case an unprecedented sanitary crisis and the need to contain the spread of coronavirus within the population is enough to justify limitations to liberty. No question of legitimacy arises when it comes to infected people, who are obliged to stay at home so as to avoid the further transmission of the illness, as article 5-1(e) allows the detention of persons for the prevention of the spreading of infectious diseases. House arrests have to be made in accordance with national law, and must not exceed a restricted time limit, as such measures are justified only when necessity precludes the wrongfulness they would entail if imposed under normal conditions.  According to the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (Enhorn v. Sweden, no. 56529/00, 25 January 2005), it must be established that the restrictions of liberty must be the ultimum refugium for the prevention of further contamination and that the spreading of the disease poses a danger to public health. In case Kuimov v. Russia (no. 32147/04, 8 January 2009), the Court established that limitations to liberty must be discontinued as soon as permitted and noted that the fact that they last for a long period of time indicates their disproportionality. Factors such as the type, the duration, the effects and the manner of implementation of the measures in question are significant when evaluating their compliance with the ECHR. The same case led the Court to the conclusion that a 3-month quarantine is not disproportionally long in duration.
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                  Right to a fair trial
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                 Concerning article 6 of the Convention, the right to a fair trial was affected significantly by COVID-19, as the majority of civilians were unable to be served by justice after most courts were closed because of the pandemic. One alternative so as to avoid violations of article 6 is the utilization of technology, enabling citizens to resolve their disputes electronically without any physical presence (e-justice). In the case at hand, the right to trial within reasonable time is of essence so as to avoid violations of article 6 of the Convention. The example of the European Court of Human Rights, which dealt with the issue in question in a similar manner, could be followed by all Member States. However, despite the fact that this method could be proven ideal for civil and administrative law trials, penal proceedings often require physical presence so as to ensure a fair trial. When the situation which is accountable for the inability to serve justice, though, is not under the control of the State, there was thought to be no violation of the Convention (Khlebik v. Ukraine, no. 2945/16, 25 July 2017 and Agga v. Greece, no. 37439/97, 25 January 2000). In addition, the inability to resolve urgent disputes (i.e. domestic violence) could lead to violations of articles 2 and 3 of the Convention (Opuz v. Turkey, no. 33401/02, 9 June 2009).
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                 As far as articles 8-11 of the ECHR are concerned, all provisions of the Convention include restrictions apart from the content of each right. All provisions resemble one another and refer to public health as a justification for limitations. In any case, though, the core of each right has to be unaffected by the measures adopted. 
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                 More specifically, as far as article 8 is concerned, the measures adopted so as to enable the State to deal with the medical crisis often requires medical and location data in order to assess the compliance of the public and the progress of the pandemic. Any medical test results fall within the definition of privacy and they must be carefully handled by States in order to ensure the minimum intervention to the right to privacy possible. Any measure has to be proportionate, in pursuance of a legitimate aim. As for family life, the ability to communicate via video calls nowadays minimizes the possibility for violations of article 8 to be found in this respect. As for the right to physical integrity protected by article 8, in Case Acamanne and Others v. Belgium (no. 10435/83, 10 December 1984), the Court established that obligatory tests to detect tuberculosis so as to protect public health, were not regarded as a violation of article 8 of the Convention. The tests, though, must not be conducted in a manner constituting degrading and inhumane treatment (Jalloh v. Germany, no. 54810/00, 11 July 2006). Mandatory testing, treatment and vaccination must always be dictated by medical necessity and safeguards against arbitrariness are required under the provisions of the ECHR. 
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                 In Solomakhin v. Ukraine (no. 24429/03, 15 March 2012), compulsory vaccination was considered as a violation of article 8. However, the Court found that obligatory vaccination was not a violation of article 8 when its aim was to prevent the spreading of infectious diseases. The vaccination will most likely be regarded as a violation of the Convention if the vaccine is at the experimental stage. Religious beliefs are not sufficient as a justification to avoid vaccination (Jehovah’s Witnesses of Moscow and Others v. Russia, no. 302/02, 10 June 2010).
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                 As for article 10, the panic caused by the announcement of the impact of COVID-19 led governments to selective revelation of news, violating the right of the public to impart accurate information. This practice is an ideal example of “interference by public authority” prohibited by article 10 of the Convention. The only permissible restriction under the latter would be the relatively limited impartment of (accurate) information for reasons of medical necessity, so as to protect the people working at radio or television stations. 
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                 Concerning the right to marriage protected by article 12, the delay caused to someone’s marriage due to the pandemic does not interfere with the essence of the right (Frasik v. Poland, no. 22933/02, 5 January 2010), and therefore no violation is likely to be found. 
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                 As for the prohibition of discrimination enshrined in article 14 of the Convention, the provision plays a significant role when it comes to the determination of priorities in case limited State resources are available for the combat against the pandemic and as a result choices have to made in favour of some and to the detriment of others (Pentiacova and Others v. Moldova, no. 14462/03, 4 January 2005). 
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                 As for article 15 of the ECHR, numerous Member States have already informed the Secretary General of the Council of Europe that they intend to derogate from the provisions of the Convention pursuant to article 15. However, the derogation clause does not allow Member States to interfere with human rights the way they desire, as according to the provisions of the ECHR all measures are permitted “to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with its other obligations under international law”. All limitations have to be necessary to deal with the pandemic and limited in time. Derogation from the provisions of the ECHR, though, does not affect non-derogable human rights, such as the right to life and the prohibition of torture. All the remaining human rights examined above, though, could subject to restrictions. It must be noted that articles 8-11 of the ECHR can be limited for the protection of public health without derogating from the provisions of the Convention. Every restriction must be prescribed by law and must be necessary in a democratic society. Consequently, article 15 can under no circumstances be used as a pretext to violate human rights enshrined in the ECHR. 
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                 Regarding the protection of property enshrined in article 1 of Protocol 1, the severe measures imposed to economic entities interfered with their right to property as far as expropriation, control of use or peaceful enjoyment is concerned. However, the protection of public health is an aspect of public interest with a significance which outweighs the enjoyment of economic rights during the pandemic. 
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                 As for the right to education, enshrined in article 2 of Protocol 1, efforts must be made so as to mitigate the impact of the pandemic to the education of students. E-learning provides an effective solution to the problems caused by the virus and every restriction to the right to education must be justified by the pressing need not to spread the virus in overcrowded schools. 
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                 Mutatis mutandis, the same analysis applies to all the rest human rights affected by COVID-19. In any case, the effectiveness and essence of the right must remain intact (Leyla Şahin v. Turkey, no. 44774/98, 10 November 2005).
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                  The ECHR is already 70 years old. Consequently, the Member States of the Council of Europe have gained considerable expertise, allowing them to strike a fair balance between individual rights and the protection of public health, even by imposing extremely strict measures. The aim must be to combine the preservation fundamental values of the European civilization, embodied in the Convention, with the confrontment of the health crisis our world is facing. The magnitude of the pandemic justifies limitations to human rights, provided that they are limited to a short period of time, that they are necessary and proportionate, and that they pursue a legitimate aim. 
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                 The COVID-19 pandemic illustrated that human rights and the effective implementation of severe measures are not mutually exclusive. The pandemic did under no circumstances provide the authorities with excessive powers, as the ECHR only includes legal tools to handle the crisis and not to violate numerous provisions which enshrine fundamental liberties.
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           Spyros Kalogeropoulos is studying law at the University of Athens. 
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          He is a member of the editorial board of law review “Applications of Public Law”, and is in charge of the ECHR sector and the Supreme Court of the USA sector. In our Institute, he co-heads the planet around Law &amp;amp; Technology and deals with our legal compliance as Chief Legal Officer.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 19 May 2020 03:55:33 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/human-rights-vs-covid-19</guid>
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      <title>Internet Access is a Fundamental Right</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-access-is-a-fundamental-rights-especially-amidst-a-pandemic</link>
      <description>The current pandemic draws attention to the social inequalities framed as digital divide. In order to close it, internet access should be guaranteed to all.</description>
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           DIGITAL INCLUSION
          
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              Internet Access is a Fundamental Right. Especially, Amidst a Pandemic.
             
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             The current pandemic draws attention to the social inequalities framed as digital divide. In order to close it, internet access should be guaranteed to all.
            
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             May 19, 2020
            
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           In his discussions with French journalist Rezis Debre, Salvador Allende points out that happiness is a human right. Lack of food, education, health care and fair working conditions are obstacles to achieving happiness. Therefore, all of the above are -like happiness- human rights. Recognized for years by international organizations such as the
          
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           , it is also the right to internet access. In January this year, the Indian Supreme Court
          
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           it a fundamental right. The current pandemic and the economic crisis it has brought along, strengthens the view that in the digital age, free internet access should be indispensable to all members of an organized society.
          
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           If the coronavirus pandemic could have any positive character, it would be the highlighting of the inequalities that characterize Western capitalist societies. At present, the only solution to the pandemic is to slow the spread of the virus through social distancing. This model of course requires the cessation of direct human interactions, which intensifies digital economic activity. So those who do not have access to the internet cannot participate in this new kind of digital economy that is flourishing. This means that not only can they not buy or sell goods, but that they cannot "sell" their work; in common, they cannot work. Respectively, millions of students around the world do not have access not only to education but also to a huge information network.
          
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           Whether internet access is a human right or whether it should simply be included in the category of media that facilitate the exercise of human rights is a
          
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           . The important thing is that we are now not only talking about widening the gap between
          
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           economic inequalities
          
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           , but about a new kind of digital inequality. At the same time that Jeff Bezos is
          
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           expanding
          
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           his financial empire through Amazon's online sales, almost half of the world's population does not have access to this digital social and economic network. Half the planet does not have equal access to education, health (through digital information) and the labor market. Our financial model denies billions of people access to and participation at the most mainstream medium.
          
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           Information and the access thereto, then, are two sides of the same coin, and few keep the currency. The questions we will be asked to answer in the coming years, with the resources we have learned from the ongoing crises, are twofold. The first is of economic and social interest. Should all citizens have access to the internet - regardless of income - and if so, are governments supposed to take care of it? The second question is purely political. What should be the rules governing the internet and who will set them? To this question, we want to provide some answers. The goal of the institute is to ensure a fair and democratic digital society through a framework of rules and ideas, always guided by human rights. On the internet, as in society and in politics, we all must have a say.
          
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              Spyros Kasapis holds a bachelor’s and master’s degree in Aerospace Engineering and currently pursues his PhD degree at the University of Michigan. He serves as the Chief Artificial Intelligence Officer of our institute researching on concepts and frameworks for fair and non-discriminatory AI.
             
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      <pubDate>Tue, 19 May 2020 00:14:51 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/internet-access-is-a-fundamental-rights-especially-amidst-a-pandemic</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Digital Divide Widens</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-divide-widens</link>
      <description>The Covid-19 pandemic and the subsequent necessity for social distancing have forced a transition online. In doing so, they have shed light to a huge digital divide that threatens to exacerbate existing inequalities. E-learning and teleworking have only been accessible to a privileged section of society.  It is necessary to ensure that the most vulnerable are not left even further behind.</description>
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           DIGITAL INCLUSION
          
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               Digital Divide Widens
              
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           The current pandemic has forced a transition online. However, e-learning and teleworking have only been accessible to a privileged section of society.  It is necessary to ensure that the most vulnerable are not left even further behind. 
          
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             By Maria Tataki &amp;amp; Dimitris Glynos
            
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            May 10, 2020
           
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              Globally more than 1.5 billion students have been affected by school closures due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Amidst this unprecedented educational disruption, most schools have resorted to e-learning. However, not all children have been able to continue their education online. According to
              
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              , of all the students currently out of the classroom, 50% or about 830 million do not have access to a computer. One
              
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              has been platforms built for use on basic mobile phones e.g. Funzi and Ubongo for African families. But, beside the difficulties of using mobile phones for learning,
              
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              of students do not have any form of access to the Internet at home. 
             
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             The digital divide is complicating educators’ efforts to ensure learning continuity. It is also threatening to exacerbate existing inequalities as the lack of access is disproportionately affecting the most disadvantaged. Disparities are particularly evident in low-income countries, with 82% of students in Sub-Saharan Africa unable to go online. Girls are also among the most affected.
             
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             , they are the least likely to have access to technology. In high-income countries, it is the most disadvantaged children that are plagued by the digital divide. Even in the
             
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             , nearly one-in-five students between kindergarten and 12th grade do not have computers or sufficiently speedy Web connections. Of these, the majority comes from low-income families and ethnic minorities.
            
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             The transition online is not only disproportionately affecting the most vulnerable students,  but less privileged workers as well. Teleworking is de facto an option only for a minority at the top of the income spectrum. High earning occupations enable home office, as they do not require -constant- physical presence in the office. Remote interaction and collaboration with the partners, colleagues can be facilitated by modern technology. However, this applies for instance to only 29% of the Americans who according to the
             
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             could continue working from home. In most of the cases this group alongside with those serving the health system and other core functions of the state apparatus are less likely to face job insecurity.
            
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             The economic challenges and the restriction orders in public sphere threaten, as the
             
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             in the UK points out, primarily jobs in low paying sectors that require the physical presence of the customer or audience and performing tasks in close proximity to others. Another research conducted by
             
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             in the current crisis and not having a university degree.  Extremely vulnerable are also employees who lack the means or cannot afford the infrastructure to create a workplace in the safety of their homes. In this context, concerns are expressed that social distancing might widen existing disparities  in  terms of income inequality and  wealth distribution.
            
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             Social distancing is essential to contain the pandemic. But under no circumstances should it handicap and leave the marginalized members of the community unprotected. To prevent this, providing everyone access to digital infrastructure should constitute our priority. The
             
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             is lending laptops to 15 year-old students who did not have one. Egypt has handed free SIM cards to students and has promised to cover the costs of up to a 20% increase in all subscribers' monthly downloads.
             
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             has created a scheme of 10 free gigabytes of data usage for mobile users. These however are short-term solutions that will not put an end to the digital divide. The crisis will soon end but the accelerated digital transition it has put in place will most likely persist.
            
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             We must make sure that we sustain our efforts to provide access to all beyond our pandemic response. Unless we rapidly tackle the challenge to bring high-quality, affordable internet access to all we run the risk of a world of increasing inequalities. A world, that will fail to capitalize on its full resources to tackle the challenges ahead, be it climate change or future pandemics. We must not let the opportunities the Internet can offer go unexploited.
            
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            Maria Tataki is completing her Master's degree in Economics and Public Policy at the University of Sciences Po Paris specialising in European Affairs. She interned at the International Telecommunication Union  as a Junior Policy and Strategy Analyst. In our Institute, she co-heads the planet around Digital Governance &amp;amp; Democracy and oversees governmental relations as Chief Public Policy Officer.
           
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            Dimitris Glynos holds a bachelor’s degree in Industrial Engineering and Management from the Technical University of Berlin and is now pursuing his master’s. In our Institute, he serves as Vice President and Chief Technology Officer.
           
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      <pubDate>Sun, 10 May 2020 02:06:47 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/digital-divide-widens</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Why changing our clocks won't necessarily bring us faster to e-democracy</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/why-changing-our-clocks-won-t-necessarily-bring-us-faster-to-e-democracy</link>
      <description>The European Parliament backed on the 26th of March the Commission’s proposal to end the time arrangements while each Member State may still decide on the time zone in national effect. The previous part of the series refers to the online public consultation about EU wide time arrangements. In this last part of the series, 4 key issues regarding e-democracy will be discussed that are independent from whether we continue switching our clocks or not. All of them refer to the outcome of the vote and ask whether the result is representative, whether the voters can and/or must understand the voting procedure, what kind of force this result exerts and last -but not least- how secure this may be.</description>
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              DIGITAL DEMOCRACY
             
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               Why changing our clocks won't necessarily bring us faster to e-democracy
              
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           The European Parliament backed on the 26th of March the Commission’s proposal to end the time arrangements while each Member State may still decide on the time zone in national effect. In this last part of the series, four key issues regarding e-democracy will be discussed that are independent from whether we continue switching our clocks or not.
          
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              By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
             
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           June 25, 2019
          
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                 Issue of representativeness
                
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               It is evident that a sample which consists at 70% of German citizens is not representative for the EU. The problem here is not only the overrepresentation of a member state but rather the overrepresentation of those who respond against those who choose not to. Kies explains this: “you only get stakeholders or interest groups that are well organised so you are not able to tackle the ‘lay citizens’, meaning the citizens who are not interested in Europe, not aware about Europe or that are sceptical about Europe”. [1] This applies also to citizens with limited access to ICTs. This is a characteristic deficit of online public consultations that is not widely noticeable regarding questions of rather trivial nature such as the summertime arrangements. 
              
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               But what if a public consultation comes into play about a divisive issue and the Commission publishes results that are surely not representative? In its actual rather primitive form of enabling citizens’ direct participation, an OCT certainly wouldn’t address such an issue. But why shouldn’t it? One could argue that the legitimacy effect is otherwise absent in favour of political tokeanism and simple PR policy,[2] if citizens are solely asked about issues of secondary importance. However, this is a question of wide historic constitutional debate which will not be addressed here.
              
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                Issue of digital divide
               
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               While we use ICTs for various forms of economic and social interaction, there is skepticism towards implementing these technologies to enhance the democratic process. However, one must not forget the inherent disparities in the other interactions mentioned that a functionable democratic process cannot afford to ignore. In other words, whereas it is an autonomous decision to rely on Amazon or the retailer across the street weighing the advantages and disadvantages, in a democracy, where a digital divide exists even at a certain degree, the introduction of voting machines, e-voting or other means other than the traditional analogue one may exclude parts of the population not familiar with these systems. The German Federal Constitutional Court asserts that control of the electoral process must be a matter and a task for the citizens.
              
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               Accordingly, every citizen must be able to reliably understand the central steps of the election without any special technical knowledge. “Only if the electorate can reliably convince itself of the lawfulness of the act of transmission, ie if the election is carried out "in the public eye", the confidence of the sovereign -which is necessary for the functioning of democracy and the democratic legitimacy of state decisions- can be guaranteed in the election of the parliament corresponding to the electoral will.”[3] It is only hard conceivable that an average citizen can understand the interna of an e-voting system, let alone the random sample voting. Of course, these arguments do not monopolize the political discussion. In Switzerland, reasons such as the possible increase of the voter turnout, the cybersecurity against traditional voter coercion and the general idea of keeping pace with the information society plead for introducing e-voting.[4]
              
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                Issue of binding force
               
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               Regarding the results of the summertime OPC[5], Commission’s President Jean-Claude Juncker told the German broadcaster ZDF “I will recommend to the commission that, if you ask the citizens, then you have to do what the citizens say”.[6] He further added, “we will decide on this today, and then it will be the turn of the Member States and the European Parliament”. Another official clarified, "it is not a referendum", saying the commission will take into account a variety of aspects, and not only the result of the consultation.[7] These statements may contradict each other but both give a glimpse into the potential effect of online public consultations onto EU’s formal political process. 
              
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               In the last years, referenda were held in a trending frequency in the European continent. As recently as the 30th of last September, the people of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia voted in a referendum for renaming their country to “Republic of Northern Macedonia” ending a bitter 27-year long dispute with Greece.[8] In the latter, the Greek government called one in July of 2015 regarding the bailout conditions as proposed by its creditors. Only a year after, the majority of the British voted to leave the EU. All of these referenda were legally non-binding.[9]
              
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               Still, the dogma of not going against “the will of the people” prevailed as governments wouldn’t act contrary to the results and even when they did so,[10] they would by no means publicly admit it. While the different circumstances and interests involved in each case must be taken into account, referenda do exert some kind of force. The UK Supreme Court acknowledges in its Brexit judgement that referenda do have a political force, while citing the House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution: “[B]ecause of the sovereignty of Parliament, referenda cannot be legally binding in the UK, and are therefore advisory. However, it would be difficult for Parliament to ignore a decisive expression of public opinion”.[11] 
              
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               A similar position comes from the other side of the Isle. The German Federal Constitutional overruled in 1958 the referenda state laws of Hamburg and Bremen. While one has to bear in mind that Germany is a country which has decided against referenda as a top-down means issued by the government addressing the citizens, the Court nonetheless takes a considerable stance: It ascribes to de jure non-binding referenda a de facto binding force, as the citizens use their sovereign powers pro-actively according to their role as constitutional subjects, even if they do not produce immediately binding effects.[12] 
              
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               This line of argumentation is rather echoed by President Juncker’s statement who sees himself bound only by “ask[ing] the citizens…“. One could argue that public consultations exert a similar political impact which is strengthened by factors such as the participation rate and the public reception, whereas its exact nature is of course debatable. However, the main issue here is not that citizens are able to exert a basically political impact on the formal political process that goes beyond its de jure force, but rather that this de facto impact is not representative.
              
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                Issue of security
               
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               Talking about online public consultations one must not forget the security risks lurking to such endeavors. Amidst data privacy scandals such as Facebook’s involvement with Cambridge Analytica and the recent revelations[13] regarding similar security breaches in Alphabet’s Google+ and the implications of these on the democratic process, the awareness in the society about data protection has grown. Trust on systems security is vital to modern democracies since ICT enable a great part of the democratic process. 
              
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               The European Commission informs in its privacy statement regarding OPCs that “all data in electronic format are stored either on its own servers or of its contractors, operation of which must abide by the European Commission’s security decision of 16 August 2006 [C(2006) 3602] concerning the security of information systems used by the European Commission”.[14] The degree at which this may sound reassuring regarding the measures taken to protect the data in question is open to interpretation. It is broadly shared in the tech circles that the integrity of such systems can never be 100% secure. A look at the analysis on the security system of Estonia’s i-voting system by Springall et. al. published in 2014 raises some concerns.[15] Switzerland offers $150.000 to hackers who find critical security gaps.[16]
              
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            REFERENCES
           
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            [1] Study of the European Economic and Social Committee: EU public consultations in the digital age-Enhancing the role of the EESC and civil society organisations, 20.11.2017, https://publications.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/a3e564c1-cf37-11e7-a7df-01aa75ed71a1/language-en, doi: 10.2864/464177.
           
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            [2] Tomkova, J, 2009. E-consultations: New tools for civic engagement or facades for political correctness?. European Journal of ePractice,Vol.7 pg.51.
           
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            [3] BVerfGE 123, 39, Wahlcomputer.
           
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            [4] E-Voting: Switzerland's Projects and their Legal Framework – in a European Context
           
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            [5] OPC: Online public consultations.
           
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            [6] ZDF, Kommissionschef im ZDF - Juncker: Dauerhafte Sommerzeit wird kommen, 31.08.2018, https://www.zdf.de/nachrichten/heute/sommerzeit-juncker-zuversichtlich-100.html.
           
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            [7] Euobserver, EU gets record response on 'summertime' consultation, 17.08.2018 https://euobserver.com/economic/142614.
           
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            [8] The turnout was as low as 36% though: the Guardian, Macedonia facing crisis after name change referendum hit by low turnout, 1.10.2018, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/sep/30/macedonia-to-vote-on-name-change-and-ending-greek-dispute
           
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            [9]https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/23/eu-referendum-legally-binding-brexit-lisbon-cameron-sovereign-parliament
           
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            [10] In the aftermath of the bailout-referendum which rejected the proposed conditions, the Greek prime minister negotiated a program based pretty much on similar conditions
           
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            [11] 12th Report of Session 2009-10 of the House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution (Referendums in the United Kingdom) para. 197 cited in: R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [2017] UKSC 5, paras 124-126.
           
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            [12] BVerfG, Beschluss vom 30.07.1958 – 2 BvF 3/58, 2 BvF 6/58.
           
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            [13] Wall Street Journal, Google Exposed User Data, Feared Repercussions of Disclosing to Public, 8.10.2018, https://www.wsj.com/articles/google-exposed-user-data-feared-repercussions-of-disclosing-to-public-1539017194.
           
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            [14] https://ec.europa.eu/info/law/better-regulation/specific-privacy-statement_en.
           
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            [15] Springall, D, Finkenauer, T., Durumeric, Z., Kitcat, J., Hursti, H., MacAlpine, M., Halderman, J.A. 2014. Security Analysis of the Estonian Internet Voting System. doi:10.1145/2660267.2660315.
           
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            [16] The Verge, Swiss e-voting trial offers $150,000 in bug bounties to hackers, 12.02.2019, https://www.theverge.com/2019/2/12/18221570/swiss-e-electronic-voting-public-intrusion-test-hacking-white-hack-bug-bounties.
           
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      <pubDate>Sat, 29 Jun 2019 11:34:21 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/why-changing-our-clocks-won-t-necessarily-bring-us-faster-to-e-democracy</guid>
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      <title>Applying Sortition in the EU: House of Lots or Random Votes?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/applying-sortition-in-the-eu-house-of-lots-or-random-votes</link>
      <description>The ‘digital constellation’ offers both opportunities and risks for democracy. While the information and communication technologies allow us to instantly communicate with each other enhancing the democratic dialogue, they prove to be a fertile ground for misinformation campaigns, hate speech and foreign cyberattacks. Although we are more frequently confronted with the risks, we haven’t seriously thought of taking advantage of the opportunities. If we use technology everyday to interact, trade, inform or misinform each other, why not use it to more directly participate in the democratic process? Has sortition something to offer? In the second part of the series ‘Sortition – a chance for the EU in the digital constellation?’, Konstantinos Tsakiliotis discusses two hypothetical applications of sortition within the EU: House of Lots or Random Votes?</description>
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           SORTITION
          
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           Applying Sortition in the EU: House of Lots or Random Votes?
          
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           The 'digital constellation' offers both opportunities and risks for democracy. Although we are more frequently confronted with the risks, we haven't seriously thought of taking advantage of the opportunities. If we use technology everyday to interact, trade, inform or misinform each other, why not use it to more directly participate in the democratic process?
          
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           By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
          
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           February 14, 2019
          
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            In a globalized world, national states are unable to effectively address challenges that reach beyond their boundaries. Habermas requires supra- and international mechanisms to complementary serve this cause. He coined the term of post-national constellation to describe this situation.[1] Pernice suggests in continuation of Habermas’ thinking that states in the ‘post-national constellation’ face the risks and opportunities of ICT.[2]
           
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           ICT take up physical and national boundaries providing immediacy making human relations denser while also cultivating a global public opinion. Alongside go cyberattacks that endanger trust in politics and economy, data protection violations that curtail individual freedoms and “fake news” that lower the quality of public debate which is vital for a solid democratic process. The challenges in the “digital constellation” correspond with those in the post-national constellation: How can democracies take advantage of the chances by adequately addressing the risks while ensuring their legitimacy and efficiency? The EU project is a study case on democracy in the “post-national constellation”.[3] For its continuance reforms are needed that correspond with the opportunities and risks both of the “post-national” and “digital” constellation.﻿
          
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           The EU Commission’s online consultations
          
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           One example of the application of ICT within the EU are the Commissions’ online consultations. Public consultations and thus online were first mentioned in the Commission’s 2001 white paper on ‘European Governance’.[4] There, it reads, “democratic institutions and the representatives of the people, at both national and European levels, can and must try to connect Europe with its citizens”. The European Commission’s First Vice-President Frans Timmermans said, “transparency and consultation are at the heart of our efforts to produce better regulation for better results”.[5] Online consultations are defined as “interactive ‘tell-us-what-you-think’ on-line platforms where ordinary citizens, civic actors, experts, and politicians purposively assemble to provide input, deliberate, inform, and influence policy and decision making”.[6] On the 15th of May 2018 the EU Commission launched an online citizens’ consultations asking what direction the EU should take. It will run until the Sibiu summit in May 2019. During last summer, more than 4.6 million EU citizens participated at an online public consultation organized by the EU Commission about the EU-wide summertime arrangements. Bearing in mind that 70 % of the replies (3.1 million) came from Germany (followed by France, 8.6 %) one would hardly consider these consultations representative for the whole EU.[7]
          
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           Whereas in the present model of the online consultations everybody is allowed to submit any contribution, the participants of analogue consultations are usually randomly drawn: In 2007 and 2009 European Citizens’ Consultations took place first as national conferences which were concluded by a European summit to discuss major challenges the EU faces.[8] To these, sortition is a key element. But, do pre-election dialogues suffice to fill the democratic gap of the EU? And isn’t the orderly conduct of online consultations disputable amidst cybersecurity and representativeness concerns? With regard hereto, two proposals will be introduced: an EU institution composed by randomly chosen citizens and the facilitation of the Commission’s online public consultations via random sample voting as proposed by David Chaum.
          
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           A European ‘House of Lots’?
          
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           Buchstein/Hein diagnosed the EU with a democratic deficit in 2008 when the Lisbon Treaty was rejected by the first Irish referendum.[9] In the wake of a bitterly politicized financial crisis accompanied by an orchestra of troika-technocrats, behind closed doors intergovernmental talks, national parliaments confirming in a rush the “deals” of the executive with limited and unsubstantial deliberation one would say that this deficit deepened or at least became more evident. Buchstein/Hein observe that whereas some lower the standards necessary to legitimate the EU and others call on deep reforms to render the EU into a role for supra- and transnational democracies all policy proposals nevertheless adhere to the traditional institutional features of national states. They advocate instead for a second territorial transformation crucial for its future.[10] The first one refers to the adaptation of former institutional systems – which suited the scale of a polis- to mass democracies according to the national state model: parliaments substituted the popular assemblies, separation of powers instead of a sovereign ecclesia and elections instead of representatives drawn by lot. Equally, the second transformation requires developing new institutional settings and according to Buchstein/Hein the reintroduction of lotteries is key to that.
          
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           They inter alia advocate for the institution of lottery-based chamber in the EU as complementary to the elected European Parliament.[11] The members shall be drawn by lot out of the whole EU population according to the principle of degressive proportionality. The participation shall be mandatory and compensated equally to the elected member of the EP. This chamber shall have no right to control the Commission and the Council of the EU but instead to make recommendations to the Parliament, the Commission and the Council as far as legislative issues within the jurisdiction of the Parliament are concerned. Further, it shall be authorized to initiate and veto legislation. Its construction is destined to exert a higher deliberative pressure on the European Council that shall nonetheless maintain its ‘integrative and stabilizing advantages’ of reaching unanimous consensus. Thus, it shall alleviate politics from polarization and inter-party-conflicts allowing for substantial deliberations. Buchstein/Hein see the main objections in the fact the randomly chosen members won’t be chosen for a second term. Reelection provides an incentive to represent the fellow citizens and maintain a good public image avoiding corruption allegations. They further address another rather temporary objection: The public is not familiar with lotteries in politics. It is highly probable that a chamber not composed by professional politicians as the one we are used to won’t be taken seriously in the beginning. Buchstein/Hein addressed this concern in 2009. However, sortition since then has gained momentum in form of randomly chosen citizens’ consultations.
          
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           Or Random Votes?
          
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           Without prejudging the probabilities of institutionalizing citizens’ assemblies in the near future another perhaps more pragmatic application will be further discussed, bearing in mind that such an approach may familiarize the public with sortition leading to the implementation of suggestions as the one described above. The EU Commission’s online consultations may prove a fertile field for experimentation with sortition and more precisely the random sample voting system.
          
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           The question remains: how to guarantee representativeness and therefore legitimacy of the impact exerted by the online consultations while also securing the running system adequately? Regarding the issue of representativeness, the study by the European Economic and Social Committee considers “random representative sampling as a modern, scientific method to ensure the representation of both ‘organised’ and ‘unorganised’ civil society”. Pernice introduced in the Public Hearing on the 25th of April 2018 at the AFCO (Committee for Constitutional Affairs) of the European Parliament the random sample voting system by Chaum[12] as a reliable, cost-effective and secure means to facilitate the “digitization of political participation”.[13] Its spectrum of implementation reaches from surveys over to votes and referenda. Chaum defines random sample voting as “the polling of a random subset of voters that is at least as secure against abuse as current elections”.[14]
          
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           Random sampled voters cast “vote codes” which correspond with their unique ballot serial number and their “vote choice” such as yes or no. These codes are printed on the paper ballots they receive via post. Vote codes that are voted are posted online that allows for verifying that votes are recorded as cast while ensuring that voters are unlinkable to their “vote choices”. The so called election authority – in our hypothetical scenario, the EU Commission – supervises the conduct of the election according to the protocol. It encrypts a random -reordering of the voters and the blockchain determines whereich positions in the re-ordered list are randomly chosen, meaning the actual voters. In the process involved are self-selected auditors who check if the encrypted data published by the election authority match with inter alia the results of public random data and posted vote codes. Another unique security characteristic is the “decoy ballot”. Decoy ballots are issued by the election authority and include votes that are not to be counted but nonetheless cannot be distinguished from the legit ones. The fact that these can be requested by anyone renders vote buying ineffective.
          
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           The Commission’s online consultations pose issues as for example with regard to the representativeness, the transparency and also the bindingness of the results. Is random sample voting the right solution? And what new issues may possibly arise via this application?
          
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           References
          
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           [1] Habermas, J., 1998. Die postnationale Konstellation: Politische Essays. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp; see also Pernice, I., 2015. Multilevel Constitutionalism and the Crisis of Democracy in Europe. European Constitutional Law Review, 11, 541-562.
          
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           [2] Pernice, I. (2018). Risk Management in the Digital Constellation – A Constitutional Perspective (part II). Revista de Internet, Derecho y Política (IDP)(27), 79-95, Pernice, I..2018. ENHANCING DEMOCRATIC DECISION-MAKING IN THE DIGITAL CONSTELLATION, Working Paper AFCO Hearing 25.04.2018, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/cmsdata/142820/Globalisation%20trilemma%20IP%20180502.pdf.
          
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           [3] Art.5 Section 3 of the Lisbon Treaty reads “Under the principle of subsidiarity, in areas which do not fall within its exclusive competence, the Union shall act only if and insofar as the objectives of the proposed action cannot be sufficiently achieved by the Member States, either at central level or at regional and local level, but can rather, by reason of the scale or effects of the proposed action, be better achieved at Union level…”
          
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           [4] EUROPEAN GOVERNANCE — A WHITE PAPER, COM (2001) 428 final (2001/C 287/01), 12.10.2001, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52001DC0428&amp;amp;from=DE.
          
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           [5] European Commission – Press release: Better regulation: Commission offers new opportunities for stakeholders to participate in the law-making process, 1.7.2016, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-16-2378_en.htm.
          
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           [6] Tomkova, J, 2009. E-consultations: New tools for civic engagement or facades for political correctness?. European Journal of ePractice,Vol.7 pg.45-54; see also Coleman, S. and Gøtze, J. 2001. Bowling together: Online Public Engagement in Policy Deliberation, https://www.acteurspublics.com/files/epublic/pdf/scoleman-jgotze-bowling-together.pdf.
          
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           [7] European Commission Staff Working Document- public consultation on EU summertime arrangements, 12.09.2018, SWD (2018) 406 final, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52018SC0406.
          
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           [8]https://web.archive.org/web/20070703153628/http://www.european-citizens-consultations.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/ECC_Fin_Con_Media/ECC_Fin_Con_Perspectives_FINAL_1_.pdf. , https://www.zsi.at/attach/ECC2009FinalReportECS_may09.pdf
          
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           [9] Buchstein, H. and Hein, M., 2009. Randomizing Europe: the lottery as a decision-making procedure for policy creation in the EU. Critical policy studies, 3 (1), 29-57.
          
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           [10] Buchstein, H. and Hein, M., 2009. Randomizing Europe: the lottery as a decision-making procedure for policy creation in the EU. Critical policy studies, 3 (1), 29-57.
          
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           [11] Buchstein, H. and Hein, M., 2009. Randomizing Europe: the lottery as a decision-making procedure for policy creation in the EU. Critical policy studies, 3 (1), 29-57.
          
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           [12] Chaum, D. Random-sample voting. http://rsvoting.org/whitepaper/white_paper.pdf.
          
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           [13] Pernice, I..2018. ENHANCING DEMOCRATIC DECISION-MAKING IN THE DIGITAL CONSTELLATION, Working Paper AFCO Hearing 25.04.2018, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/cmsdata/142820/Globalisation%20trilemma%20IP%20180502.pdf.
          
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           [14] Chaum, D. Random-sample voting. http://rsvoting.org/whitepaper/white_paper.pdf.
          
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      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2019 12:12:38 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>What if politicians weren’t elected but rather drawn by lot?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/what-if-politicians-werent-elected-but-rather-drawn-by-lot</link>
      <description>Modern Western liberal democracies are under criticism: low voter turnout, overrepresentation of political extremists, corruption and polarisation – alongside the absence of a civilised political debate in the context of ‘fake news’ – are some of the symptoms. But what if elections are part of the problem? The core challenge is to guarantee both legitimacy and efficiency in a globalised context, while addressing both the dangers and also profiting from the advantages of the information age. Can the EU lead as an example? And may sortition offer a remedy? This article offers an insight into the political concept of sortition and its application throughout the centuries until today.</description>
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           SORTITION
          
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           What if politicians weren't elected but rather drawn by lot?
          
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           Modern Western liberal democracies are under criticism: low voter turnout, overrepresentation of political extremists, corruption and polarisation – alongside the absence of a civilised political debate in the context of ‘fake news’ – are some of the symptoms. But what if elections are part of the problem? And may sortition offer a remedy?
          
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           By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
          
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           January 30, 2019
          
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           ‘For example, the appointment of magistrates by lot is democratical, and the election of them oligarchical.’ 
          
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           Aristotle, 350 B.C.
          
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           What happened to sortition?
          
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           Van Reybrouck raised public awareness about sortition in his influential book ‘Against Elections: The Case for Democracy’[1]. There, he delivers a strong plea for what he calls aleatoric-representative democracy. He defines it as an ‘indirect form of government in which the distinction between ruler and ruled is brought about by sortition rather than election’. Also, he gives a very detailed historic account of sortition forms throughout the centuries. What seemed common practice in the past, simply elapsed in modern democracies.
          
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           Boule
          
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           In classical Athens of the 5th and 4th century B.C. members of the governmental bodies were drawn by lot: the Boule of 500, the Court of Heliaia and 600 out of 700 magistrates. The Court of Heliaia drew hundreds of lots via a sophisticated device called kleroterion out of a pool of 6.000 citizens. Sortition was used to allocate executive, legislative and judicial power. Rotation of the citizens holding offices was strictly implemented resulting in a strong culture of participation in politics: Aristotle echoes this by saying that ‘the basis of a democratic state is liberty… One principle of liberty is for all to rule and be ruled in turn.’[2] In classical Greece the term idiotes was used to negatively describe somebody who was solely occupied with private matters. It is no coincidence that it is where the word idiot roots today.
          
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           Ballote
          
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           Sortition was abandoned during the Middle Ages but was readopted in the Renaissance in the northern Italian cities of Bologna (1245), Vicenza (1264), Novara (1287) and Pisa (1307) and especially in the great Renaissance cities of Venice (1268) and Florence (1328).[3] In Venice, ballote was used to appoint the doge. Venice was an oligarchy controlled by aristocratic families. In order to prevent tensions between them they used a pretty bizarre mixed electoral-aleatoric system to appoint the doge. This included the Consiglio Grande first randomly drawing lots and then expanding the number of the drawn nobles via election and subsequently reducing this number while repeating the same process 9 times until reaching an election commission that consisted of 41 members who ultimately got to elect the doge. This extremely complicated system prevented corruption and endowed the process with legitimacy. Historians agree that sortition coincided with the cultural, economic and political flourish of Venice. In Florence, a different system called imborsazione was implemented. Almost all governmental bodies were drawn by lot. Candidates were first nominated, they were then reduced via elections and again reduced via sortition, while in-between those who had already served or committed crimes were exempted from the procedure.
          
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           Elections
          
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           Montesquieu echoed in ‘The Spirit of Laws’ of 1748 Aristotle by saying that ‘voting by lot is in the nature of democracy; voting by choice is in the nature of aristocracy’ Rousseau considered in ‘The Social Contract’ applying sortition for offices where ‘good sense, justice and integrity are sufficient whereas he favoured elections for positions that required a certain degree of competence such as the military.[4] Despite the ideas of the contemporary philosophers, sortition elapsed in the modern national states after the American and French Revolution. There were practical reasons for that. The scale of the cities where sortition was used in the past was much smaller and no data about the exact population were documented in order to draw a representative sample in the newly born states.
          
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           However, it rather seems that the ruling elite decided against sortition in order to preserve their status quo. Although they symbolically elevated the people in their declarations, they were against them holding sovereign powers. They preferred the noble term ‘republic’ to ‘democracy’ which they associated with chaos and political decline, thus consolidating the electoral system as an indispensable element of modern Western democracies. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 reads in Article 21 that the will of the people ‘shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections’.
          
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           Institutional random selection is nowadays primarily limited to its application for the appointment of juries in the Anglo-Saxon justice system. The economic crisis of 2008, the Brexit referendum, the US presidential election in 2016 and the parallel increasing influence of social media under the headings ‘fake news’, ‘voter manipulation’ triggered intense discussions about the pathogenesis of modern democracy. As part of the discussions on the possibilities of citizen participation, sortition has again attracted attention in the political arena through several experiments such as the Citizens’ Assembly in Ireland in 2013, the Citizens Committee on constitutional reform in Iceland in 2010, and the EU Public Consultations in 2007 and 2009. It was also a subject during the French presidential elections of 2017.[5]
          
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           Alongside goes a rather extensive discussion not limited to the circles of political science: Hubertus Buchstein and Michael Hein advocated in 2009 the institution of lottery-based chamber in the EU as complementary to the elected European Parliament.[6] David Chaum, a renowned cryptologist for his groundbreaking research in anonymous digital cash transactions who last year introduced Elixxir,[7] a new blockchain platform which promises to facilitate cheap and unprecedented fast consumer-scale transactions, also known for his e-voting solutions, proposed in 2011 random sample voting. Chaum defines RSV as ‘the polling of a random subset of voters that is at least as secure against abuse as current elections’.[8] The white paper echoes in multiple parts the concept of sortition.
          
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           Why sortition?
          
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           On the 12th of October 2012, a workshop under the title ‘The Lottery as a Democratic Theory’ was held by Gil Delannoi (Sciences Po), Oliver Dowlen (QMUL) and Peter Stone (Trinity College Dublin) in collaboration with The Policy Institute at Trinity College Dublin. Various scholars from different research backgrounds came together to discuss the concept of sortition in modern democracies. In their report[9], they concluded on the main benefits sortition can contribute to the political process:
          
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            Descriptive representation is its main characteristic and advantage. It ensures that every property that appears in the general population is represented in approximately equal proportions on a randomly selected body. For this, the sample must have a significant number of members and, secondly, be drawn out of a pool which consists of the entire population. Statistically, the random sample guarantees that the legal and financial sector are not overrepresented as in many modern parliaments.
           
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            Preventing corruption and domination: The democratic process can be seriously undermined when public officials use their offices to benefit themselves. Sortition prevents this by ensuring that those who seek an office for self-interest are no more likely to receive it than others (unless the majority of the population is motivated likewise).
           
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            Eliminating polarization: This characteristic allowed for the symbiosis of competing aristocratic families in the Italian cities. Political competition, like economic competition, is only desirable if it serves the interest of the general public. Market competition between companies can achieve this through lower prices, higher quality, etc. But market competition fails when companies form cartels. Similarly, political competition between elites may benefit the public if educated, informed and motivated politicians compete for public support by offering socially desirable policies. But this competition does not benefit the general public if the elites either compete too little (through long-term coalitions or political cartels) or too much on the border to civil war. The random selection minimizes the influence of the elites in the vote process.
           
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            No overrepresentation of extremists: Extreme groups are usually sufficiently motivated to undermine the political process. They can claim a measure of political influence that is totally disproportionate to their size. Sorting can mitigate this by ensuring that ‘outliers’ cannot get an oversized representation; if a perfect descriptive representation is achieved, no such group can receive a political office in greater numbers than its presence in the general population would justify.
           
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            Distributive justice: Sortition allows for fair allocation and re-allocation of power within a democratic society.
           
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            Participation: It can be said that sortition makes participation possible by allowing broader sections of the population to participate – especially people who are traditionally excluded from the political process because of poverty, race, ethnicity and other discriminatory factors.
           
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            Rotation means that there is a change in office, that the people in power today are not the same as the people who are in power tomorrow. It reflects the Aristotelian ideal of ‘governing and being governed’.
           
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            Increased responsibility as an incentive for better decision: The report refers to the psychological effects of sortition. David Chaum argues in the RSV white paper that sortition increases the sense of responsibility of the drawn citizens.[10] They feel obliged to do good for society as one of the few chosen ones.
           
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           The advantages mentioned above do not comprise an exclusive list. The question is, how to ameliorate the political system via applying sortition? What institutional forms of sortition are needed? Could sortition help modern democracies guarantee efficiency and legitimacy while confronting the risks of globalisation and digitisation?
          
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           References
          
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           [1] Van Reybrouck, D., 2014 (2016). Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, (translated by Liz Waters) London, Bodley Head.
          
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           [2] Aristotle, 350 B.C. (1885). Politics, Oxford, vol. 1, book four, part IX &amp;amp; book six, part II (translated by Benjamin Jowett), pp. 124, 125, 189; cited in Van Reybrouck, D., 2014 (2016). Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, (translated by Liz Waters) London, Bodley Head.
          
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           [3] Van Reybrouck, D., 2014 (2016). Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, (translated by Liz Waters) London, Bodley Head.
          
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           [4] Rousseau, JJ., 1762 (1947). The Social Contract, New York, book IV, chapter III (eighteenth-century translation, revised and edited by Charles Frankel), 97-98 cited in Van Reybrouck, D., 2014 (2016). Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, (translated by Liz Waters) London, Bodley Head.
          
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           [5] Dellanoi, G., Carson, L., (2017). French Presidential Election and Sortition. Research and Development Note. 8. 2017.
          
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           [6] Buchstein, H., Hein, M., (2009). Randomizing Europe: the lottery as a decision-making procedure for policy creation in the EU. Critical policy studies, 3 (1), pp. 29-57.
          
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           [7] “eCash Founder David Chaum Makes Bold Promises with Elixxir Blockchain”, 21.9.2018, Bitcoin Magazine.
          
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           [8] Chaum, D., Random-sample voting.
          
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           [9] Delannoi, G., Dowlen, O., Stone P., (2013). The Lottery As A Democratic Institution. Studies in Public Policy, Vol. 28.
          
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           [10] Chaum, D., Random-sample voting.
          
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      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2019 11:46:40 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/what-if-politicians-werent-elected-but-rather-drawn-by-lot</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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    <item>
      <title>Digital Identities - A Chance for Democracy?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/digital-identities-a-chance-for-democracy</link>
      <description>What happens when the entity that issued your identification documents no longer exists? Are encrypted identities the solution to this and could they be a prerequisite for technologically enabled forms of enhanced participatory democracy, even at a global scale? And, if that is possible, are we all global citizens, as Diogenes and Kant claimed to be? On the 17 May 2018, Monique Morrow (the Humanized Internet) and Ingolf Pernice (director at the HIIG) invited various stakeholders to an interdisciplinary workshop “Digital Identity, Citizenship and Democracy in Europe” at the HIIG, in order to deliberate these, and similar questions regarding digital identity, global citizenship and the future of democracy. Konstantinos Tsakiliotis, student assistant at HIIG, gives an overview of the workshop.</description>
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           DIGITAL INCLUSION
          
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            Digital Identities -
           
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           A Chance for Democracy?
          
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             What happens when the entity that issued your identification documents no longer exists? Are encrypted identities the solution to this and could they be a prerequisite for technologically enabled forms of enhanced participatory democracy, even at a global scale? And, if that is possible, are we all global citizens, as Diogenes and Kant claimed to be?
            
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              By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
             
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           September 20, 2018
          
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           Digital identity
          
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           As an introduction, Ingolf Pernice referred to digital identities as possible stimulators for citizens’ engagement in politics and as a key-mechanism for establishing democratically legitimated regulation globally, in order to effectively address global challenges. Monique Morrow drew attention to the current situation of the refugees not being able to prove their identity without presenting physical documents in the registration process of local authorities. A digital identity could be the solution to this, she suggested. Using this tool would allow people to store their name, place and date of birth and education etc. and choose to share them with institutions and entities worldwide. Central to this notion is the idea that the individual should have control over their digital data.
          
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           The digital identity section of the day was enriched by the technological insights of Björn Scheuermann concerning the application of blockchain technology in such a system. He pointed out that the blockchain provides a tamper-proof data storage, proof of the existence of a particular data record at a particular point in the past and the possibility of unrestricted public accessibility to all stored data. While these characteristics may be an advantage, there are also serious concerns with respect to data privacy and data authenticity. Where and how would the decryption key be kept? And why is storing a decryption key superior to carrying physical identity documents? When digital signatures are used, it is essential that the correct public key could be found. How can we ensure that the entity claiming to be the signer also owns the digital signature? What happens in cases when entities discover that their private key has been misappropriated in the past?
          
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           Transferring e-Identity solutions to the public domain
          
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           In the roundtable that followed, experts from different disciplines exchanged their views on the transfer of e-Identity solutions to the public domain. First, Philip Reuchlin referred to his experience in the citizenship-by-investment industry. In this sector consulting firms advise their clients on how to acquire a new citizenship by meeting certain – mostly financial, criteria. Accordingly, he characterised traditional citizenship as potentially unjust since it forms the basis of exclusion as per nationality: “Fate is decided by birth”. In his view, nation states are not the ideal institutional entity for solving problems that exceed their borders e.g. climate change. Instead, he suggested a “global identity broker” as a central identity provider that would ensure compatibility with state criteria in forming a supranational identity standard. Ingolf Pernice observed that such a system may indeed foster mobility, but also facilitates “citizenship shopping“. Philip Reuchlin admitted that the current system favours the wealthy, but that it was up to nation states themselves to decide on the criteria of citizenship. As Karl Steinacker from the UNHCR sharply put it, “my people cannot reach Malta, while yours end up exactly there”.
          
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           Andi Gross (former member of CoE Parliamentary Assembly) and the next speaker in the roundtable discussion, asserted that the only way to save democracy is to “transnationalise” it. He argued that a federative share of sovereignty across the global, continental, national, regional and communal levels is important in order to effectively address challenges at the appropriate level. The present system is a consultative one, not a decision-making mechanism. Further, he noted that technology may provide the tools but it cannot substitute democracy itself. Rather, legitimacy is the constituent basis of democracy. In that sense, the question is how to mobilise people to use their digital identities for establishing a transnational democracy.
          
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           The last speaker on the roundtable, Karl Steinacker, talked about UNHCR’s commitment to digital inclusion, particularly of refugees, stateless and other forcibly displaced persons. He maintained that providing a legal and digital identity to everybody is one of the outstanding challenges of the 21st century. He also noted that it would be counterintuitive to have a non-changeable identity. On the role of blockchain, he admitted to have been surprised by the new possibilities for “self-sovereign identity”, and asked “Does it mean that it is no longer the state that issues identities?” He gave the example of regions in the Middle East, where local communities issue them. The position of the UNHCR is that the identity system should be transferred to the public domain, allowing people to have agency over their data. After this, the group discussed examples of coordination in the public domain such as bank-issued common identities, and of trust failure in the central authorities, and data leaks. An open question remains how to define and distinguish data agency from data sovereignty.
          
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           Global Citizenship
          
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           The subject of the third discussion was global citizenship. Ingolf Pernice introduced this section by addressing the concept of citizenship throughout the centuries, and up to the digital age. Historically, citizenship referred to the privileges accorded to inhabitants by city authorities as opposed to rural populations who did not have similar privileges. Gradually, the idea evolved to encompass the legal status of people within a nation state as defined by their respective constitutions. The constitutional state was founded on co-citizens’ mutual promise of respect for the rule of law, human dignity and fundamental rights. In other words the constitution is the legal expression of their mutual solidarity. Yet, as a result of mobility and in particular of communication via the internet and cross-border social networks, societies are merging into a global one, and people’s awareness and interest in events, developments and policies in other parts of the world is rising. At the same time common global challenges are also emerging. Tackling these challenges effectively would not be possible without a constitutional framework for regulation on the global level. It includes defining the global status and responsibilities of citizens which is based on the inherent dignity of each individual, embracing human diversity regardless of nationalities. Finally, Ingolf Pernice linked the concept of global citizenship to multilevel constitutionalism, which can be defined as the allocation of constitutional power by the individual on authorities established at each level according to the type of challenges, so that they can be dealt with most effectively. Lars Viellechner responded that dignity, rather than citizenship is the appropriate concept at the global level since citizenship is based on exclusion. Ingolf Pernice answered with the vivid example that “only the residents of the moon would be excluded by global citizenship”. Further, he emphasised that public authority on the global level cannot be established without setting limitations on this power.
          
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           Antje Wiener (FAcSS) provided some insights on the concept of agency in Global International Relations Theory. She discussed the access various stakeholders have to negotiations about norms at national, regional or global levels. For this, the question of who has access is a precondition for the agency of the governed. The concept of agency is inter alia based on the public philosophy that if a measure affects all it must be approved by all. In principle the agency of the governed must therefore be accessible to all. In this context, the information technology can both serve as a data-source and as a stage for global interaction between various stakeholders. Antje Wiener also clarified that stakeholders are those expressing their objections to breaches of norms. On the split of citizenship into identity and belonging, she stated that the former is always given while the latter evolves through practice.
          
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           The last speaker in this section, Lars Viellechner, discussed the example of ICANN as a body of global governance. He asserted that this type of governance suffers a legitimacy deficit that may be cured by the transnational dimension of fundamental rights. On the one hand, while they protect the liberties of the involved parties from infringements by the ICANN, they do, on the other hand, provide for participation in the allocation of the domain names and prevent arbitrariness. This is reflected in the ways ICANN resolves disputes. Lars Viellechner considers private international law to be an effective instrument to this end. However, the constitutional import of panelists’ decisions is contested from within. He concluded that this type of global governance based on transnational fundamental rights would lead to a deep transformation of democracy at the national level, while established institutions of representative government may be weakened in favor of national, international, supranational courts and dispute resolution providers.
          
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           Global Constitutionalism and the future of democracy
          
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           The last section of the workshop evolved around global constitutionalism and the future of democracy. Daniel Gasteiger talked about the effective protection of human rights and the perspectives of e-democracy. He stressed that without proof of identity an estimated 1.1 billion people are deprived of access to universal human rights. In his opinion, the issuing of legal identities should not be vested exclusively on governments, since they often lack the resources to guarantee universal reach, and some of them pursue discriminatory policies against certain communities. Blockchain-based identity offers a potential solution as it enables the decentralised issuing of legal identities by various trusted actors. He further referred to the cooperative eID+ project between Procivis and the government of the Canton of Schaffhausen in Switzerland. Referring to e-voting, he pointed out that digital technology has the potential to enhance democratic participation at a reduced cost, whereas a secure technological infrastructure has to guarantee the “one-person, one-vote rule” and the anonymity of the voters.
          
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           Thorsten Thiel contributed some considerations on the actual challenges that democracy faces, the interface with digitalisation and how the concept of identity/citizenship and democracy can be enhanced through digital identity. Political developments such as immigration, the erosion of trust in the established regimes and the general crisis of democracy due to slow decision-making mechanisms, the non-accountability of the elites and the growing skepticism towards elections are all challenges we currently face. He noted, that from the early utopian expectation regarding the internet’s role in fostering democracy, the debate has moved to combating the dangers brought by fake news and echo-chambers. With regard to the discourse on citizenship/identity, he distinguished three main aspects: the issue of identification regarding the selection of those able to participate actively (be it voter registers or social security systems) identity in the sense of belonging as a condition for building trust, and thirdly, the “identity as citizenship” which gives the concept of citizenship a more active dimension connected to collective action. In the discussion afterwards, he considered the concept of global citizenship a philosophical question, where the internet is not necessarily an issue. Ingolf Pernice responded that this project is not about resolving the problem of democracy. The idea would rather be that if people are registered with a digital identity, regardless of their nationality, they could more easily establish and participate in democratic processes at the global level. Karl Steinacker noted that regulatory powers should work at a faster pace to address urgent present issues.
          
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           The last contribution in the workshop by Nicolas K. Blanchard focused on explaining the system of random-sample-voting: It functions by sampling a smaller set of people from the global population that is verifiably representative. They are then provided with a secure voting interface through which they can vote on a single YES/NO issue. After the voting period, the election data is automatically updated and can be freely audited by any agent or group of citizens. The system mathematically guarantees multiple properties under reasonable assumptions. The voting happens online using numbers from secure ballots distributed to the sampled group, and can last for an extended period of time. According to him, the system is secure and end-to-end verifiable, with voters being able to check that their vote was counted correctly and that the tally is accurate. The logic behind that is that a reduced number of voters may be motivated to make a well-informed decision, if they are allocated more responsibility. Apart from that, the influence of advertising campaigns would be lower due to the equally lower investment return: fewer, better-informed and harder-to-manipulate voters.
          
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      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Sep 2018 21:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/digital-identities-a-chance-for-democracy</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalinclusion,digitalgovde,digitaldemocracy</g-custom:tags>
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      <title>Is There Digital Life After Death?</title>
      <link>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/digitallife_afterdeath</link>
      <description>Yes, at least for your digital persona according to the German Federal Court of Justice. The judges found that a social media account is hereditary. Social media accounts are to be treated as analog diaries. Would this mean that your heirs may access the data of your dating apps? This article discusses the conflict between privacy rights and German inheritance law as addressed by the decision of the German Federal Court of Justice in BGH, Urt. v. 12.07.2018, Az. III ZR 183/17.</description>
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           GDPR
          
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           Is There Digital Life After Death?
          
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           Yes, at least for your digital persona according to the German Federal Court of Justice. The judges found that a social media account is hereditary. Social media accounts are to be treated as analog diaries. Would this mean that your heirs may access the data of your dating apps?
          
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           By Konstantinos Tsakiliotis
          
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           August 8, 2018
          
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               In Germany, it passes via Karlsruhe
              
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             The case unfolded against the tragic background of a teenager’s death on subway tracks in Berlin. The heirs of the deceased filed a claim against Facebook seeking access to her account. The password was of no use since the platform had put the account in the so-called “commemorative state” rendering the login feature unavailable. The parents hoped to shed light into the unclear circumstances of their daughter’s death. The case divided the lower instance courts: First, the District Court of Berlin granted the mother’s claim[2], a decision the Court of Appeals[3] then overturned in the second instance deciding in favor of Facebook. The last judgement was met with skepticism in the press and the legal scholarship, as well. Finally, the Federal Court of Justice (BGH) restored the first-instance decision.
            
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              The federal judges in Karlsruhe found that the contract between the deceased and the social network passes by way of universal succession to the heirs pursuant to section 1922 (1) of the German Civil Code (BGB). This presupposes that the contract in question is part of the deceased person’s assets. These include under German law all rights or legally relevant positions of monetary value. Non-hereditary are only assets which are highly personal. It would be reasonable to argue that the amount of data shared on social media or rather collected by the latter about the activity of the user is of a high personal value. As conceived in German legal theory, these data often arise from the intimate personal sphere. However, the criterion applied here does not focus on the quality of data as such, but rather on the contractual relationship in question.
             
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               Are social media accounts “highly personally tailored” to the users?
              
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             The majority opinion of the German legal scholarship and the German courts consider the types of contracts between the users and mainstream social media companies (such as Facebook, Google, LinkedIn etc.) as non-personal as the contractual obligations thereof are not “highly personally tailored”. This is based on the argument that the social media companies enter contractual relationships providing their services to users regardless of their identity. Exception to this rule are -unsurprisingly – contracts with dating agencies as recognized by the District Court of Düsseldorf[4]. The working group on legal issues in the digital context commissioned by the German State Ministers of Justice concluded that these types of contract are “per se personally tailored”[5]. The contract categorization can be difficult, especially when companies offer broadly differentiated services and their terms of use simply refer to all of them[6]. Even within a service, the scales of “personally tailoring” vary. Would Facebook also offer a “highly personally tailored” service after it introduces its announced dating feature[7]? It’s hard to tell.
            
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              This argument cannot stand in an environment of platforms’ applying sophisticated AI in order to provide highly personalized content to their users. The different treatment of dating agency contracts suggests that this criterion has two dimensions: first the degree of the content matching with the user’s preferences and the degree of the intimacy of the user’s preferences the content matches with. To illustrate this, Tinder fulfills both requirements as it firstly matches at a high degree with the user’s preferences which secondly happen to be “highly personal” as linked to sexual orientation. Whether the platform suggests a future employer or a close political organization, it offers highly individualized content to the user rendering their contractual relationship highly personal. Under German inheritance law, even documents of high personal value can be inherited pursuant to Section 2047 (2) of BGB. The question of inheritance – as any assignment of claims – is rather contingent on whether the content of the obligation is altered upon transfer to a person other than the original creditor pursuant to Section 399 of BGB. It would be reasonable to argue that the obligation to provide personalized content cannot be met with another person other than the deceased. The BGH decided otherwise. A comparison was drawn between a P.O. box and a social media account. In effect, digital assets shall be dogmatically treated as the analogue ones under inheritance law.
             
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              Universal succession über alles
             
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             As already mentioned, the interesting feature of this case was that the parents were in possession of the password, but were unable to log in due to the “commemorative state” of the account. With respect to the clauses of the user’s agreement that prescribed such measures restricting the heirs’ access to the account of the deceased, the BGH declared them null and void. Pursuant to consumer protection regulations, terms of service must inter alia abide with central principles of the German legal system. The principle of universal succession is one of them.
            
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              Facebook raised privacy concerns of the users involved in the communications with the deceased. The BGH raised some eyebrows when responded that there is no legitimate expectation of confidentiality even during lifetime as abuses cannot be excluded with certainty when users grant access to third parties. It is questionable whether this factual analysis corresponds with the legal one. Even if they can, it does not mean that they are allowed to. Not even the telecommunications secrecy pursuant to Section 88 (3) of the Telecommunications Act (TKG) could stand in the way of the sacred cow of the German Jurisprudence, the German Civil Code. According to the BGH, the heirs are not “others” to whom the content of the telecommunications must not be transferred within the meaning of the section, but rather embody by way of universal succession the deceased as the original telecommunications subject. This contradicts the reasoning of the Court of Appeals that the communications confidentiality as protected by Art.10 of the German Basic Law supersedes the inheritance law. The endeavor to compare digital communications with analog ones even aches the dogmatically well-trained muscles of the German law. In a society where the data flow is immense and awareness thereof has grown, it is only reasonable that the protection afforded to communications is not chained in the notion that digital services are to be treated as diaries.
             
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              GDPR – only for the living?
             
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             The GDPR – although attributed god-like powers in data protection and revered by any social media company which cares for its profits – ends there where life does. Pursuant to Recital 27 and Art. 1, the GDPR applies only to natural, thus living persons. Since the GDPR harmonizes only a minimum level of protection EU-wide, it may be up to EU countries to extend it to the deceased. Indeed, the life expectancy of your data may depend on whether you live in Bulgaria, Cyprus or Estonia. Many countries protect the deceased’s personal data, others provide a temporal limit of protection and others explicitly do not. Accordingly, the European Court of Human Rights refused to grant the deceased a right to privacy, unless their privacy is connected to the privacy of living individuals[8].
            
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              In Germany, there is a solid tradition with regard to life-transcending rights. As construed by the German Federal Constitutional Court in the Mephisto case[9] and applied by the BGH in the Marlene Dietrich case[10] the respect for the human dignity does not end with the natural death of a person, but rather exerts effect after it. However, the personality rights of the deceased based on the life-transcending dignity do not preclude the heirs from gaining access to the account. Instead, these rights can be exercised by the close relatives of the deceased – who are not always the legal heirs – in order to prevent any abuse. In the hope that the German Federal Constitutional Court overturns this decision based on its constitutional aspects, one has to admit that BGH set a legal precedent. In any case, the individual still has the right to choose by way of testament the deletion of the account. So why leave this decision up to the social media or the heirs? For this is a matter of life and death – at least within the digital boundaries.
             
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              References
             
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             [1] BGH, Urt. v. 12.07., Az. III ZR 183/17.
            
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             [2] LG Berlin, Urteil vom 17. Dezember 2015, Az. 20 O 172/15.
            
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             [3] KG Berlin, Urt. v. 31.05. 2017, Az. 21 U 9/16.
            
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             [4] AG Dortmund, Urt. v. 18.9.1990 – 128 C 413/89.
            
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             [5] Arbeitsgruppe „Digitaler Neustart“ der Konferenz der Justizministerinnen und Justizminister der Länder Bericht vom 15. Mai 2017, pg. 340.
            
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             [6] Google’s terms of service refer to all products and services.
            
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             [7] Zuckerberg mentioned a dating service at the last F8 conference.
            
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             [8] Jäggi v Switzerland, no. 58,757/00.
            
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             [9] BVerfGE 30, 173.
            
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             [10] BGH, Urt.vom 1. 12. 1999 – I ZR 49/97.
            
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               Black Mirror, Netflix: Season 3 Episode 4 "San Junipero"
              
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      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Aug 2018 12:25:35 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid>https://www.internetjustsociety.org/cosmoblog/digitallife_afterdeath</guid>
      <g-custom:tags type="string">all,digitalhumanrights,#law</g-custom:tags>
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